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AN OPTIMALITY THEORETIC APPROACH to VARIABLE CONSONANTAL ALTERNATIONS in QATARI ARABIC Eiman M. Mustafawi Thesis Submitted to Th

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AN OPTIMALITY THEORETIC APPROACH to VARIABLE CONSONANTAL ALTERNATIONS in QATARI ARABIC Eiman M. Mustafawi Thesis Submitted to Th AN OPTIMALITY THEORETIC APPROACH TO VARIABLE CONSONANTAL ALTERNATIONS IN QATARI ARABIC Eiman M. Mustafawi Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the PhD in Linguistics Department of Linguistics Faculty of Arts University of Ottawa © Eiman M. Mustafawi, Ottawa, Canada, 2006 ii Table of contents Abstract………………………………………………………………………...……….…...v Acknowledgement…………………………………………………………………………..vi List of abbreviations………………………………………………………….……….…...vii List of Tables…………………………………………………………………….………...viii 0. INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………….……………….1 0.1 Qatari Arabic………………………………………………………………….………...2 0.2 Outline…………………………………………………………………….……………..4 1. QATARI ARABIC: THE SEGMENTAL INVENTORY 1.1 The surface inventory of Qatari Arabic……………………………………………….7 1.2 Previous approaches to the consonants under study………………………….………8 1.2.1 The traditional approach………………………………………………….………...8 1.2.2 Alternative approaches……………………………………………….…………...10 1.2.3 Summary…………………………………………………………….…………….12 1.3 The phonological status of []…………………………………………….…………...12 1.3.1 Historical background…………………………………………………..…….……….13 1.3.2 Problems for considering /q/ the UR of [] ………………………………………15 1.3.2.1 The case of affrication in Bahraini Arabic…………………………….……15 1.3.2.2 Local lexical items containing []……………………………………….….16 1.3.2.3 Minimal pairs……………………………………………………….….……19 1.3.3 The alternation between [q]/[] and []/[d]…………………………………..….19 1.4 The phonological status of [t]………………………………………………………...20 1.4.1 Historical background……………………………………………………………..21 1.4.2 Problems for denying the phonemic status of /t/………………………………....23 1.4.2.1 Lexical items that surface invariably with [t]……………………………....23 1.4.2.2 Minimal pairs…………………………………………………………….….25 1.5 The current position…………………………………………………………………...26 1.6 Feature specifications for the relevant segments………………………………….…28 1.7 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………...31 2. AFFRICATION IN ARABIC: A SURVEY 2.0 Introduction……………………………………………………………………….……32 2.1 Tafxi…m and emphasis……………………………………………………………….…33 2.2 Cantineau (1936, 1937)………………………………………………………..……….35 2.3 Johnstone (1967)……………………………………………………….………………38 2.4 Johnstone (1978)……………………………………………………….………………47 2.5 Altoma (1969)……………………………………………………….………………….51 2.6 Mat>ar (1969)………………………………………………….………………………...52 2.7 Mat>ar (1985)…………………………………………………………….……………...56 2.8 Al-amadidhi (1985)……………………………………………….……………………56 2.9 Summary……………………………………………………………………………….57 iii 3. AFFRICATION IN QA: AN OT ANALYSIS 3.0 Introduction……………………………………………………………….……….…...58 3.1 Formal approaches to variation within OT…………………………………….…….62 3.2 The distribution of [k]/[] and [t]/[d]………………………………………………63 3.3 Basic constraints…………………………………………………………………….…67 3.4 The stem as the domain of affrication………………………………………………..71 3.4.1 Suffixation and cliticization………………………………………………………71 3.4.2 Stem-internal modifications………………………………………………………72 3.5 Paradigm Uniformity effects………………………………………………………….73 3.5.1 Broken plurals…………………………………………………………………….73 3.5.2 Nouns of individuality……………………………………………….……………76 3.5.3 Verbs……………………………………………………….……………………..78 3.5.4 Participles and verbal nouns……………………………………………………....83 3.6 Emphasis spread and affrication……………………………………………….……..87 3.6.1 Domain and direction……………………………………………………………..87 3.6.2 The spread of emphasis and affrication in QA…………………………………....90 3.6.3 Contextually emphatic [r] and affrication………………………….……………...96 3.7 OCP-Place restrictions and affrication………………………….………………..…..99 3.8 Apparent counterexamples………………………….……………………………….104 3.8.0 Introduction………………………………….…………………………………...104 3.8.1 Doublets vs. affrication……………………………………….………………….105 3.8.2 A counterexample to doublets vs. affrication…………………….……………...112 3.8.3 Summary…………………………………………………………………….…...114 3.9 Residual cases……………………………………………………………………....…114 3.10 Conclusion………………………………………….……………….……………….115 4. LENITION IN ARABIC 4.0 Introduction………………………………...………………………………………...117 4.1 Lenition in Arabic……………………………………………………………………120 4.1.1 Historical and geographic background………………….……………………….120 4.1.2 Previous analyses and findings related to the lenition of [d] to [j]……………..125 4.2 An OT analysis of lenition in QA…………………………………………….……...127 4.2.1 The distribution of [d] and [j]……………………………………………….….127 4.2.2 Basic constraints………………………………………………………….……...129 4.2.3 Contextual restrictions…………………………………………………….……..131 4.2.3.1 Syllabic position……………….…………………………………….…….131 4.2.3.2 Geminates…………………………………………………….……………135 4.2.3.3 OCP effects...………………………………………………………….…...137 4.2.4 Lexical exceptions to lenition…………………………………………………....140 4.2.4.1 The treatment of lexical exceptions in OT………………………………...141 4.2.4.2 Lexical exceptions to lenition in QA and prespecification/underspecification………………………………………. 143 4.2.5 Paradigmatic effects……………………………………….……………………..144 4.2.5.1 Nouns and adjectives……………………………………………………....144 4.2.5.2 Verbs……………………………………………………………………….147 iv 4.3 A residual Issue: The typology of lenition vs. Lenition of /d/ in QA………….….150 4.4 Conclusion………………….…………………………………………………………152 5. CONCLUSION………………………………………………………….……………..155 APPENDICES…………………………………………………………….………………159 Appendix A: List of constraints……………………………………….……………..160 Appendix B: Data…………………………………………………………………….163 REFERENCES………………………………………………………………………...…297 v Abstract This thesis investigates two variable phonological processes exhibited in Qatari Arabic (QA). The first is the affrication of the velar stops [k] and [] to [t] and [d], respectively, a process that has been traditionally assumed to be triggered by adjacency to a front vowel. The second alternation concerns the lenition of /d/ to [j], taken to be phonetically unconditioned. Previous studies, however, recognize the existence of a large number of exceptions to these processes. By reconsidering the data in the light of new advancements in phonological theory, affrication and lenition are analyzed as regular processes, and cases that were previously considered to be exceptions to affrication and lenition are accounted for. I find that affrication can be triggered only by adjacency to [i(:)], to the exclusion of any other segment, within the stem. Also, affrication interacts with pharyngealization, a process that retracts/lowers vowels in a certain domain and removes the required context for affrication to apply. Lenition is argued not to be context-free, as it is blocked in coda position preceded by a non-low vowel, as well as in geminates. Exceptions to lenition are accounted for by employing the notion of prespecification/underspecification. Both processes are subject to OCP restrictions and paradigmatic effects. Typologically, the current study adds QA to the small list of languages in which lenition of an obstruent to a glide applies. It also provides evidence for considering the OCP a synchronically active constraint in Arabic, restricting segmental alternation, in addition to restricting static patterns of phonological representation. I also argue for the inclusion of the segments // and /t/, which are traditionally assumed to derive from an underlying /q/ and /k/, respectively, in the phonemic inventory of QA. The discussion is based on a large amount of data, extracted from a local dictionary and complemented by additional forms provided by the author. The analysis is cast in an optimality theoretic (OT) framework (Prince & Smolensky, 2004), which holds that linguistic forms are the outcome of the interaction among violable universal constraints, and in OT’s recent development into a model that accounts for linguistic variation. vi Acknowledgement I would like to thank my advisor, Marie-Hélène Côté, whose dedication to her work and to the people around her is admirable. Marie-Hélène was almost always available and willing to discuss whatever I needed to discuss with her. Beside phonology, I learned from her how to put my thoughts into the optimal form. Marie-Hélène is not only an exceptional advisor, she is also an extraordinary person. I am proud that I had the chance to know her on both the academic and personal levels. I am grateful to my committee members: Ellen Broselow, Gerard Van Herk, Éric Mathieu, and Ian MacKay, whose comments helped in polishing the last draft of this work. I also express my thanks to Elan Dresher, Eric Raimy, William Idsardi, John Jensen and the audiences at the MOT 2004, ALS 2005 and MOT 2006 whose insightful discussions helped in clarifying some of the notions that I tackle. Thanks to my colleagues Abdessatar Mahfoudhi and Peter Milne for their comments on parts of this work. I appreciate the cooperation of all the people who helped in the collection and judgment of the data, especially, Hessa Al-Kawari, Hamad Al-Manaai and Mohammed Al-Muhannidi. Thanks to everyone in the department of linguistics at the university of Ottawa for the enriching experience and the friendly environment that I enjoyed during the years of my study. Abdessatar, Seham, Tony, Marie-Claude, Reza, Neil and Christina need special thanks. I also thank my parents and brothers and sisters for their constant support, and my small family, especially my husband, for their patience and encouragement, and for putting up with me during the preparation of this work. Eiman M. Mustafawi May 12th, 2006, Ottawa vii List of Abbreviations AD Abu Dhabi Ant. Anterior Approx. Approximant B Bahrain BP Broken Plural CA Classical Arabic Cont. Continuant Corn. Coronal Dors. Dorsal IO Input to Output K Kuwait NA North Arabic OCP Obligatory Contour Principle
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