NICHOLAS AND ROBERT HALASZ LEO SZILARD, THE RELUCTANT FATHER OF THE ATOM BOMB
I at Princeton, succeeded in locating Einstein's summer hideout. The place seemed deserted, In July, 1939, three outstanding Hun with everyone at the beach on that hot day. garian physicists set out in a second hand Finally, a young boy directed them to the cat owned by Edward Teller, the youngest of cabin, not responding to the famous name the team, for a cabin on Long Island Sound, of the summer resident, but to his descrip neat New York City. In that cabin, Albert tion as a kindly old man with a long grey Einstein was spending the summer. It was mane. Leo Szilard who initiated the trip, just Einstein immediately grasped the im after his successful experiment with the first portance and the urgency of the letter. He chain reaction in uranium atoms. He was signed it. This was the "Einstein-Szilard prompted to visit the great scientist, with letter" dated August 2nd, 1939, which led whom he had worked on a patent in Berlin, to the U.S. development of the atomic bomb. by alarming information brought to America, And here began the formation of the "Hun by Dr. Niels Bohr. Bohr had visited Ger garian Galaxy" with such stars as Theodore many and fotmd out on reliable authority Karman, whose research in aero- and hydro that German nuclear scientists were at work dynamics led to the development of the jet on splitting uranium atoms. plane; John von Neumann, who constructed This information induced Szilard to the first computer, without which the atom look for ways of urging the U.S. government bomb would have been delayed at least a to embark without delay, and in the greatest year; and the three passengers in Teller's secrecy, upon an atomic research programme car. guided by a single purpose: to make the What enhanced Szilard's brilliance in the atomic bomb. The right people must be Gala:>..y was not only the broad perspective persuaded of the deadly urgency of the task; his initiatives opened and the great signifi funds of an undetermined but certainly im cance of his scientific accomplishments, but mense amount would have to be appropriated, also his relentless insistance on the moral and all this with no guarantees of success. and social responsibilities of scientists for Obviously, there was only one man who the consequences of their research. On this had the authority and the power to do this: principle, he organized the nuclear scientists President Roosevelt. Szilard drafted a letter and initiated political action to prevent an to the President. But it had to be signed by nuclear arms race and nuclear war. a man commanding supreme prestige suf ficient to impress the President to disregard Leo Szilard was born in 1 898 in Buda the army, which had in the past rejected pest into an upper-middle class family. His suggestions by scientists to conduct research father, Lajos Szilard, an electrical engineer, into atomic bomb possibilities. There was prepared his two sons tyrannically for am only one such man: Albert Einstein. bitious careers in technology, which he con Eugene Wigner, the third member of the sidered the highroad to success. His mother, team, a childhood friend of Szilard's and Thekla Vidor Szilard-known for her sense an "old" American, who had immigrated of humour-tried to mitigate the well-in in 1930 and was teaching theoretical physics tentioned but stern absolutism of the father. THE NEW HUNGARIAN QUARTERLY
Leo studied at the Budapest Royal State war. The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy fell High School of Science (forealiskola) near to pieces. l their residence in the City Park Alley. He Those in power in Hungary in her shrun showed an early talent for technical ideas, ken, impoverished state, after the lost war, I some practical, some bizarre, and amused adopted discriminatory laws; the admission himself and his family by carrying out various of Jews into the institutions of higher learn experiments at home. One anecdote, told by ing was restricred. The political and social his sister, R6zsi, reveals two of his very pressures i;Ievitably caused waves of emigra characteristic attitudes, then and later: tion from Hungary. Acrors, directors and pretence made him angry and he could ex producers migrated to Germany, England, plain baffiing things with incredible sim and, eventually to Hollywood at a time plicity. when, before the advent of the sound films, He was I 3 years old when his younger language difficulties were no particular handi brother, Bela, contracted scarlet fever and cap. A second wave of scientists went to had to be isolated. Leo set up a simple wire German universities, only to move further less communication system between the boy's West a decade or so later when Hitler came to sickroom and the parlour. His sister admired power. The foremost of these scholars later this feat and asked Leo about the principle were to dazzle the West with their leadership upon which the wireless telegraph worked. in developing the atomic and hydrogen Leo became angry. bombs. They were Hungarians and Szilard "Why," he asked, "do you think you was one of them. know what makes the wire telegraph work?" Young Szilard was considered an ec "I don't know, but I can imagine it," centric for disregarding conventions. What she answered. he disliked was self-serving pretence, empty "You think you can imagine it, because or superficial talk on serious subjects, but you assume that the message runs in the he enjoyed playful, grotesque fantasies rest wire." ing on solid premises. He embarrassed R6zsi admitted that she believed just schoolmates with ideas formulated with that. provocative bluntness. He was also hand "But," Leo said, now softened, "a clever some, with a distinctive head crowned with man (Marconi) has found that the message a leonine mane. • does not run in the wire at all. He simply Szilard continued his studies at the removed the wire--and the message has run Technische Hochschule in Berlin in 1920. without it ever since." •i The greatest physicists in the world lived In 1916, his last year in high school, Leo and worked in Germany at that time-giants won the award for mathematics. In the same such as Albert Einstein, Max Planck and year he won the first national contest for Max von Laue. Szilard's thesis for his students in physics, established by the Hun doctorate on oscillation phenomena, sub garian Academy of Sciences. mitted in 1922, attracted their attention for After high school, Leo enrolled in the its originality and insight. Einstein worked Institute of Technology (Mt1egyetem) in on Szilard's idea of a device for pumping Budapest, in deference to his father's wish that liquid metals, solving an engineering and he becomC:an engineer. The First World War refrigeration problem. They took out a joint interrupted his studies, and he was drafted patent on the invention. Szilard became into the Austro-Hungarian army with the Privatdo~nt at the University of Berlin in rank of second lieutenant-but saw no action 1929. This was a decorous title that brought due to the revolution in 1918, which put in little money. He lived on remittances an end to his countrv's participation in the from his father in a typical furnished room SURVEYS for students in Berlin-Charlottenburg. His end of the novel, all the cities of the world situation thoroughly changed in 1929, when were in ruins. Upon the Armageddon, the Max von Laue made him his only assistant scientists of the world rose and assumed at the lnstitut fur Theoretische Physik, an power for a world government. appointment that brought Szilard great Szilard was deeply moved by this vision prestige among scientists, and also a con of destruction and redemption, and visited siderable income. Wells in London in 1932. The illustrious The year 1929 was crucial for his career author dealt at length on his theory of how as an outstanding scientist. He published the world might be saved from such devasta a paper in Berlin on a theory of information tion. In his opinion, the only way was to issuing from telecommunication. "In this form an open conspiracy by scientists who paper Szilard was really pioneering in the could appropriate power through their unknown territory, which we are now ex knowledge of atomic secrets and force the ploring in all directions," Uon Brillouin rest of the world to accept a world govern wrote in 1962. His approach to problems ment. not even in existence was characterized by It was now clear to Szilard that he must another scientist, Ralph E. Lapp, who noted: work with no illusions about the difficulties "Leo Szilard, a Hungarian born physicist of liberating atomic energy, but also make had a flair for stabbing in the dark and com sure that it be used for the good ofhumaniry. ing up with ideas for new ventures." With the assistance of a young English The sinister spring of the economic physicist, T. A. Chalmers, he immersed depression in Germany, the Nazi movement, himself in nuclear research at England's made Szilard pessimistic of future political Clarendon Laboratories. Their work resulted developments in that country. He intended in two discoveries published by and discussed at that time to switch to biology and made at the International Conference on Physics inquiries in England to reputed biologists in London, 1934, which brought Szilard an concerning the ideas he planned to pursue Oxford Fellowship. in that discipline. He received encourage It inspired Szilard to formulate one of ment and useful advice from them. the epoquemaking ideas of the century. He But a powerful inspiration deterred him produced, in 19 34, the first scientific from his plan in 1931. He read a novel, the description of chain reaction in the atom: impact of which set a definitive pattern of neutrons may be released by fission, and his life. The literary and the scientific these may be used furrher, to split atoms. imagination have a common source, and Aware of the significance of the idea, but Szilard's susceptibiliry to a novel that com also the consequences resulting if disclosed bined the two offshoots of fantasy grew to the Axis powers, Szilard decided to take out of his own pastime of writing science out a secret patent, limiting access to the fiction tinged with melancholy and piry, discovery. A secret patent in Britain could sifred through gentle humour, over the con be granted only to a British authoriry, so flicting drives in human nature. The book Szilard had it assigned to the British Ad was H. G. Wells' The World Set Free. It fore miralty. Because of his care, these findings saw the liberation of atomic energy, giving were not made public until 1949, long after mankind an immeasurable new natural force. the first atomic bombs had fallen over Wells predicted in this novel that the new Hiroshima and Nagasaki. force, rather than being used to improve human life, would enhance the power of one Meanwhile, Szilard pursued a new plan group over another; atom bombs would of a very different nature with equal energy be made, nuclear war waged, and, by the and dedication. As soon as he settled in x66 THE NEW HUNGARIAN QUARTERLY
England for good, he began to organize trouble." At the same time and in the same a committee of scientists and influential Pupin building of Columbia University, men of means to rescue Jewish scholars and another team headed by Enrico Fermi ex others with unpopular political beliefs from perimented in nuclear fission which estab Germany. He was advised that Sir William lished chain reaction in the uranium atom. Beveridge was the right man to head the com The news of it induced Szilard to start mittee; Szilard went to Vienna where a collaboration with Fermi to attive at Beveridge was attending a conference, and a conclusive result in the experiments. impressed him with the urgency of the plan. It was characteristic of Szilard that he The next year, Beveridge initiated the took the initiative by a letter to Fermi al Academic Assistance Council, for which though he worked in his neighbourhood. Szilard provided a list of scholars to be He advised the great Italian physicist to use helped and placed in professorships or labo a radium-beryllium photoneutron source ratories, or given other assistance. About instead of radium-beryllium. Fermi accepted 100 scholars came to England with this the advice and set out to launch a huge ex Committee's assistance. "Practically every periment. This work involved considerable body who came to England had a position," physical work which Fermi enjoyed but Szilard wrote with satisfaction; adding, Szilard disliked as a waste of time he could "Except me. " put to better use. As was his habit, Szilard F. G. Donnan, the British physical sent a very gifred graduate student to do chemist most active in these rescue opera the job. He himself continued to give ex tions, eventually discovered that Szilard had tremely valuable advice in letters to Fermi. been overlooked. "We thought that Szilard In one of them he called upon Fermi to use was a rich Hungarian aristocrat," he apolo carbon to slowing down neutrons which led gized, in admiration of the selflessness with to substantial developments. which Szilard devoted himself to helping others. In January 1938, Szilard came to the II United States. A year later, in March 1939, his career as a scientist reached a zenith, A long silence followed the sending of first for making the atom bomb, later for the Einstein-Szih1rd letter. Nothing was his campaign to establish nuclear peace. This known of its impact on President Roosevelt, is how he described the first event: and there was no way of finding out. Actually, "Dr. Walter Zinn and I, working on the Roosevelt established a secret advisory com seventh floor of the Pepin Building at Co mittee that included representatives of the lumbia University, completed a simple ex army and navy. The fear that the Germans periment. Everything was ready, and all we would make the first atom bomb was had to do was to lean back, turn a switch, agonizing to Szilard. Also, he was deeply and watch the screen of a television tube. interested in further research-whether sus If £lashes of light appeared on the screen, tained chain reaction in uranium was pos it would mean that neutrons were emitted sible. He occasionally hoped that the experi in the fission of uranium, and that in turn ment might be made, but fail, doubting would mean that liberation of atomic energy mankind's ability to cope with the new was possible in our lifetime. We turned the power that should emerge. Only in wartime switch, we saw the flashes, we watched them could one expect the U.S. government to for about ten minutes-and then we switched invest so much in such a project. But in everything off and went home. That night 1941, America was at war, and things began I knew that the world was headed for to happen. Szilard was put to work in the SURVEYS
Chicago branch of the atomic research As work on the atom bomb progressed , programme (The Manhattan Project), being and the war in Europe turned in favour of appointed Chief Physicist of the Metallur the Allies, the potential peacetime uses of gical Laboratories. He served as such from the atom began to preoccupy Szilard's 1942 to 1945, and the 30 papers he sub energies. He communicated his anxieties to mitted to the project on many aspects of his colleagues at the Manhattan Project and nuclear development testify to the intensity tried to find support for his W ellsian con of his participation during this period. At cept of international control of atomic energy. the same time, he constantly travelled around In this he was not too successful. Several of the United States with scientists in a con his colleagues refused to accept responsibility tinuing dialogue on his-and their-dis for the results of their research; among them coveries and problems. The unexplained ar was Szil£rd's younger compatriot, Edward rivals and departures of this scientific Teller, who wrote: "Scientists must find a trouble-shooter often puzzled his fellow modest way of looking into an uncertain scholars. future. The scientist is not responsible for "A brilliant, paradoxical lonely man of the law of nature. It is his job to find out ideas and sudden action. . . a powerful in how these laws operate." telligence which shunned the common But Szilard continued his efforts to pre place," thus Eugene Abramovitch saw him. pare the open conspiracy that Wells had "He is. . . a very peculiar man, extremely written of-and this was to be the age of intelligent. I see that is an understatement. his most heroic acrivity in behalf of mankind. He is extremely brilliant and he seems somewhat to enjoy . . . startling people," Szilard reminded his colleagues working Enrico Fermi described Szilard, his col on the atomic project that they had rushed laborator at the making of the first atomic to do so under the threat that Germany reactor, "a man with an astounding amount might precede America in producing the of ideas." Another Nobel Prize winner, atom bomb. Germany now (in the spring James Franck said once that it wouldn't be of 1945) was about to be knocked out of the a bad idea to put Szilard in deep freeze and war; what was the use of their further defrost him when they run into a tough participation in the project? His contention problem. was that the bomb should not be used in the It was only natural that a man with this war against Japan. The original danger, abundance of ideas would easily give up which brought the atomic programme into even a most cherished one as soon as he existence, was ended. recognized that it did not hold after. Friends Szilard also pointed out that individual who, long after an argument, came to tell Germans would be prosecuted for German him of having been converted to his idea war crimes because they had not raised their often elicited a curt remark that it was un voices in protest. How much more guilty fortunately a mistake. the scientists in the United States would be, Szilard cultivated an impression of mys who were in a position to protest without tery. General Leslie Groves, director of the risk to life and liberty? Manhattan Project, found Szilard's super He decided to write a memorandum to abundance of sparkling ideas disquieting President Roosevelt using the pretext of and undisciplined. Groves thought him dif suggesting direct communication between ficult to cooperate with-which he attributed the Administration and scientists to seek to Szilard's having missed learning how to information on the aims of future U.S. play baseball in his youth. This, the General atomic research. The memorandum pointed thought, would have taught him teamwork. out the danger of an nuclear arms race with r68 THE NEW HUNGARIAN QUARTERLY the Soviet Union, should the control of with its hints that there would be no U.S. future developments of atomic energy not negotiated agreements with the Soviet Union be put under some international authority. on post-war problems. The future Secretary Again, he asked Einstein to intimate to the of State gave substance to his fear when he President the competence of Dr. Szilard, stated that American military might would and to remind him that the letter of I 9 39 probably be a far more effective means of had been their joint undertaking. getting Soviet troops out of occupied coun Roosevelt died before seeing the memo tries than diplomacy. randum, but a copy reached President Szilard had worried over an aspect of Truman. He reportedly read it, but directed atomic energy that bears witness to his extra through a secretary that Szilard should see ordinary foresight. Ralph E. Lapp wrote in James Byrnes, a close friend of Truman's, his book, published in 1968: on the marter. Byrnes was at his home in "I have in my files one of Szilard's ear Spartanburg, South Carolina. Szilard asked liest memoranda, dated Aug 14, 1945, one Dr. H. C. Urey (a chemist who later won paragraph of which reflects his concern the Nobel Prize) to join him, and they met about the postwar hazard of civilian power with Byrnes in South Carolina. development. Szilard implicitly assumed Byrnes read the document very carefully, that the control problem would be virtually but from the discussion that followed it be impossible if nuclear power were to pro came evident that there could be no meet liferate around the world." ing of minds. The memorandum grew out He refrained from voicing his fear that of a fear that there would be an arms race civilian power reactors could always be put between the United States and the Soviet to use making plutonium and thus possibly Union if control of atomic energy were not atom bombs. This would have put him in vested in an international forum. The the position of supporting those opposed to scientists advised that the bomb not be used extending atomic energy to other countries. on Japan, or that its use be at least delayed. On the other hand, he was well aware that These arguments made no impression on this hazard was to be a strong argument for Byrnes for two reasons. One he disclosed at United States-Soviet cooperation in con his meeting with the two scientists--the trolling nuclear energy, and he did not fail Administration believed that the Soviet to use it in his dealings with the authorities Union had no uranium. This Szilard im in the United States and in the Soviet Union. mediately countered with the information His interview with Byrnes convinced that there was uranium in quantities in Szilard of one thing: that the bomb's Jachimov, Czechoslovakia, which the Red detonation at least once was necessary to Army was then entering. The second reason prove its success. Without this no Congress Byrnes had for keeping the secret of the would vote further funds for atomic re atomic bomb from others was only disclosed search. later. President Truman had asked the heads He decided that the campaign should of the Manhattan Project for their opinion hereafter change its track, advocating a as to how long it might take for the Soviet nuclear "demonstration" to notify Japan of Union to make the bomb. The answer what she could expect if she refused to end received was: seven to fifteen years, cer the war by surrendering. Szilard initiated tainly, sufficient time for the United States a movement among atomic scientists for a to create an international balance of power petition to this effect. All the leading to its own convenience-given her mono scientists, and many important biologists, poly on atomic power. signed it. It was to be forwarded to President Byrnes' way of thinking alarmed Szilard, Truman at the Potsdam Conference. He SURVEYS
never received it. On August 6, the atom at a disadvantage in an atomic arms race bomb fell on Hiroshima. the necessary defense measures (relocating This phase of the battle was over. from 30 to 70 million citizens away ftom But now another battle was shaping up, industrial centers and rebuilding important involving how the United States would use industrial plants underground) he estimated the bomb in the post-war world- the tempta far more expensive and burdensome to the t ion would be to fashion a world to her U.S. economy than to the Soviets, whose in liking, even by launching a "preventive" dustry was already relatively dispersed. war. With the world polarized between the A member of the Committee suggested Soviet Union and the West led by the U.S.' that means might be found to intercept monopolizing the nuclear arsenal, the atmo bombs before reaching their targets as an alter sphere was tense. native; but Szilard said that another counter Szi!ard now became the most daring defense would quickly be found. spokesman of a sort of open conspiracy of Following the hearings, Szilard attended scientists. He and his colleagues believed a meeting in the Town Hall, New York City, international control of atomic energy was in November 1945, and stated that negotia the only means of preventing an arms race or tions with the Soviet Union on preventing a nuclear war. It was up to them to control an arms race and on control of atomic energy development of atomic energy in the future; were vital, but were being frustrated by the catastrophe was the alternative. United States' continuing to manufacture The battle was mounted both in Congress and store atomic bombs. and in public, immediately after the war. He keenly felt at this time the awkward A Pentagon-inspired bill in Congress (the ness of his pos ition as a freshly naturalized May-Johnson bill) would have left control U.S. citizen publicly attacking the Army of the development of atomic energy with leadership of his adopted country at the the military. The bill was railroaded through height of its power. To compensate for this, the House Am1ed Services Committee after he turned more aggressive. "He bewildered a one-day sham hearing. and angered the Congressmen who inter Szilard succeeded in alerting the public rogated him.'' (New York Times). He and Congress as well on this issue. The charged that the military management of the Committee, under pressure of public opinion, atomic project had caused serious delays in was compelled to hold further hearings. the making of the bomb. A more enlightened Szilard, appearing at the hearing himself, British policy had enabled British scientists faced a hostile Committee. Representative in 1941 to give the U.S. important informa Thomason of Texas attacked him sharply, tion it lacked. "Had we in the U.S. fol insinuating that he was reluctant t o cooperate lowed the British example and learned their with the War Department by granting it his conclusions in 1940, we most likely would patent rights on a number of inventions (he have had bombs ready before the invasion had already assigned the rights on descrip of Europe. But the excessive secretiveness of tion of the nuclear chain reaction with the the military impeded communication even British Admiralty) ; he had shown indif between departments of the Project. It made ference to the possible death of up "to forty (it) impossible for American scientists to million Americans through atomic w:trfare discuss with Canadian scientists plutonium by publicly agitating for the disclosure of techniques. The Canadians developed a pro
pamphlet entitled One World or None (Dexter vodka in reciprocation of his gift. Szilard Masters and Catherine Way): remarked that he never drank spirits, where "My fundamental conviction is that dif upon the Chairman became cheerful and ex ferences between men in general, and claimed: "I know something better, far scientists in particular, are matters of better. I'll send you a case of mineral water degree . . . I do not believe that there are ftom rhe Caucasus I myself use for various essential differences between Russian and gastric troubles." American scientists. International institu Returning home, Szilard saw President tions ought to establish close cooperation be Kennedy and reported to him on his con tween scientists and engineers of different versation with Khrushchev. countties. The field of atomic energy would The "hot line," as the direct connection be just one of those fields in which large between the White House and the Kremlin scale enterprises based on collaboration could is now called, may have grown out of his be established." lnltlative. I The first Pugwash Conference took place in 19 57, and, according to the official repott of the session "Leo Szihlrd took a leading III patt in these talks." The conference has been held ever since, the meeting place of In the field of pure science, Szilard lost international science. interest in atomic physics after the war and In 1961, Szih1rd went to Moscow to con switched to biology, an interest which he vince Khrushchev of the utmost importance had developed while in London in 1932. of an agreement with the American President Donald Fleming reported on this change in to establish direct contact between them in The Intellectual Migration (1965), tracing the emergency situations. He had proposed the career of Szilard and other European scient same long before in a letter to Stalin before ists. his death. "Erwin Schroeder, one of the heroes of Khrushchev was, of course, informed quantum mechanical revolution, and Leo about Szilard and his work but apparently Szilard, the man who launched the Bomb, did not attach too much political or practical actually turned to biological questions . . . importance to both, since he squeezed only not only the example but two of the legend fifteen minutes into his daily programme ary exemplars had passed over ftom physics for the interview. to biology. Men with the habit of speedy Szilard correctly perceived Khrushchev as success in great scientific undertakings had a man who enjoyed gadgets and began the in set their seal of approval upon the im terview by presenting him with a particularly mediate prospects of biology. It became cor ingenious one. This made him so happy respondingly easier to believe that biology that he ignored his crowded schedule and would be the next science to be revolu listened to the scientist and politician with tionized." increasingly serious attention. Szilard told Szilard was appointed professor of bio him about the vital importance of Soviet physics at the Universiry of Chicago in 1949, American cooperation in controlling atomic without teaching obligations or any other energy, and the attempts of a group of defined duties. With the assistance of a scientists in America to work out together young physicist, Aaron Novick, he made with their Soviet colleagues the technical experiments which cast new light on the means of such collaboration. process of memory and aging. He produced The interview lasted almost an hour, seven papers on these experiments and their when Khrushchev offered Szih1rd a case of ramifications before 19 55, and submitted 172 THE NEW HUNGARIAN QUARTERLY three works on biophysics in I959-I96o provoke an honest reaction, not to belittle to the National Academy of Sciences, pub his opponents. "Aggressive as he is in push lished in its proceedings. ing his pet theses ... he has never sought the Explaining his switch to biology, Szilard limelight for himself. He may haggle fiercely remarked that he had lost interest in physics over details, but he also has a magnificent after it turned into a large scale enterprise. detachment and an almost saintly freedom He liked the informal physics of the I9 3 I 's from any sense of grievance" (Alice Kimball when he "could think up an experiment Smith, Harper's MagazJne); "Slightly mali today and do the experiment tomorrow. My cious without being outright offensive," was neutron source was a little beryllium mixed the phrase with which he characterized him with radium at the end of a long glass rod. I self. Though often ironical, Szilard was in fact came into the room and held the source away never malicious. All who knew him found from my body as well as I could and said : the contrast striking between the tense in "Well, boys, what experiment do we do quisitiveness of his scientism and the benign, next." (International Scienct and Technology, sad cast of his face when he relaxed, mirror interview, published May, I969.) ing his "warm, compassionate heart." His In I 96o, Szilard surprised his friends in admirers admitted there was a certain ar New York City by making inquiries about rogance in his intellectual approach. This apatrments to rent. His sudden concern for may have been due to his self-confessed con home and family coincided with the dis viction that he had discovered some truths covery that he had cancer. He opposed "at least a day earlier than others," but the surgery and directed the radiation cure him reason may have lain elsewhere. Szilard did self. Though never a seeker of publicity for not care for the support of institutions or his scientific achievements, he now ex governments in working out his projects. ploited whatever attention he received due to Without such suppotr, he felt the need to his illness to further his social and political take the offensive to convince others of the ideas. The role of a man close to death, validity and impotrance of ideas, to win con wishing to impart the wisdom of a lifetime verts for his social actions. In his peregrina to his fellow men before departing, appealed tions through the zoth century revolutions to him. When he felt better he invited in science and technology, he knew that the Edward Teller, his antagonist who had changes he had envisaged would never come strongly advocated that America keep the from these institutions without the per atomic monopoly, to join him in a debate sistent independence of a citizen of the world, that was to be filmed and shown. as he himself tried to be. It was a strange show on the screen. Most of his American acquaintances who Szilard appeared in hospital attire, plump, did not know him intimately, and very few wavy gray hair on a large head, arguing with did, thought of him as a bachelor. Two crisp short sentences. Teller's unusually packed suitcases comprised the basic fur thick dark eyebrows rose and sank as if they niture of his room in the faculty club of were symbols of his rambling and foreboding the University of Chicago. Szilard had no statements. They both spoke with Hun interest in possessions; he had a lifetime garian accents of different shadings. A Hun a version to developing any lasting ties to any garian viewer would not have been surprised place, or institution-including that of the to hear the debating physicists slip inad family. This aversion, in later life, became vetrencly into their mother tongue. almost pathetic, but it was rooted in prin Szilard's method of debate was to attack ciple: "Leo wasn't a 'good brother' in the his adversaries with sharply formed, para usual terms," his sister recalled. "When my doxical statements or questions in order to husband was gravely ill Leo came to see SURVEYS 173 us from the other end of the world. He gave "Council for a Livable World" for this pur us money and took care of us. At the same pose. The Council was an immediate suc time, he protested that he was not doing it cess, and contributions poured in from all for a relative. 'I did it for a man in trouble,' parts of the counrry, primarily to finance the he insisted. I would have done it for any campaign of Congressmen who had adopted body." a peace platform. In 1962, Senator George An incident recalled by an early class McGovern was assisted by the funds of this mate in the Budapest days further illustrates organization. Szilard was never happier than Szilard's resolve to remain independent: In during these years. his youth, he had cut short a courtship be "A sad, gentle mischievous cherub." fore getting seriously involved. He warned "A beautiful head-a leonine head on a the girl categorically that he was against heavy body," colleagues described him "at marriage for himself; he had "too many the beginning of a new era in the relation things to do in life." between science and statecraft." Nonetheless, Szilard relented enough Szilard fought for such an era with all he late in life to marry, in I95I, Dr. Getrude had, and that was superb, though he knew W eis, a physician and friend from Berlin that it would not come to pass without days--with the understanding, however, relentless struggle. But he did not despair that their marriage would not entail a com of mankind, as H. G. Wells had toward the mon home. Mrs. Szilard sertled in Denver, end of his years. Colorado; Leo continued his nomadic exis Public recognition of Szilard's scientific tence, roving the counrry from one end to and political accomplishments came with the the other. Einstein Award in I 9 58 ; the Atoms for Szilard recovered sufficiently from cancer Peace Award in I96o. He was elected to the to embark upon a new peace offensive. He National Academy of Sciences in I961. In settled at the Dupont Plaza Hotel in Wash 1970, the International Astronomical Union ington, D.C. with his wife, who soon be named a lunar crater after Dr. Leo Szilard. came a collaborator. He visited colleagues He published one book of fiction Tht and students at universities and research Voice of tht Dolphins in I 96 I; a collection of institutes to gain their support for a "peace stories of charming fantasy, gentle humour, lobby" in Washington which would support and wisdom. legislation in Congress furthering interna He died in I 964, ten years ago, of a heart olinal cooperation. He established the attack. ACTA OECONOMICA Periodical of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences
Editorial Board J. BOGNAR (Chairman), S. AUSCH, E. CSIZMADIA, P. ERD6S, F. FEKETE, I. GONCZI, I. HETENYI, R. HOCH, I. HUSZAR, J. KORNAI, F. KOZMA, A. NAGY, M. SIMAI
Editor: T. FOLDI
Vol. 10 No. I. CONTENTS .~ , .. ]. Pajestka: The Socio-Economic Factors of Progress ...... • .. . A. G. Aganbegia n-K. A. Bagrinovski: Problem-Complexes in Optimaf:Planning L. Koml6: The Industrialization and Integration of Agriculture in a Socialist Country ...... T. Palankai-P. Vmss: Effect of the United Kingdom's Entry into the Common Market on Anglo-Hungarian Relations ......
BOOK REVIEWS J. Fock: The Economic Policy of a Country Building Socialism (B. Csik6s- Nagy) ...... ]. Kornai: Rush Versus Harmonic Growth (I. Hetinyi) ...... D. M. Gvisiani: Organization and Management (I. Gergely) ...... E. Huu:Ji: Monetary Processes in the Enterprise and in the National Economy (M. Riesz) ...... M. Simai: Towards the Third Millennium (T. Btfcskai) ...... R. L. Heilbroner et al.: In the Name of Profit (Gy . Adam) ......
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