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Canada Sanctions Zimbabwe
Canadian Sanctions and Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe: Be Very Careful! By Mark Blumberg (January 7, 2009) Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe need to be extremely careful. It is not the place for a new and inexperienced charity to begin foreign operations. In fact, only Canadian charities with substantial experience in difficult international operations should even consider operating in Zimbabwe. It is one of the most difficult countries to carry out charitable operations by virtue of the very difficult political, security, human rights and economic situation and the resultant Canadian and international sanctions. This article will set out some information on the Zimbabwe Sanctions including the full text of the Act and Regulations governing the sanctions. It is not a bad idea when dealing with difficult legal issues to consult knowledgeable legal advisors. Summary On September 4, 2008, the Special Economic Measures (Zimbabwe) Regulations (SOR/2008-248) (the “Regulations”) came into force pursuant to subsections 4(1) to (3) of the Special Economic Measures Act. The Canadian sanctions against Zimbabwe are targeted sanctions dealing with weapons, technical support for weapons, assets of designated persons, and Zimbabwean aircraft landing in Canada. There is no humanitarian exception to these targeted sanctions. There are tremendous practical difficulties working in Zimbabwe and if a Canadian charity decides to continue operating in Zimbabwe it is important that the Canadian charity and its intermediaries (eg. Agents, contractor, partners) avoid providing any benefits, “directly or indirectly”, to a “designated person”. Canadian charities need to undertake rigorous due diligence and risk management to ensure that a “designated person” does not financially benefit from the program. -
Article a Very Zimbabwean Coup
Article A very Zimbabwean coup: November 13-24, 2017 David Moore [email protected] Abstract Toward the end of 2017 Robert Mugabe was convinced by members of his own party and leaders of the military to retire from his 37 year presidency of Zimbabwe. That one report called the process hastening his departure an ‘unexpected but peaceful transition’ suggests that what more impartial observers call a coup nonetheless had special characteristics softening its military tenor. This exploratory article discusses some of the particularities of this ‘coup of a special type’, as well as considering the new light it shines on the political history of Zimbabwe, the party ruling it since 1980, and their future. The title of the novel A Very British Coup (authored in 1982 by a Bennite Labour politician who in 2003-5 became British Minister for Africa, and later made into two television series – Mullin 1982, Gallagher 2009:440) reminds us that just as every country’s politics has its particularities so too do their coups. Coups are a variant of Clausewitz’s dictum (come to think of it, Gramsci’s too – Moore 2014b) about the continuum of coercion and consent in the processes constituting one of humankind’s oldest professions. When accompanied by d’état the word indicates a quick and often forceful change of people governing in a state. The successful protagonists are usually rooted in the military. The state remains relatively intact and unchanged, as do the deeper social and economic structures on which it sits, condensing, reflecting, and refracting them while it ostensibly rules. -
The Zimbabwean Human Rights Crisis: a Collaborative Approach to International Advocacy
Davidson and Purohit: The Zimbabwean Human Rights Crisis: A Collaborative Approach to International Advocacy Note from the Field The Zimbabwean Human Rights Crisis: A Collaborative Approach to International Advocacy Lorna Davidson and Raj Purohitt Over the past several years, a serious human rights crisis has developed in Zimbabwe, where President Robert Mugabe employs repressive measures to cling to power. Civil society and human rights groups in Zimbabwe are among those who have come under attack by the government, and they face an extremely difficult challenge in bringing about positive change in the country. This article describes the development of the current crisis in Zimbabwe, focusing on the problems faced by local activists and organizations that seek to promote greater respect for human rights. It further discusses one recent initiative launched by the U.S.-based organization Human Rights First,which organized a consultative meeting of regional civil society groups in August 2003. The article addresses the role that can and should be played by internationalcivil society organizations, which must be sensitive to the contextual dynamics particularto the Zimbabwean crisis and to the region. If they are to be in any way effective, such organizations must act in supportof local actors and stronger regional networks. t Lorna Davidson is a Senior Associate in the Human Rights Defenders Program at Human Rights First in New York, N.Y, and Raj Purohit is the Legislative Director in the Washington, D.C. Office of Human Rights First. Human Rights First is the new name for the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights as of February 2004. -
Negotiated Government in Zimbabwe-Tool for Peaceful Co-Existence Or Momentary Suppression of Inherent Divisions?
ISSN 2039-2117 (online) Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences Vol 5 No 25 ISSN 2039-9340 (print) MCSER Publishing, Rome-Italy November 2014 Negotiated Government in Zimbabwe-Tool for Peaceful Co-existence or Momentary Suppression of Inherent Divisions? Ms Petra Chinyere Mulungushi University, Zambia [email protected] Doi:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n25p73 Abstract This paper assesses the effectiveness of the Government of National Unity (GNU) in Zimbabwe in fostering peaceful co- existence among traditional rival political parties which were the parties to the agreement that established the unity government. It is mainly based on documentary research, referring to available information on the four year period that the GNU ruled the country, followed up by some views from fellow academics on the subject. The point of departure is the historical background to the formation of the GNU and the modalities surrounding its establishment, then the analysis of what really achieved. The paper argues that the GNU was an inevitable arrangement that was done as a transitional mechanism to rescue the country from total collapse after the 2008 electoral violence that the country had plunged into which could have degenerated into a civil war. The GNU managed to sustain the peace deal that they signed and to calm the political situation in the country to give a peaceful environment even after its lifespan among the parties that fought in 2008, but it brought to the fore the concealed, inherent divisions and intra-party fighting that the Movement for Democratic Change Tsvangirai faction (MDC-T) has been accused of previously. The paper concludes by arguing that the GNU deal was successful in achieving peaceful co-existence among warring factions along the political divide but it still failed to take into consideration the views of the masses since it was an elite contract. -
Report on the 2000 Parliamentary Elections Zimbabwe 24 – 25 June 2000
Report On The 2000 Parliamentary Elections Zimbabwe 24 – 25 June 2000 Zimbabwe Election Support Network ZESN 2000 Parliamentary Elections Report 1 Acronyms ANP African National Party CSO Civil Society Organisation ED Election Directorate ESC Electoral Supervisory Commission LPZ Liberty Party of Zimbabwe MDC Movement for Democratic Change MOP Multi – Racial Open Party NDU National Democratic Union NGO Non Governmental Organisation NPA National People’s Alliance NPP National People’s Party PDF Popular Democratic Front UP United Parties ZANU Zimbabwe African National Union ZANU PF Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front) ZAPU Zimbabwe African People’s Union ZBC Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation ZCP Zimbabwe Congress Party ZESN Zimbabwe Election Support Network ZIP Zimbabwe Integrated Party ZPP Zimbabwe Progressive Party ZUD Zimbabwe Union of Democrats ZESN 2000 Parliamentary Elections Report 2 Table of Contents Members of the Zimbabwe Election Support Network ………………………… 5 Acknowledgements …………………………………………………………………6 Executive Summary ………………………………………………………………...8 Introduction ………………………………………………………..……………….10 The Report …………………………………………………………………………10 The Zimbabwe Election Support Network ………………………………………11 Working Methods ………………………………………………………………….11 The Election Context ……………………………………………………………...13 1. Constitutional and Legal Framework of the 2000 Parliamentary….….14 1.1 Constitutional Provisions ...……………………………………………….14 1.2 The Delimitation Commission and its Functions ……………………….15 1.3 The 2000 Delimitation Commission Report ……………………………15 -
Roy Leslie Bennett V. Emerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa
REPORTABLE (76) Judgment No SC 75/05 Civil Application No 16/05 ROY LESLIE BENNETT v (1) EMMERSON DAMBUDZO MNANGAGWA (in his capacity as the SPEAKER OF THE PARLIAMENT OF ZIMBABWE) (2) PAUL MANGWANA (3) JOYCE MUJURU (4) CHIEF MANGWENDE (5) WELSHMAN NCUBE (6) TENDAI BITI (7) THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL SUPREME COURT OF ZIMBABWE CHIDYAUSIKU CJ, SANDURA JA, CHEDA JA, MALABA JA & GWAUNZA JA HARARE, MAY 26, 2005 & MARCH 9, 2006 J. J. Gauntlett, SC., with him A.P. de Bourbon SC, for the applicant S.J.Chihambakwe, with him J Mhlanga, for the first, second, third and fourth respondents R. Gatsi, for the seventh respondent (intervener) CHIDYAUSIKU CJ: This application is brought in terms of s 24 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe. Section 24 of the Constitution provides that any person who alleges that the Declaration of Rights has been, is being, or is likely to be, contravened in relation to him may apply to the Supreme Court for redress. The applicant, who was at the relevant time a Member of Parliament, assaulted Mr Patrick Chinamasa, MP, Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, and Leader of the House (hereinafter referred to as “Chinamasa”). The assault took place in Parliament while it was in session. He was charged with, and found guilty of, contempt of Parliament. He was sentenced, by 2 S.C. 75/05 Parliament, to fifteen months’ imprisonment of which three months’ imprisonment was suspended on certain conditions. The applicant challenges that conviction and punishment on the following four grounds - 1. The proceedings violated his constitutional and fundamental right to a fair hearing by an independent and impartial court or other adjudicating body protected by s 18(1),(2) and (9) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe (“the Constitution”). -
Political Violence Report November 2001
ZIMBABWE HUMAN RIGHTS NGO FORUM POLITICAL VIOLENCE REPORT NOVEMBER 2001 December 2001 A report by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum Summary Attacks on farm workers residing on invaded farms, ongoing since the end of February 2000, were reported to the Human Rights Forum in November. Since January this year, more than 70 000 farm workers have been displaced and countless others have been beaten and tortured whilst others lost their homes in arson attacks. Once again the ZRP was been found wanting in its protection and reaction to violations concerning farm workers and MDC supporters. In one recorded case, policemen in Kadoma arrived at the local Zanu-PF offices and witnessed the torture of two MDC members but left without rendering assistance. However 14 MDC members were arrested for the murder of Bulawayo war veteran’s chairman, Cain Nkala. In Harare members of the ZRP unlawfully arrested and tortured two MDC officials from Zengeza, accusing them of having had some involvement in Cain Nkala’s murder, despite their being in Harare at the time. The two were released without being charged having been interrogated about the operations of their party. Six deaths were recorded in November. A list of all deaths that have been reported since January 2001 is given at the end of the report. November 2001 Totals 2 Cumulative Totals January-November 2001 Sources: Amani Trust medical assessments, HR Forum legal statements, CFU reports and newspaper reports. Notes to Tables: The following categories have been changed and/or expanded due to the nature and the volume of crimes. -
POLITICAL VIOLENCE REPORT March 2009
POLITICAL VIOLENCE REPORT March 2009 28 April 2009 A report by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum Political Violence Report: March 2009 OVERVIEW The month of March saw a continuation of the disturbances on commercial farms, thwarting of civic activity and political polarisation, as the rule of law continued to be compromised despite the formation of an inclusive government. Human rights violations remained a worrying trend in a society that hopes to transcend from a past of violence, political polarisation and intimidation, into a new democratic dispensation. In fact, even though the month shows a reduction, the trend of human rights violations threatens to distabilise the already fragile peace in the country and discourage any efforts to bring to an end the socio-economic challenges that have bedeviled the country for so long. As in the previous month, clashes between ZANU PF and MDC supporters were reported in March; another indication that political polarisation is far from over. Members of both parties have been implicated in violent retributive attacks, reminiscent of the violence that occurred pre and post the 2008 Harmonised elections. This report documents incidences in which MDC and ZANU PF supporters clashed at the funeral of the Prime Minister’s late wife Susan Tsvangirai, leading to massive property destruction. Inter-party violence was also reported in the Zimunya area as well as in Mufakose and Glen View. These attacks are a sign of deep rooted anger and hatred which still pervades in Zimbabwe, especially after the violence that occurred in 2008. Many of the victims still bear the physical and emotional scars of what happened to them during that time. -
Sanctions Program: Simbabwe: Verordnung Vom 19. März 2002 Über Massnahmen Gegenüber Simbabwe (SR 946.209.2), Anhang 2 Origin: EU Sanctions: Art
Sanctions program: Simbabwe: Verordnung vom 19. März 2002 über Massnahmen gegenüber Simbabwe (SR 946.209.2), Anhang 2 Origin: EU Sanctions: Art. 2 Abs. 1 und 2 (Finanzsanktionen) und Art. 4 Abs. 1 (Ein- und Durchreiseverbot) Sanctions program: Zimbabwe: Ordonnance du 19 mars 2002 instituant des mesures à l’encontre du Zimbabwe (RS 946.209.2), annexe 2 Origin: EU Sanctions: art. 2, al. 1 et 2 (Sanctions financières) et art. 4, al. 1 (Interdiction de séjour et de transit) Sanctions program: Zimbabwe: Ordinanza del 19 marzo 2002 che istituisce provvedimenti nei confronti dello Zimbabwe (RS 946.209.2), allegato 2 Origin: EU Sanctions: art. 2 cpv. 1 e 2 (Sanzioni finanziarie) e art. 4 cpv. 1 (Divieto di entrata e di transito) Individuals SSID: 170-6095 Name: Mugabe Robert Gabriel DOB: 21 Feb 1924 Identification document: Passport No. AD001095, Zimbabwe Justification: Head of Government and responsible for activities that seriously undermine democracy, respect for human rights and the rule of law. Other information: President. SSID: 170-6102 Name: Abu Basutu Titus Mehliswa Johna DOB: 2 Jun 1956 Justification: Senior military officer, directly involved in the terror campaign waged before and during the elections in the Gwanda area. Deputy to Air Marshal Perence Shiri. Relation: Deputy to Shiri Perence Samson Chikerema (SSID 170-6985) Other information: Air Vice- Marshal, Matebeleland South. SSID: 170-6112 Name: Bonyongwe Happyton Mabhuya DOB: 6 Nov 1960 Identification document: a) Passport No. AD002214, Zimbabwe b) ID card No. 63-374707A13, Zimbabwe Justification: Senior security figure with a close association with the ZANU-PF (Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front) faction of the Government and complicit in forming or directing repressive state policy. -
"Torture" As a Human Rights Violation in Zimbabwe
A General Legislative Analysis of "Torture" as a HumanH CHITIMIRA Rights & Violation P MOKONE in ZimbabwePER / PELJ 2017 (20) 1 H Chitimira* and P Mokone** Abstract Pioneer in peer -reviewed, open access online law publications Several challenges involving torture-related human rights violations have been reported in Zimbabwe from the late 1970s Author to date. Notably, these torture-related human rights violations were problematic during the liberation war era in Zimbabwe. Regrettably, such violations are allegedly still prevalent, Howard Chitimira Pontsho Mokone especially prior to and/or during general political elections in Zimbabwe. Accordingly, this article investigates torture as a Affiliation human rights violation in Zimbabwe, inter alia by focusing on the role of selected law enforcement agencies in the protection of North-West University human rights in Zimbabwe. The article also discusses the legal South Africa position on torture and the perpetration of torture against ordinary people prior to as well as after independence in Email Zimbabwe. This is done to investigate the adequacy of the legal [email protected] framework in Zimbabwe with regard to the combatting of torture. [email protected] In relation to this, selected regional and international legal frameworks against torture are briefly discussed in order to Date published determine possible measures that could be utilised in Zimbabwe. The authors submit that although the Constitution of 6 June 2017 Zimbabwe Amendment (No 20) Act, 2013 (Zimbabwe Constitution, 2013) prohibits torture, more may still need to be Editor Dr A Gildenhuys done to enhance the combatting of torture in Zimbabwe. For instance, apart from the prohibition contained in the Zimbabwe How to cite this article Constitution, 2013, there is no legislation that expressly outlaws torture in Zimbabwe. -
Zimbabwe Apr2001
ZIMBABWE ASSESSMENT April 2001 Country Information and Policy Unit CONTENTS I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.5 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 - 2.4 III HISTORY 3.1 - 3.40 Foundations of Zimbabwe 3.1 - 3.5 Matabeleland Insurgency 1983-87 3.6 - 3.8 Elections 1995 & 1996 3.9 - 3.10 Movement for Democratic Change 3.11 - 3.12 Constitutional Referendum, February 2000 3.13 - 3.14 Parliamentary Elections, June 2000 3.15 - 3.23 - Background 3.15 - 3.16 - Election Violence & Farm Occupations 3.17 - 3.18 - Election Results 3.19 - 3.23 Post-Election Violence & Intimidation 3.24 - 3.34 Bikita West By-election 3.35 - 3.36 Legal Challenges to Election Results 3.37 - 3.40 IV INSTRUMENTS OF THE STATE 4.1 - 4.20 Political System: 4.1 - 4.14 - Administrative Structure 4.1 - 4.3 - ZANU-PF 4.4 - Movement for Democratic Change 4.5 - 4.7 - ZANU-Ndonga 4.8 - Liberty Party/Liberty Party of Zimbabwe 4.9 - 4.11 - Other Minor Parties 4.12 - 4.14 Legal Framework & Judiciary 4.15 - 4.20 V HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION HUMAN RIGHTS: INTRODUCTION 5.1 - 5.4 Introduction 5.1 - 5.2 Human Rights Organisations in Zimbabwe 5.3 - 5.4 HUMAN RIGHTS: SPECIFIC GROUPS 5.5 - 5.32 Women 5.5 - 5.10 Children 5.11 - 5.13 Ethnic Groups: 5.14 - 5.26 - Shona 5.14 - Ndebele 5.15 - 5.16 - Whites 5.17 - 5.23 - Asians 5.24 - Other Ethnic Minorities 5.25 - 5.26 Homosexuals 5.27 - 5.32 - Canaan Banana's trial 5.32 HUMAN RIGHTS: OTHER ISSUES 5.33 - 5.83 Freedom of Assembly & Political Association 5.33 Freedom of Speech & of the Press 5.34 - 5.49 Freedom of Religion 5.50 - 5.54 Witchcraft 5.55 - 5.57 Freedom of Travel 5.58 - 5.59 Military Service 5.60 - 5.65 Prison Conditions 5.66 - 5.69 Health Issues: 5.70 - 5.77 - General 5.70 - 5.72 - HIV/AIDS 5.73 - 5.77 Land Reform 5.78 - 5.83 ANNEX A: CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B: MAIN POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS ANNEX C: PROMINENT PEOPLE PAST & PRESENT ANNEX D: FULL ELECTION RESULTS JUNE 2000 (hard copy only) BIBLIOGRAPHY I. -
Africa Briefing, Nr. 38: Zimbabwe's Continuing Self-Destruction
Update Briefing Africa Briefing N°38 Pretoria/Brussels, 6 June 2006 Zimbabwe’s Continuing Self-Destruction I. OVERVIEW increasingly close to martial law. It has banned rallies, marches and prayer meetings during the period surrounding the anniversary and put security forces With scheduled presidential elections less than eighteen on high alert. Growing numbers of students, religious months away, Zimbabwe faces the prospect of greater activists and members of other civil society groups have insecurity and violence. The economy’s free fall has been detained. deepened public anger, and the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) party wants The rising influence of the military leadership in the to avoid a popular vote by using the legislature it controls succession struggle is troubling. Zimbabwe’s armed to establish a “transitional presidency” and appoint a forces have always been a pillar of the ruling party’s successor to Robert Mugabe, who has said he will retire. power but recent months have seen increasing military By engineering a transition, Mugabe also intends to secure involvement in the party machinery and policy formulation. a dignified personal exit that includes a retirement package The crumbling economy has meant a loss of government and security guarantees. However, such plans may come revenues, and the military rank and file are being paid less unglued due to wrangling within ZANU-PF. Through all and at irregular intervals, leading them into criminality, this the opposition Movement for Democratic Change allegedly including cross-border armed robbery. (MDC) has been weakened by a major leadership split. Government difficulties in paying the troops raise a question of whether the security forces can still be relied Low voter turnout in November 2005 deprived the newly on to put down protests.