Abstract —This article focuses on the journey the Hungarian Dowager Queen Elizabeth Piast undertook in 1343–1344 to the Italian Peninsula in order to bolster the claims of her son, Prince Andrew, to the Neapolitan throne. Contrary to the agreement concluded a decade earlier between King and King Rob- ert of Naples, Andrew’s wife, Queen Joanna i, was still the sole ruler. In addition to its obvious diplomatic purpose, the trip also represented an occasion for Queen Elizabeth to express her devotion at the shrines of the Holy Apos- tles in Rome and St Nicholas in Bari, making generous donations in money and precious objects to these cult centers. By examining a series of written records including chroniclers’ accounts and inventories of the treasuries of St Peter’s and St Nicholas’ Basilicas, and confronting them with the surviving visual evidence, the author notices that the Árpádian/Angevin dynastic saints (St Stephen, St Emeric, St Ladislas, St Elizabeth, and Blessed Mar- garet) played a significant role during these devotional trips; Queen Elizabeth donated or commissioned works of art with their image. Consequently, the dynastic saints of home were present abroad during their supporters’ pilgrimage to the cult centers of other saints, and this association increased the prestige of both the dynastic saints and those promoting the cult.

Keywords—pilgrimage, diplomatic journey, royal artistic patronage, royal piety, cult of saints, dynastic saints, Árpádian/Angevin saints, medieval Hungary, Kingdom of Naples, Hungarian-Italian artistic connections

Dragoş Gh. Năstăsoiu Central European University of Department of Medieval Studies [email protected] Patterns of Devotion and Traces of Art The Diplomatic Journey of Queen Elizabeth Piast to Italy in 1343–1344

Dragoş Gh. Năstăsoiu

Three new trends regarding royal patronage of to show the prestige of their lineage through the the cult of saints in medieval Central Europe have promotion of saints descended from their own been noted by Gábor Klaniczay to emerge by the family. Setting aside King Charlesi ’s trip to Naples middle of the fourteenth century. First, journeys in 1333 – 1334 and its artistic consequences, I shall undertaken by the prince and his court for various focus here on Dowager Queen Elizabeth Piast’s reasons offered excellent opportunities to popu- trip in 1343 – 1344 to Naples, Rome, Bari, and oth- larize dynastic saints; these could include pilgrim- er Italian towns 3. Relying on surviving written ages to some dynastic saint’s shrine, journeys to and visual evidence, I hope here to establish the attend a wedding or to witness the of a role that the Hungarian dynastic saints played new king, or travels to conclude a diplomatic treaty. abroad during their supporters’ and promoters’ Second, within the context of the cult of the dead, pilgrimages to the cult centers of other, foreign dynastic cults were rapidly expanding. Finally, saints. In so doing, I will highlight the immediate there was a new vogue for art objects, edifices, and works of literature produced specifically for 1 Gábor Klaniczay, Holy Rulers and Blessed Princesses. Dynastic Cults purposes of personal piety 1. Throughout almost in Medieval Central Europe, Cambridge 2002, pp. 332 − 333. 2 2 For a historical overview of this century, see Pál Engel, The Realm a century on the Hungarian throne , members of St Stephen. A History of Medieval Hungary, 895 –1526, London of the Angevin dynasty undertook several such 2001, pp. 124 −194. 3 The journey of Charles i is analyzed by Vinni Lucherini, who journeys for either political or devotional purpos- proves that the visit had a greater impact on the funerary politics es, or some combination of both. Such journeys of the King of Naples Robert of Anjou than on the Hungarian Angevins’ artistic patronage: Vinni Lucherini, “ The Journey of gave the royal family opportunities to display the Charles i, , from Visegrád to Naples (1333): Its magnificence of their court abroad, to express their Political Implications and Artistic Consequences”, The Hungarian Historical Review. Acta Historica Acadamiae Scientiarum Hungari- piety at the shrine of some important saint, and cae – New Series, ii /2 (2013), pp. 341− 362. 99 artistic implications of the Dowager Queen’s trip was yet another saintly figure who, despite re- for the cult of the Árpádian /Angevin saints 4. Be- peated and unsuccessful attempts at her canon- fore I proceed, however, the reader should know ization, was revered as a saint immediately after who these dynastic saints were and how the Hun- her death. Blessed Margaret’s cult was fostered garian Angevins tried to build up their dynastic by the Angevin rulers 8, who were indeed fervent prestige through the support and promotion of supporters of their holy predecessors’ cults. their holy predecessors’ cult. After the death of the last Árpádian ruler in The rule of the founding Árpádian dynasty 1301 and after initial years of struggles between over the newly Christian various claimants to the Hungarian throne, the (1000/1–1301) enriched the pantheon of universal subsequent Angevin dynasty managed to secure saints with several new figures descended from and consolidate its position in the country, ruling the House of Árpád. The aura of inborn sanctity for nearly one century (1301 – 1387) 9. The reign of bestowed upon the dynasty came together with Charles Robert, a representative of the Neapol- the Árpáds’ obligation to observe closely the set itan Angevins, known also by his Italian name of virtues embodied by the dynasty’s holy prede- as Caroberto and crowned King of Hungary as cessors5. The beata stirps Arpadiana gathered among Charles i (1308 /12 – 1342) 10, did not represent a total its saintly figures: King Stepheni (r. 1000 / 1 – 1038), break with the Árpádian past, but rather its natu- the founder of the Christian Kingdom of Hungary, ral continuation. Charles i was the only surviving who converted his people to Christianity and who male heir of the House of Árpád11 and consequent- ruled as a rex iustus; Prince Emeric (1000 / 7 – 1031), ly a strong supporter of the cult of dynastic saints. the pious and chaste prince who was educated He did not use the cult of his holy predecessors to become a virtuous Christian ruler, but who only in a political and propagandistic way for died prematurely before succeeding his father proving the legitimacy of his right to the Crown to the throne; King Ladislas i (r. 1077 – 1095), the of St Stephen and his suitability to continue the athleta patriae and ideal ruler and knight, who de- work of the first Árpádian kings, however 12. Rath- fended the country against pagan enemies; and er, he directed his personal piety to the veneration Elizabeth (1207 – 1231), the Hungarian princess of his holy relatives from the Houses of Árpád and Landgravine of Thuringia, who devoted her and Anjou with consistency. In 1306, Charles i short life to attending the poor and hungry 6. The tried unsuccessfully to revive the suspended pro- canonization of the Árpádian saints happened cess of canonization of Blessed Margaret, who at different times and had various motivations, had lived as a nun in the Dominican convent on but the initiators of the canonization processes the Rabbit Island 13. Charles renovated and later have been always members of the future saint’s rebuilt St Stephen’s foundation and burial place family. King Stephen i and his son, Prince Emer- in Székesfehérvár first in 1318, and then again ic, were canonized together with three other in 1328 after a fire almost destroyed it complete- Hungarian saints in 1083 at the initiative of King ly 14. Finally, he founded the Franciscan convent Ladislas i, who tried to gain religious backing for in Lipova in 1325 together with his fourth wife, the otherwise illegitimately acquired crown. King Elizabeth Piast; this convent was dedicated to Ladislas has been canonized almost one century St Louis of Toulouse, the Hungarian king’s un- after his death (1192) at King Béla iii’s initiative, a cle 15. Judging by the names he chose for his chil- gesture lacking any political motivation, but at- dren – Charles ( b. 1321 or 1323), Ladislas ( b. 1324), testing the king’s personal affinity with his saintly Louis (b. 1326), Stephen (b. 1332), and Elizabeth predecessor. Whereas St Elizabeth of Hungary/ ( b. 1327 – 1332) 16 – as well as by the repeated visits Thuringia was canonized four years after her to the resting place of St Ladislas in Oradea under- death (1235); the Landgrave Conrad of Marburg taken throughout his reign17, Charles i had a high had been one of the main champions for the holy veneration for his beata stirps, equally Arpadiana princess’ canonization 7. The Dominican nun and and Angevina, placing himself and his kinsmen 100 daughter of King Béla iv, Margaret (1242 – 1270), under its divine protection. Following closely in the footsteps of his father and predecessor, King 8 Gábor Klaniczay, “Efforts at the Canonization of Margaret of Hungary in the Angevin Period”, The Hungarian Historical Review. Louis the Great (1342–1382) understood the advan- Acta Historica Acadamiae Scientiarum Hungaricae – New Series, ii/2 tages of having several saints in the family and (2013), pp. 313 − 340; for Margaret’s cult, see also Idem, Holy Rulers (n. 1), pp. 288 − 291. tried to acquire new political capital within the 9 Engel, Realm of St Stephen (n. 2), pp. 124 −194. borders of his kingdom. He tried also to increase 10 Ibidem, pp. 128 −132. The early years of Charles i’s presence in Hun- gary are generally not included by historians in the period of his his own prestige and that of his dynasty in the effective reign due to the strong opposition from the unwilling to accept the new ruler. eyes of contemporary European ruling families 11 On his grandfather’s side, Charles was related to holy figures such through supporting and promoting the cult of as the two Saints Louis, the King of France canonized in 1297 and the Bishop of Toulouse, whose canonization process started in his holy predecessors, particularly that of the 1307, being completed only a decade later. On his paternal grand- sancti reges Hungariae 18. This “crusader king”19 had mother’s side, none other than Mary of Hungary, Queen of Naples and daughter of King Stephen v of Hungary, he was the direct a special reverence for the holy knight St Ladislas, descendant of the Árpádian saints. Gábor Klaniczay, “Rois saints whose tomb he visited twice as a pilgrim, first et les Anjou de Hongrie”, Alba Regia, xxii (1985), pp. 57− 66. 12 Idem, Holy Rulers (n. 1), pp. 1− 2, 322 − 327; see also Dragoş - Gheorghe in 1342 – 1343, immediately after his coronation Năstăsoiu, “Sancti reges Hungariae” in Mural Painting of Late-medieval in Székesfehérvár, and then in 1352, after having Hungary, ma Dissertation, (Central European University, supervisors: Gábor Klaniczay, Béla Zsolt Szakács ), Budapest 2009, pp. 23 − 26. recovered from an injury. It was with this occa- 13 Klaniczay, “Efforts at Canonization” (n. 8), pp. 313 − 340. 14 Idem “Le culte des saints dynastiques en Europe centrale (Angevins sion that he showed his gratitude by adorning the et Luxembourg au xiv e siècle)”, in L’Église et le peuple chrétien dans saint’s reliquary with a silver crown20. Moreover, les pays de l’Europe du Centre-Est et du Nord (xiv e – xv e siècles), Actes du colloque, (Rome, École Française de Rome, 27−29 janvier 1986), Louis the Great replaced St John the Baptist’s effi- Tore Nyberg [et al.] eds, Rome 1990, pp. 221– 247, sp. pp. 228 – 229. gy on the new golden florin he issued with that of 15 Idem, Holy Rulers (n. 1), pp. 326, 333. 16 Only his illegitimate son, Coloman ( b. 1317–1318), his supposed 21 St Ladislas whose famulus the king was thought daughter Catherine ( b. ca. 1321), and his fourth son by Elizabeth to be, as attested by a fourteenth-century missal Piast, Andrew (b. 1327), do not fall within this category; for Charles i’s family, see Gyula Kristó, “Károly Róbert családja”, Aetas, xx/2 (2005), 22 from a Dominican convent in . Louis pp. 14 – 28. the Great’s high veneration for his saintly prede- 17 Enikő Spekner, “Adalékok i. (Anjou) Károly király Szent-László kultuszához. Királyi vizitációk Szent László király váradi sírjánál”, cessors and promotion of their cult was doubled Ars Hungarica, xxxix/2 (2013), pp. 188 –194. by the activity of his mother, Queen Elizabeth 18 Dragoş Gh. Năstăsoiu, “Political Aspects of the Mural Representa- tions of sancti reges Hungariae in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Cen- Piast. Her increasing political influence, especially turies”, in Annual of Medieval Studies at ceu, vol. xvi, Katalin Szende, Judith A. Rasson eds, Budapest 2010, pp. 93 –119, sp. pp. 94 –100; after the death of her husband, and intense pa- Idem, “Sancti reges Hungariae” (n. 12), pp. 26 – 30. tronage of the arts spanned on a period of sixty 19 Norman Housley, “King Louis the Great of Hungary and the Cru- sades, 1342 –1382”, The Slavonic and East European Review, lxii/2 years (1320 − 1380), leaving more traces in the time’s (1984), pp. 192 – 208. written records than material remains 23. Only few 20 Éva Kovács, “Magyarországi Anjou koronák”, Ars Hungarica, iv/1 (1976), pp. 7–19, sp. pp. 10–11; Klaniczay, “Le culte” (n. 14), pp. 232 – 233. 21 Ibidem, p. 232. 4 This study represents the first part of my paper “Patronage as 22 Codices manu scripti Latini. i. Codices Latini Medii Aevi Bibliothecae Means of Mobility for the Cult of Saints: The Case of the Árp- Széchényi Musei Nationalis Hungarici, Emma Bartoniek ed., Budapest ádian Saints in the Fourteenth Century”, read at the conferen- 1940, pp. 293 – 294. ce “Circulation as a Factor of Cultural Aggregation: Relics, Ideas 23 For Queen Elizabeth’s political and diplomatic activity, see László and Cities in the Middle Ages”, held in Telč, Czech Republic in Szende, Piast Erzsébet és udvara (1320 – 1380), PhD thesis, (Eötvös May 2014, which also included the Angevin-Luxemburg joint Loránd University, supervisor : Iván Bertényi), Budapest 2007; Idem, pilgrimage. Being constrained by space limitations, I have deci- “Le rôle d’Élisabeth Piast dans la diplomatie de Hongrie”, pp. 225 – 233 ded to focus here only on the traces in art of Queen Elizabeth’s and Marianne Sághy, “Dévotions diplomatiques : Le pèlerinage de la Italian tour. In a future study, I will analyze the Dowager Que- reine mère Élisabeth Piast à Rome”, in La diplomatie des États Angevins en’s 1357 pilgrimage to Marburg, Cologne, and Aachen, underta- aux xiii e et xiv e siècles. Diplomacy in the Countries of the Angevin Dynasty ken jointly with Charles iv of Luxemburg, King of Bohemia and in the Thirteenth – Fourteenth Century, Actes du colloque internation- Holy Roman Emperor, and his wife Anna of Schweidnitz. I wish al de Szeged, (Visegrád/ Budapest, 13 – 16 September 2007 ), Zoltán to express my gratitude to Christopher Mielke for proofreading Kordé, István Petrovics eds, Rome / Szeged 2010, pp. 219 – 224. For the and editing my text. queen’s artistic patronage, see the studies by Ewa Śnieżyńska-Stolot : 5 For the concept of beata stirps, see André Vauchez, “Beata stirps: “Queen Elizabeth as a Patron of Architecture”, Acta Historiae Artium Sainteté et lignage en Occident aux xiii e et xiv e siècles”, in Fa- Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, xx (1974), pp. 13 – 36; Eadem, “Ande- mille et parenté dans l’Occident médiéval, Actes du colloque (Paris, gaweńskie dary złotnicze z herbami polskimi w kaplicy węgierskiej w 6 − 8 juin 1974), Georges Duby, Jacques Le Goff eds, Rome 1977, Akwizgranie”, Folia Historiae Artium, xi (1975), pp. 21– 36; Eadem, “Ze pp. 397− 406; for the idea of holiness of the entire Árpádian dyna- studiów nad kulturą dworu węgierskiego królowej Elżbiety Łoki- sty, see the critique in Emma Bartoniek, “A magyar királyválasztási etkówny”, Studia Historyczne, xx (1977), pp. 181–190; Eadem, “Studies jog a középkorban”, Századok, lxx (1936), pp. 358 − 406; and the on Queen Elizabeth’s Artistic Patronage”, Critica d’arte, xliv/166 – 168 response by József Deér, Az Árpádok vérségi joga, Budapest 1937. (1979), pp. 97–112; Eadem, “Tanulmányok Erzsébet királyné mecénási 6 For a typological approach to dynastic sainthood in medieval Tevékenykedéséről (Liturkigus textíliák és paramentumok)”, Ars Central Europe, see Klaniczay, Holy Rulers (n. 1), sp. pp. 114 − 294 Hungarica, i (1979), pp. 23 – 31; Eadem, “ Tanulmányok Łokietek Er- for the Hungarian dynastic saints. zsébet királyné műpártolása köréből (Ötvöstárgyak)”, Művészettör- 7 Ibidem, pp. 123 −134, 173 −194, 209 − 220. téneti Értesítő, xxx (1981), pp. 233 – 254. 101 surviving works of art, such as the Hungarian stay in Naples, devotional visits to Rome and Bari, Angevin Legendary (1328−1345) or the Hungarian celebration of Easter in Manfredonia, and return Illuminated Chronicle (before 1358), both display- by boat to Visegrád30. ing subsidiarily some of the Árpádian/Angevin As pointed out previously 31, the Italian journey dynastic saints, attest equally to the magnifi- of the Hungarian queen had mainly a diplomat- cence of court art in medieval Hungary and its ic purpose, that of bolstering Prince Andrew’s strong connections to the illustrious art on the claims to the Neapolitan throne, hindered by King Italian Peninsula24. Robert’s (1309 − 1343) change of terms in the agree- The royal artistic patronage built consistent- ment concluded with Charles i during the lat- ly around the cult of the dynastic saints which ter’s trip to Naples in 1333. This agreement should set the tone among the kingdom’s nobility. The have brought to Andrew, after Robert’s death, natural tendency for the nobles was to follow the throne of the Kingdom of Naples, which was closely the prestigious royal model, thus replicat- now occupied by his wife, Joanna i 32. One cannot ing the Angevin patterns of devotion and artistic overlook, however, in Queen Elizabeth’s pilgrim- patronage as well 25. The outcome of this process age to Rome a personal pious motivation, namely, was the transformation of the Árpádian/Angevin the queen’s desire to visit the shrines of the Holy dynastic saints into a common asset of the king- Apostles Peter and Paul and to venerate their relics. dom’s various estates and ethnic groups 26, who This fact is stressed by both the Anonimo Romano decorated many of their churches with St Ladislas’ and John of Târnave, the latter referring also to the narrative cycle or the iconic representation of the queen’s oath in this respect after the death of her sancti reges Hungariae 27. husband in 1342 33. Accompanied by a large reti- For reconstructing the Italian tour in 1343−1344 nue 34 and taking with herself seventeen thousand of the Hungarian Dowager Queen Elizabeth marks of gold − roughly the entire gold produc- Piast, one can rely on three chronicler’s accounts, tion for one year of Hungary’s gold mines − and which were written several years after the event. twenty-seven thousand marks of silver, which Giovanni Villani’s Nuova Cronica, began around her son would supplement with yet another four 1320 and continued up to the author’s death in thousand marks of gold which he sent after her 35, 1348, contains a short reference to Charles i’s death Queen Elizabeth left Visegrád on the feast of the and the subsequent passage through Apulia of Holy Trinity ( June 8 ). She reached Naples more the Queen of Hungary, a “valente e savia donna”, than one and a half months later, on the eve of St for visiting her son in Naples and “per dare favore James the Great’s feast ( July 24 ) 36. While in Naples, e consiglio al detto Andreas, ch’era molto giovane”. she sent an embassy to the Pope in Avignon to The Nuova Cronica, however, does not contain any plead the case for Prince Andrew and later left reference to the queen’s pilgrimage to Rome 28. The for Rome on the feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cronica of the so-called Anonimo Romano, written Cross (September 14). Here, she was welcomed between 1357−1360 and dealing with the events on different sides of Tiber by the rival families of of Rome between 1325 − 1355, reverses the order of Colonna and Orsini and admired by the entire the facts beginning with the queen’s pilgrimage city. When she finally arrived to St Peter’s Basilica, to Rome, followed by her welcoming to Naples by the queen was received by the entire papal court Queen Joanna i (1343−1382). In turn, it discusses at in a procession with great pomp and honor. She length an earlier episode in Queen Elizabeth’s life, was allowed to adore Veronica’s Veil twice, and namely Felician Záh’s attempt on her life 29. Finally, she offered lavish gifts and pious donations to the there is the Chronicon de Ludovico rege, written main altar of St Peter and to other monasteries, in Visegrád in the 1360 s by John, Archdeacon of churches, and holy places that she visited in the Târnave / Küküllő, and incorporated in 1488 by Eternal City 37. According to the Anonimo Romano, John of Turiec / Thurocz in his Chronica Hungaro- the queen was literally expelled from the city after rum. This account is by far the most detailed and three days by the beggars constantly asking for 102 poetic one informing one of Queen Elizabeth’s money 38. She returned to Naples where she could witness Queen Joanna’s arrogance, ambitiousness, 26 I avoid on purpose the usage avant la lettre of the modern term “national” employed by scholars when referring to the character and unwillingness to renounce to the crown in of the Árpádian saints’ cult, because it was embraced in various favor of her husband. She also received the Pope’s degrees and by various estates (Hungarian and Szekler noblemen, and Saxon citizens), ethnic groups (Hungarians, , Saxons, refusal to support Prince Andrew’s claims to the Slovaks, Szeklers, etc.), or confessions (Catholic and Orthodox), all Neapolitan throne here 39. Faced with this diplo- of them coexisting in a complex political reality such as the medieval Kingdom of Hungary. matic failure and despite the huge capital which 27 For St Ladislas’ Legend, see especially Vlasta Dvořáková, “La lé- was spent vainly for the captatio benevolentiae of gende de Saint Ladislas découverte dans l’église de Velká Lomnica. Iconographie, style et circonstances de la diffusion de cette -lé the parties opposing her son, Queen Elizabeth gende”, Buletinul Monumentelor Istorice, xli/4 (1972), pp. 25 – 42; decided in late February 1344 to return to Visegrád, Vasile Drăguţ, “La légende du héros de frontière dans la peinture médiévale de la Transylvanie”, Revue Roumaine d’Histoire de l’Art. though not before having expressed her piety Série Beaux-Arts, xii (1975), pp. 11– 40; Gyula László, A Szent László-legenda középkori falképei, Budapest 1993; Dragoş Gh. Năstă- and generosity to St Nicholas’ shrine in Bari and soiu, “Nouvelles représentations de la Légende de Saint Ladislas à having been compelled by the lack of available Crăciunel et Chilieni”, Revue Roumaine d’Histoire de l’Art. Série Beaux- Arts, xlv (2008), pp. 3 – 22. For the iconography of the sancti reges ships to celebrate Easter solemnly in Manfredonia Hungariae, see Ernő Marosi, “Der heilige Ladislaus als ungarischer (March 10 − April 4 )40. Nationalheiliger. Bemerkungen zu seiner Ikonographie im 14.–15. Jh.”, Acta Historiae Artium Hungariae, xxxiii (1987), pp. 211– 256, Queen Elizabeth’s passage through the Ital- sp. pp. 232 – 234; Anca Gogâltan, “The Holy Hungarian Kings, the ian Peninsula from Naples to Rome, “like a ra- Saint Bishop, and the Saint King in the Sanctuary of the Church at Mălâncrav”, Ars Transsilvaniae, xii – xiii (2002 – 2003), pp. 103–121; diant star”, shining forth “with her virtues, her Terézia Kerny, “A magyar szent királyok tisztelete és ikonográfiaja irreproachable good morals and her incessant pi- a xiii. századtól a xvii. századig”, in Az ezeréves ifjú. Tanulmányok szent Imre herceg 1000 évéteről, Lőrincz Tamás ed., Székesfehérvár ety”, filling “the entire crowd with some spiritual 2007, pp. 80 – 123; Năstăsoiu, “Sancti reges Hungariae” (n. 12); and joy” at her sight and stirring admiration to “the Idem, “Political Aspects” (n. 18), pp. 93 –119. 28 Nuova Cronica di Giovanni Villani, Giuseppe Porta ed., Parma 1991, inhabitants of those lands”, who were astonished p. 1434. 29 Anonimo romano, Cronica, Giuseppe Porta ed., Milan 1979, how “such a noble lady and such a brilliant queen” pp. 41– 42. For Felician Záh’s attempt on the Hungarian royal fam- could “leave her country and her home and come ily’s life, see Henri Marczali, “Le procès de Félicien Záh. Une cause célèbre du xiv e siècle”, Revue Historique, cvii/1 (1911), pp. 43 – 48, from the end of the world, such as the Queen of and Marianne Sághy, “Les femmes de la noblesse angevine en Sheba, to ask for and obtain with her merit our Hongrie”, in La noblesse (n. 25), pp. 165 –174, sp. pp. 170 –172. 30 Johannes de Thurocz, Chronica Hungarorum, Elisabet Galántai, Julius Kristó eds, Budapest 1985, pp. 162 –165. 24 For the Angevin Legendary, see the most complete and up to date 31 János Karácsonyi, “Nagy Lajos anyja Rómában”, Katolikus Szemle, analysis by Béla Zsolt Szakács, A Magyar Anjou Legendárium képi vii (1893), pp. 50 – 63, sp. pp. 51– 52; Klaniczay, Holy Rulers (n. 1), rendszerei, Budapest 2006; for facsimile editions, see Magyar Anjou Le- pp. 333 – 336; Szende, Piast Erzsébet (n. 23), p. 133; Sághy, “Dévotions gendárium, Ferenc Levárdy ed., Budapest 1973; Heiligenleben: “Unga- diplomatiques” (n. 23), pp. 220 – 221. risches Legendarium”: Codex Vat. Lat. 8541, Giovanni Morello, Heide 32 For the agreement, see Lucherini, “Journey of Charles i” (n. 3), Stamm, Gerd Betz eds, Zurich 1990. For facsimile editions of the pp. 342 – 355. By concluding this agreement, Charles i hoped to Illuminated Chronicle, see Képes krónika. , Dezső Der- ensure for his son the Neapolitan throne which was assigned by csényi ed., Budapest 1986; The Book of the Illuminated Chronicle, József his grandfather, King Charles ii of Naples, to his third-born son Hapák, László Veszprémy, Tünde Wehli eds, Budapest 2009; and Robert, after the death in 1295 of his older son, Charles Martel, the [https : //web.archive.org /web/20120 30 4111134/ http: //konyv- e. hu/ Hungarian king’s father, and the refusal the same year of the crown pdf /Chronica_Picta.pdf] (last visited: 07. 06. 2014). For an overview by his other son, Louis the Bishop of Toulouse. of Hungarian Angevin court art, see Ernő Marosi, “L’art à la cour 33 Anonimo romano, Cronica (n. 29), p. 41; Johannes de Thurocz, Chro- angevine de Hongrie”, in L’Europe des Anjou. Aventure des princes an- nica (n. 30), pp. 162–163; see also Szende, Piast Erzsébet (n. 23), gevins du xiii e au xv e siècle, catalogue of the exhibition (Fontevraud, pp. 24, 134. Abbaye de Fontevraud 2001), Guy Massin Le Goff [et al.] eds, Paris 34 Johannes de Thurocz, Chronica (n. 30), pp. 163 –164. John of Târnave’s 2001, pp. 178 –193; Idem, “Diplomatie et représentation de la cour list of barons and clerics is not entirely accepted by modern scholar- sous le règne de Louis le Grand de Hongrie”, in Kordé, Diplomatie ship, see Karácsonyi, “Nagy Lajos anyja” (n. 31), pp. 51– 52; Szende, des États Angevins (n. 23), pp. 187–193; Imre Takács, “Königshof und Piast Erzsébet (n. 23), p. 134. See also the description by the Anonimo Hofkunst in Ungarn in der späten Anjouzeit”, in Sigismundus rex Romano of the queen’s cortege during her welcoming to Naples by et imperator. Kunst und Kultur zur Zeit Sigismunds von Luxemburg, Queen Joanna, Anonimo romano, Cronica (n. 29), p. 41. 1387–1437, catalogue of the exhibition (Budapest / Luxembourg, 35 Johannes de Thurocz, Chronica (n. 30), p. 162. Szépművészeti Múzeum / Musée national d’histoire de l’art 2006), 36 For the stops in Queen Elizabeth’s itinerary and the dates of her Imre Takács ed., Mainz 2006, pp. 68 – 86. stays, see Szende, Piast Erzsébet (n. 23), p. 25. 25 Gábor Klaniczay, “La noblesse et le culte des saints dynastiques 37 Johannes de Thurocz, Chronica (n. 30), p. 163. sous les rois angevins”, in La noblesse dans les territoires Angevins 38 Anonimo romano, Cronica (n. 29), p. 41. à la fin du Moyen Âge, Actes du colloque international organisé 39 Johannes de Thurocz, Chronica (n. 30), pp. 163 –164. par l’Université d’Angers, (Angers – Saumur, 3 – 6 juin 1998), Noël 40 Ibidem, p. 164. Prince Andrew was assassinated one year after Queen Coulet, Jean-Michel Matz eds, Rome 2000, pp. 511– 526; for a later Elizabeth’s Italian journey, most likely with his wife Joanna’s con- period, see Béla Zsolt Szakács, “Saints of the Knights – Knights of sent or knowledge. the Saints: Patterns of Patronage at the Court of Sigismund”, in Sigismund von Luxemburg: ein Kaiser in Europa, Tagungsband des internationalen historischen und kunstshistorischen Kongresses in Luxemburg (8. – 10. Juni 2005), Michel Pauly, François Reinert eds, Mainz 2006, pp. 319 – 330. 103 Savior’s mercy” 41, is undoubtedly a description attesting first John of Târnave’s literary skill, but one which was probably not far from reality. The magnificent presentation of herself and her retinue, her excessive generosity and utmost piety were more than just a literary topos − they were in fact a medieval queen’s duty. However, except for a specific reference in the chronicle of the Anonimo romano to a large donation to a certain Franciscan friar Acuto which ensured the reconstruction of Pons Milvius, the accounts of the two chroniclers contain nothing specific on Queen Elizabeth’s pi- ous generosity. The queen “stayed for three days in Rome and visited all the sanctuaries and made great donations to all the churches” 42 and :

“Finally, the queen posited her votive gifts as a solemn offering above the altar and relics of St Peter: chalices, jewels, badges, and florins, as befitted her queenly majesty. She visited a great number of monasteries, churches, and thresholds of saints, which she honored all with lavish gifts and pious donations. […] turning away to Bari, [she] worshipped there Blessed Nicholas and honored [him] through gifts and offerings…” 43.

Looking at the inventory of the treasury of St Peter’s Basilica of 1361, among various liturgi- cal garments and vestments which are ascribed as donations from the Regina Ungarie 44, one can notice an item which deserves special attention for its iconography. It is a dossal destined to St Peter’s main altar, which gathers the entire collection of Árpádian/Angevin holy figures, placed in the proximity of the Holy Mother of God and Holy Apostles, respectively. The central figure of the Holy Virgin is flanked on her right by St Paul, St Stephen of Hungary, St Emeric, and St Louis, and on her left by St Peter, St Ladislas, St Elizabeth of Hungary, and the yet uncanonized Blessed Margaret 45. The dossal was meant to be displayed behind St Peter’s main altar, presum- ably an explicit statement of the dynastic saints’ place in the pantheon of universal saints and their implicit connection to the Hungarian Angevin House. The altar decoration or other items do- nated by Queen Elizabeth to St Peter’s Basilica do not survive anymore and other descriptions in the inventory are rather vague, so one cannot attest to the level of artistry and the size of these 104 lost donations. These should have been rather high since the name of “dna Helysabeth consors of Moreriis (1335 − 1346), offers aterminus ante quem relicta dicti dni Regis Ungarie et filia bone memorie for the execution or donation of the reliquary 50 and dni Ladislay regis Polonie” deserved to be inscribed makes it probably the only existing item which later in St Peter’s Libro dei Benefatori 46. One cannot attests the high artistic level of Queen Elizabeth’s know either whether the dynastic saints featured donations of precious objects to Italian churches. more prominently or not in the iconography of It illustrates also the Hungarian Angevins’ way of the other donated items, but even so the dos- self-representation through pious deeds. sal’s particular selection of saints is indicative enough of the concern the Hungarian Angevins 41 “Audientes autem terrigenae Reginam Elizabeth, virtutibus, morum honestate, et devotione continua, ut fidus praefulgidum radiare, ac suos had for communicating their dynasty’s political cum omni modestia pertransire; currebant in vicos et plateas ad ipsam and sacral significance to their contemporaries adspiciendam, et diligentius intuendam; et videntes eam cum admiratione et gaudio, Deum unanimiter collaudabant, quod tam nobilis Domina, et visiting the most important center of Western tam illustris Regina relicto regno et domo venit a finibus mundi, tanquam Christianity. Further evidence, however, can be Regina Saba ad quaerendam et promerendam clementiam Salvatoris. […] Vulgus autem reliquum, ac populares magni et parvi, mulieres et puellae, presented in order to substantiate the claims that currebant, ubi transibat Regina, et alta voce clamabant: vivat Regina Hungariae; et resonabat terra in voces eorum: et propter rem alias insolitam the Hungarian Dowager Queen expressed her videbant omnes populi communiter ex aspectu ejus, quendam spiritualem pious generosity through high-quality works of jubilum reportare”, Johannes de Thurocz, Chronica (n. 30), p. 163. 42 “Stette dìe tre in Roma e visitato tutte le santuarie e fece granni doni a tutte art and that the dynastic saints, regarded either le chiesie. Frate Acuto, un fraticiello de Ascisci lo quale fece lo spidale della collectively or separately, represented a constant Croce a Santa Maria Rotonna, fu lo primo che?lli dommannasi elemosina per acconciare ponte Muolli, lo quale era per terra. La reina li donao tanta devotional concern for the traveling queen and moneta, che lo ponte se refaceva con alcuno aiuto. Donne fuoro fatte le cosse even for her companions. nove e?lla torre e forano fatte le arcora, se non avessi auto impedimento”, Anonimo romano, Cronica (n. 29), p. 41. In the fourteenth-century inventory of St Nich- 43 “Obtulit denique ad altare Beati Petri Apostoli, et ad reliquias solennia olas’ Basilica in Bari, which Queen Elizabeth vis- munera in calicibus, et ornamentis insignibus, et florenis, juxta magni- ficentiam reginalem. Multa etiam monasteria, Ecclesias, et Sanctorum ited in March 1344 on her way back to Visegrád, limina visitavit; quae largis donariis et offertoriis honoravit. [...] divertens in Barum, adorato ibi beato Nicolao, et donis et muneribus honorato…”, several precious items are mentioned as donated Johannes de Thurocz, Chronica (n. 30), pp. 163 –164. or sent per Reginam Ungarie or simply displaying 44 Eugène Müntz, Arthur Lincoln Frothingham Jr, “Il Tesoro del- 1 / Chapel reliquary, general view, Treasury 47 la Basilica di S. Pietro in Vaticano dal xiii al xv secolo con una the Hungarian coat of arms , one of the most con- scelta d’inventarii inediti”, Archivio della Società Romana di Storia of St Nicholas’ Basilica, venient tools of self-representation for medieval Patria, vi (1883), pp. 1–137, sp. pp. 14, 17, 32, 41, 44, 47– 48. Among Bari, ca 1344 the queen’s donations, there were not only liturgical garments dynasts. Among these, there is the description and textiles, as one can find out from the Libro dei Benefatori, ibi- 2 / Chapel reliquary, 48 dem, p. 133. See also Śnieżyńska-Stolot, “ Tanulmányok Erzsébet of a chapel-shaped reliquary which survives detail, Treasury of királyné” (n. 23), pp. 23 – 31. St Nicholas’ Basilica, up to present day in the treasury of the basilica 45 “Item unum aliud dossale pro dicto altari de syndone violato, ornatum Bari, ca 1344 / Figs 1, 2/. It is made of gilded silver, adorned with de novem ymaginibus, videlicet, cum nostra domina in medio et a dextris ejus sanctus Paulus, Sanctus Stephanus Rex Ungarie, Sanctus Erricus precious stones, and decorated with double-arched Dux Ungarie et sanctus Lodoycus, et a sinistris sanctus Petrus et sanctus Ladislaus Rex Ungarie, sancta Helisabet filia Regis Ungarie, et sancta or circular windows made either of rock crystal or Margarita filia Regis Ungarie, cum spicis aureis duplicatis inter ipsas translucent enamels which imitate Gothic stained ymagines et in circuitu una vitis de auro in sindone rubeo cum rosis aureis”, Müntz, “Il Tesoro” (n. 44), p. 14. glass. Except for the statuette of the Virgin with 46 Ibidem, p. 133. Child placed under the cross-crowned canopy and 47 Eustachio Rogadeo, “Il Tesoro della Regia Chiesa di San Nico- la di Bari nel secolo xiv”, L’Arte, v (1902), pp. 320 – 333, 408 – 421, the representations of holy apostles, the other fig- sp. pp. 321–323, 327, 332– 333, 409. ures of saints cannot be identified 49. The exquisite 48 “Item Tabernaculum unum de argento deaurato cum campanili et Cru- cifixo et in capite cum ymaltis tribus in cruce ex parte ante et ex parte piece of craftsmanship has the roof of its tall tower post cum ymaltis quinque et in summitate campanilis ad arma Ungarie et decorated with the Hungarian Kingdom’s coat of intus in eodem campanili cum ymagine beate Virginis tenentis filium in brachiis, ymaginibus duabus, una a dextris et altera a sinistris ymaltatis arms, the red and silver horizontal stripes being per totum cum fenestris quatuor cristallinis, que ymalti sunt in circulo inferiori cum ymaginibus Sanctorum et lapidibus viginti quatuor eleva- placed right below the cross, which is in a high- tum et positum supra quatuor leones de argento cum losingijs octo ad ly-visible point meant to alert the viewer upon the arma dicti quondam domini Petri de Morerijs, ponderis librarum tredecim et unciarum novem”, Ibidem, p. 321. donor’s identity and family belonging. A defunct 49 Imre Takács, “Kápolna alakú ereklyetartó magyar címerrel, a bari coat of arms, mentioned only in the inventory’s San Nicola kincstárában”, Ars Hungarica, xxvi/1 (1998), pp. 66 – 82, sp. pp. 70 – 72. description, was later added to the chapel-shaped 50 Ibidem, p. 76; Francesco Abbate, Storia dell’arte nell’Italia meridionale. reliquary for unknown reasons. The identity of its Il Sud angioino e aragonese, Rome 1998, p. 21. owner, the Prior-baron of the Chapter of Bari Peter 105 During her many months of travel in Italy, the with crown and hands joined in prayer could be Hungarian queen also comissioned works of art indicative of the commissioner’s special veneration to local artists 51, as it happened probably with for her personal patron saint. However, except for the altar with the Enthroned Madonna between the direct relationship connecting strongly the do- St Dominic and St Elizabeth of Hungary /Fig. 3/, nor and her personal sacred protector, one should dated around 1345 and attributed to the Sienese be aware also of the dynastic link suggested by the painter Lippo Vanni (active 1340−1375) 52. Although grouping of Queen Elizabeth, Prince Andrew, and variously identified 53, there are indications that the St Elizabeth, all three being important members two donors whom the Child blesses could be no of the same Hungarian ruling family. others than Prince Andrew and his mother, Queen 51 Because of the high uncertainty surrounding its dating and com- Elizabeth Piast /Fig. 4/. The male donor’s white missioner’s identity, I have decided not to include in the present mantle and headgear decorated with fleurs-de-lis discussion the panel representing the standing figure of St Ladislas, attributed to Simone Martini and kept today in the Museo Civico alternating with three horizontal lines could be a di Santa Maria della Consolazione in Altomonte. For a summary of transformation in Angevin key of the Árpádian the scholarship on the panel’s dating, spanning from 1315 to 1342, and, subsequently, its various commissioners, see Mária Prokopp, 54 coat of arms . The bigger height of the female do- “Szent László középkori ábrázolásai Itáliában. Le rappresentazioni di nor behind him could indicate a mother-son type of S. Ladislao, re d’Ungheria in Italia”, in Középkori prédikációk és falképek Szent László királyról. San Ladislao d’Ungheria nella predicazione e nei relationship between the two donors. Whereas the dipinti murali, Edit Madas, Zoltán György Horváth eds, Budapest proximity of St Elizabeth of Hungary holding the 2008, pp. 417– 424, 456 – 459, sp. pp. 421– 422, 457– 458; Ernő Marosi, “Saints at Home and Abroad: Some Observations on the Creation 106 roses in her mantle and the female donor depicted of Iconographic Types in Hungary in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth 3 / Lippo Vanni, Enthroned Madonna with Child and donors between St Dominic and St Elizabeth of Hungary/Thuringia, general view, Kress Collection of the Coral Gables Lowe Art Museum, Miami, ca 1344

4 / Lippo Vanni, Enthroned Madonna with Child and donors between St Dominic and St Elizabeth of Hungary/Thuringia, detail of donors, Kress Collection of the Coral Gables Lowe Art Museum, Miami, ca 1344

Centuries”, in Promoting the Saints. Cults and Their Contexts from Late Antiquity until the Early Modern Period. Essays in Honor of Gábor Klaniczay for His 60 th Birthday, Ottó Gecser [et al.] eds, Budapest 2011, pp. 175 – 206, sp. pp. 181 – 187; the prevailing scholarly opinion favors an earlier dating and excludes, therefore, the Hungarian Dowager Queen from the list of potential commissioners. 52 Kress Collection of the Coral Gables Lowe Art Museum, Miami. For the altar’s bibliography up to 1966, see Fern Rusk Shaply, Paintings from the Samuel H. Kress Collection. Italian Schools xiii – xv Century, London 1966, p. 57; the altar was first attributed to Lippo Vanni by Bernard Berenson, “Un Antiphonaire avec miniatures par Lippo Vanni”, Gazette des Beaux-Arts, ix (1924), pp. 257– 285; an attribution accepted also by Ferdinando Bologna, I pittori alla corte angioina di Napoli 1266 –1414, e un riesame dell’arte nell’età fridericiana, Rome 1969, pp. 287– 288. 53 For the donors’ identifications as Queen Elizabeth and Prince An- drew, see Wilhelm Suida, “ The Altarpiece of Elżbieta Łokietkówna”, Gazette des Beaux-Arts, xxxiii (1948), pp. 201– 208; for a summary of the donors’ different identifications, ranging from Charles Duke of Calabria (d. 1328) and his wife Catherine of Habsburg (d. 1323) to Prince Andrew of Hungary and his wife Queen Joanna, see Vinni Lucherini, “L’arte alla corte dei re ‘napoletani’ d’Ungheria nel primo Trecento: un equilibrio tra aspirazioni italiane e condizionamenti locali”, in Arte di Corte in Italia del Nord. Programmi, modelli, artisti (1330 –1402 ca.), Atti del convegno internazionale, (Losanna, Uni- versità di Losanna, 24 – 26 maggio 2012), Serena Romano, Denise Zaru eds, Rome 2013, pp. 371– 396, sp. p. 386, where the author is in favor of the identification advanced by the present study. 54 Ibidem, p. 385. 107 It was not only the case of Queen Elizabeth axe as a reminder of the holy knight’s bravery acting as a pious donor and commissioner of and the lily or lily-shaped scepter alluding to the works of art during her stay on the Italian Pen- young prince’s chastity – the three holy rulers are insula, but also that of her companions. An un- equally invested in Hungarian iconography with named “comitissa sotia Regine Ungarie” appears 55 Müntz, “Il Tesoro” (n. 44), p. 41, 44. in the 1361 inventory of St Peter’s treasury with 56 His presence is possible for Karácsonyi, “Nagy Lajos anyja” (n. 31), two gifts, namely, a “planeta pulcra” and a “pan- p. 52, and certain for Marosi, who considers him either a clerk in the queen’s entourage; Marosi, “Saints at Home” (n. 51), p. 184; or even nus Tartaricus”, both richly decorated with pearls her ambassador to Avignon; Idem, “Diplomatie et représentation” and various animal and plant motifs 55. Although (n. 24), p. 191. 57 For a reevaluation in light of new research of Illustratore’s activity, not attested among the members of the queen’s see Jacky de Veer-Langezaal, “A Cutting Illuminated by the Illus- retinue during her Italian tour 56, the Provost of tratore ( Ms. 13) and Bolognese Miniature Painting of the Middle of the Fourteenth Century”, The J. Paul Getty Museum Journal, xx (1992), Nicholas Vásári was definitely in the pp. 121–138; see also Alessandro Conti, La miniatura bolognese: scuole e botteghe, 1270 –1340, Bologna 1981, p. 92. For other Hungarian com- area of Northern Italy in 1343, since he commis- missioners of illuminated manuscripts to Italian artists, see Zsombor sioned that year to the Bolognese painter known Jékely, “Demeter Nekcsei and the Commission of His Bible”, in 57 Bonum ut pulchrum: Essays in Art History in Honour of Ernő Marosi on as Illustratore the decoration with miniatures His Seventieth Birthday, Livia Varga ed., Budapest 2010, pp. 197– 212. of two legal codices: the Decretales of Boniface 58 Ms a. 24, Bonifacius papa viii. liber sextus Decretalium cum apparatu Joannis Andreae, and Ms a. 25, Clemens papa v. Constitutiones cum 58 viii and Constitutiones of Clement v . Whereas apparatu Johannis Andreae, Joannes papa xxii. Extravagantes, Biblio- the decoration of the Constitutiones displays in its teca Capitolare della Curia Vescovile, Padua. Lászlóné Gerevich, “Vásári Miklós két kódexe”, Művészettörténeti Értesítő, vi (1957), beginning scenes from St Catherine of Alexan- pp. 133 –137; Tünde Wehli, “A bolognai kódexek”, in Magyaror- dria’s life, the miniatures on the title page of the szági művészet 1300 –1470 körül, Ernő Marosi ed., Budapest 1987, vol. i, p. 363; Edith Hoffmann, Régi magyar bibliofilek. Hasonmás Decretales /Fig. 5/ depict four scenes from the Life kiadás és újabb adatok, Tünde Wehli ed., Budapest 1992, p. 221; and of St Stephen of Hungary: Prince Géza’s Dream, Ernő Marosi, “ The Decretales Codex of Miklós Vásári, Provost of 5 / Illustratore, Esztergom”, in On the Stage of Europe. The Millennial Contribution Decre­tales of Nich- St Stephen’s Baptism and Coronation, and the of Hungary to the Idea of European Community, Idem ed., Budapest 2009, pp. 61– 63. olas Vásári, detail Christianization of the Hungarians. They are di- 59 The series of characters ends probably with the donor’s figure with scenes from the vided vertically by a decorative stripe displaying joining his hands in prayer, Ibidem, p. 61; and a holy bishop with Life of St Stephen of crozier and golden orb; for the holy bishop’s identity, see Dragoş Hungary and the three the holy kings of Hungary, namely, St Stephen, Gh. Năstăsoiu, “A Holy Bishop among Holy Kings in the Murals of holy kings of Hungary St Emeric, and St Ladislas 59. The Illustratore proves Mălâncrav (Malmkrog, Almakerék)”, otka Saints Colloquia Series, (St Stephen, St Emer- Central European University (Budapest, 8 October 2013). ic, and St Ladislas), to be familiar with both the biography of the saint 60 The inscription reads “Non tibi concessum est quod meditaris quia manus fol. 1r, Ms A24, and the background of the commissioner, since pollutas humano sanguine gestas”, is found in St Stephen’s firstvita , the Biblioteca Capitolare “Legenda maior”, in Scriptores Rerum Hungaricarum Tempore Ducum Regumque Stirpis Arpadianae Gestarum, Emericus Szentpétery ed., della Curia Vescovile, he included in the scene of Prince Géza’s Dream Budapest 1999 (reprint of the 1938 edition), vol. ii, p. 370, and refers Padua, 1343 60 an inscription taken from the vita of St Stephen . to the unworthiness of the saint’s father to rule as a Christian king. He also depicted the Hungarian Angevin coat of 61 The Hungarian dynastic saints’ representation in Italy is independent of the Hungarian iconographic tradition which will be established arms on the shield of one of Prince Géza’s guards. some decades later. For the figures of Árpádian-Angevin saints The representation of the three holy kings of painted by Simone Martini in 1317–1325 next to St Martin’s Chapel in the Lower Church of the Basilica of St Francis in Assisi, see Andrew Hungary, however, follows an iconography, the Martindale, Simone Martini. Complete Edition, New York, 1988, sources of which come probably from the Italian pp. 173 –174; Adrian S. Hoch, “Beata stirps, Royal Patronage and the Identification of the Sainted Rulers in the St Elizabeth Chapel in Assi- 61 milieu rather than the Hungarian one. The object si”, Art History, xv (1992), pp. 278 –295; Mária Prokopp, “Simone Mar- held by St Stephen, probably a model of a church, tini : A Szt. Erzsébet-kápolna falképei az Assisi Szt. Ferenc-bazilika alsó templomában”, Ars Hungarica, xxv/1 (1997), pp. 47– 55. For the and St Ladislas’ almost imperceptible beard are extended cycle of St Elizabeth’s Life and the figures of the three holy kings of Hungary painted in 1320 –1323 by the school of Pietro Caval- foreign details for their iconography. The holy lini on the northern wall of the nuns’ gallery in the Church of Santa kings’ collective depiction was to become extreme- Maria Donnaregina in Naples, see Eadem, “L’ex-chiesa di Donnaregi- na a Napoli e i suoi affreschi”, inLa civiltà ungherese e il cristianesimo. ly popular among Hungarian aristocracy during A magyar művelődés és a kereszténység. A iv. Nemzetközi Hunga- the reigns of Louis the Great and Sigismund of rológiai Kongresszus előadásai, Róma/ Nápoly (1996. szeptember 9 –14.), József Jankovics [et al.] eds, Budapest / Szeged 1998, vol. i, Luxemburg (1387 − 1437), the noble commission- pp. 171–180; Cathleen A. Fleck, “Blessed the Eyes That See Those Things ers preferring a more standardized depiction of You See: The Trecento Choir Frescoes at Santa Maria Donnaregina in Naples”, Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte, dxvii/2 (2004), pp. 210 – 224. 62 the sancti reges Hungariae . Except for St Ladislas The often contradictory identifications of some of these saints pro- and St Emeric, who hold also attributes recall- posed by Hungarian and Western art - historical scholarship is too complex a topic for the present study’s concern. 108 ing significant events in their lives – the battle 62 For the iconography of the sancti reges Hungariae, see n. 27.

royal insignia (crown, scepter, and crucifer orb) Holy Apostles Peter and Paul or to the portus Sancti and are portrayed at old (St Stephen), mature Nicholai for expressing their devotion in front of (St Ladislas), and young age (St Emeric), respective- the relics of the Bishop of Myra63. Subsequently, a ly. Whatever the iconographic sources of the Illus­ part of these saints’ prestige could be transferred tratore may have been, it is clear that the painter to the traveling dynastic saints of Hungary, the followed the commissioner’s wish to have the title crowds of pilgrims thus becoming familiar with page of the Decretales decorated with scenes from the cult of these foreign saints. Queen Elizabeth’s St Stephen’s life and the figures of thesancti reges utmost piety, reflected through her generous do- Hungariae. This attests to Nicholas Vásári’s great nations addressed to Italian churches and record- reverence for the cult of the Hungarian dynastic ed in contemporary written accounts, is difficult saints, as well as his desire to reflect his special to quantify due to the loss of her gifts. Scattered devotion through a high-quality work of art. His traces of her pious generosity, however, can be gesture emulates thus both the piety and artis- found in the inventories of St Peter’s or St Nicholas’ tic patronage of the Hungarian Dowager Queen, treasuries or in those few works of art which can whose model he could get acquainted with while be associated to her patronage (the chapel-shaped accompanying her throughout her journey on reliquary in the Treasury of St Nicholas’ Basilica the Italian Peninsula. or Lippo Vanni’s altarpiece with the Enthroned Even though the preserved artistic evidence Madonna with Child and saints). What one can connected with Queen Elizabeth’s trip to Italy is obtain from the confrontation of written and vi- rather scarce and traceable more in written records sual evidence is certainly an incomplete picture, than among the surviving works of art, it is worth but one which reflects Queen Elizabeth’s two-fold supplementing the existing knowledge on the piety. First, towards the universally accepted saints queen’s passage through the Italian Peninsula with whose thresholds she visited during her journey this information. This is meant to shed light not and secondly towards her family’s saints, whose only on the magnificence of the Hungarian royal actual presence is grasped in the iconography of house around mid-fourteenth century, but also on some of the items she donated or commissioned the pious practices and self-representation tools with the occasion of her devotional and diplo- of a dynasty wherein the veneration of its holy matic trip. Taking the saints of home when going predecessors played a significant part. A diplo- abroad in pilgrimage to shrines of other saints was matic journey with obvious political goals, such for the Hungarian Angevins an efficient tool of as the trip to Naples of the Hungarian Dowager self-representation which they employed repeat- Queen, who hoped to recover for her son the edly to increase the political and sacral prestige rightly claimed and much awaited crown of the of their dynasty. Kingdom of Naples, could only benefit from de- votional trips to important cult and pilgrimage 63 For pilgrimages to Rome, see Debra J. Birch, Pilgrimage to Rome in the Middle Ages : Continuity and Change, Woodbridge 2000; Marianne centers. The two religious sites in Rome and Bari Sághy, “ Dynastic Devotion : The Pilgrimage of Queen Elizabeth Piast attracted numerous medieval pilgrims comingad to Rome”, unpublished paper; for Bari, see Paul Oldfield, Sanctity and Pilgrimage in Medieval Southern Italy, 1000 – 1200, Cambridge limina apostolorum to venerate the remnants of the 2014, pp. 69 – 70, 98 –101, 203 – 207, 249 – 252.

110 summary

Vzory zbožnosti a stopy umění : diplomatická cesta královny Alžběty Polské do Itálie v letech 1343–1344

Článek se zabývá cestou uherské královny vdo- Podle popisu ve zmíněném inventáři byl (do vy Alžběty Polské na italský poloostrov v letech dnešní doby nedochovaný) závěs za presbytář, 1343–1344. Alžběta Polská podnikla tuto cestu, určený do Svatopetrské baziliky, zdoben výšivkou aby posílila nárok svého syna, prince Ondřeje, na s postavami těchto uherských světců vyobraze- neapolský trůn. Navzdory úmluvě, kterou spolu ných společně s Pannou Marií s Dítětem a apoštoly o desetiletí dříve uzavřeli králové Karel i. Robert Petrem a Pavlem. Kombinace těchto světců zdů- a Robert i. Neapolský, byla totiž stále výlučným razňovala vrozenou svatost angevinské dynastie vládcem Ondřejova manželka, královna Johana i. a obsahovala tak jasné politické sdělení. Relikviář Neapolská. Kromě zřejmého diplomatického účelu ve tvaru kaple, bohatě zdobený drahými kameny, ale byla tato cesta také příležitostí k vyjádření krá- smalty a postavami světců, je dochován v poklad- lovniny zbožnosti ve svatyních apoštolů sv. Petra nici baziliky sv. Mikuláše na Bari. Arpá­dovský erb, a Pavla v Římě a sv. Mikuláše na Bari. Královna dobře viditelný na věži relikviáře -kaple, upozorňu- tak navštívila mnoho kostelů, přičemž těmto kul- je diváka na donátora a jasně ukazuje uherské re- tovním centrům věnovala štědré dary v penězích prezentační symboly. Oltář, jenž vymaloval Lippo i drahocenných předmětech. Vanni, představuje Pannu Marii s Dítětem obklo- Autor článku rekonstruuje na základě zázna­mů penou sv. Dominikem a sv. Alžbětou Durynskou. soudobých kronikářů itinerář královny Alžbě­­ty. Dva donátoři, nesoucí arpádovský / angevinský Opírá se o spis Nuova Cronica Giovanniho Villa- erb, jsou zobrazeni vedle uherské světice a mohou niho (vytvořený zhruba mezi lety 1320 a 1348), dále být identifikováni jako královna Alžběta a princ o text Cronica, jehož autorem je takzvaný Anonimo Ondřej. Tato kompozice poukazuje na dynastické Romano (z let 1357–1360), a také o Chronicon de Lu- a rodinné vazby mezi donátory a světicí. Uherští dovico rege sepsaný Janem, arci­jáhnem z Târna- dynastičtí světci se objevují také na miniaturách ve / Küküllő ( z 60. let 14. století). Zároveň také, díky v zákoníku Decretales, vytvořeném v roce 1343 bo- zkoumání inventářů pokladnic baziliky sv. Petra loňským malířem známým jako Illustratore. Ob- a sv. Mikuláše ze 14. století, autor identifikuje někte- jednavatelem zákoníku byl ostřihomský probošt rá z uměleckých děl, která královna darovala těmto Nicholas Vásári, který pravděpodobně taktéž patřil italským kostelům. Prostřednictvím srovnání lite- k družině královny Alžběty v době italské cesty. rárních pramenů s dochovanými uměleckými díly Na základě provedeného bádání autor dochází autor zjišťuje, že královna Alžběta darovala nebo k závěru, že domácí dynastičtí světci byli přítomni objednala umělecká díla s vyobrazením arpádov- během zahraničních poutí svých ctitelů do jiných ských nebo angevinských dynastických světců, a to kultovních center, což zvyšovalo prestiž jak sa- konkrétně sv. Štěpána, sv. Emericha, sv. Ladislava, motných světců, tak také těch, kteří jejich kult sv. Alžběty, a bl. Markéty. podporovali. 111