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The Universtty of Manitoba English Soctety I871

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The Universtty of Manitoba English Soctety I871 THE UNIVERSTTY OF MANITOBA RUGBY UNION FOOTBALL AND ENGLISH SOCTETY I871,-1,914 by JAMES Vü. MARTENS A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRÄDUATE STUDIES IN PARTTAL FULFÏLMENT OF THE REQUTREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHÏLOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF HÏSTORY WINNIPEG, MANITOBA MAY 1988 Permissíon has been granted LuauLorÍsation a &tê accordêe to the National Library of å l-a Bibtiothèque nat íonaIe Canada to ¡nícrofílm thís du Canada de microfíl-mer thesis and to l-end or eel-i- cette thèse et de prêter ou copíes of the film. de vendre des exempl-aíres du fil-m. The author (copyrÍght owner) Leauteur (títulaíre du droit has reser-ved othen d n auteur ) se réserve l-es pubLícatíon rights, and autres droits de pubi-ícation¡ ne í ther the thes i s nor ni I-a thèse ní de longs extensíve extracts from it. extraits de ceLle-cí ne may be printed or otherwíse doivent. être ímprímås ou reproduced wíthout Ìrís/her autre¡ne¡rt neproduíts sans son wrítten permiseíon" autorísation ócrite. r sBN 0-31-5- 441,04-6 RUGBY UNION FOOTBALL AND ENGLTSH SOCTETY, I87L-L9I4 BY JAMES I^T. MARTENS A tllesis sub¡lrittcd to thc Faculty of Craduate Stuclies of the U¡riversity of Mallitoba irr partial fulfillnlent of the require!ìre¡rts of the degree of DOCTOR OF PI-II LOSOP¡jY @ t988 Permissio¡l has bee¡r granted to rl:e LIBRARy OF THE UI.JIVER- SiTY OF MANITOBA to lend or sell copies of this thesis. to the NATIONAL LIBRARY OF CANADA ro rnicrofltnr rhis tl:esis a¡rd to lend or sell copies oí the film, and UNIVERS¡Ty MICROFILMS to publish an abstracr of rhis thesis. The author reserves other publication rights, and neither thc thesis nor extensive extracts from it may be printeC or other- wise reproduced without the author's wril.ten permissior:. ABSTRACT This dissertation focuses on the development of Rugby Union football in England from 1-873- to L9I4" The thesis is that in those years between the formation of the Rugby Footbal-l- Union and the suspension of play brought on by the vrar with Gerrnany the giame was confirmed as the most identifiably middl-e cl-ass of all English team sports" This hras achieved by the excl-usion of al-I aspects of professionalism at the playing Ievel" ?thile the commercialization of sport facilitated the professionalization of other games, most noticeably soccer, rugby footbal-l remained pristine" Its adrninistrators remained dedicated to Victorian middle class attitudes concerning pay for p1ay" The confirmation of rugbyrs amateur status T¡ras not achieved without some difficulty however. The struggle over the i-ssue of professionalization r¡ras the most important feature of the gamers history up to I9L4" Not only did professionalization present internal problems for the Rugby Football Union, it served to be a divisive issue which was only partially related to c1ass. The split of 1895 between the proponents of pay for play and strict amateurs has made it possible to view the two rugby codes within class terms" The professional code, confined predominantly to the north, had a working class playing membership, while the amateur code remained under the control of the London middle class. This has resulted in some historians advancing a theory that, âs in soccer, the battle over tl_ professionalÍsm !üas an example of class conflict. The predominance of working class players in the professional game, while the amateur code continued to attract middle class players, has resulted in the assumption that professionalization v/as a working class initiative. A more careful analysis suggests that the conflict over the introduction of professionalization rlrras a matter of intra-class factionalism between the London bourgeoisie and northern entrepreneurs. This dissertation is predicated upon the belief that no aspect. of culture functions independent.ly of the society in which it exists" To accurately assess the development of amateur rugby up to 1-91-4 it is essential to understand Englandrs broader social history" Vühile it is possible to assert that the country moved towards being a more egalitarian and democratj-c society in this period, it is not possible to say the same r¡/as true for the conservative institution of Rugby Union football. By the end of the Edwardian era the rugby code dedicated to strict amateurism was most assuredly a legacy of Victorian rniddle cl-ass vaf ues, and hras already an anachronism" Ll_1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Over the years I have come to owe a great deal of thanks to very many people who have contributed to the completion of this dissertation" I promised rnyself that I would not be maudlin and excessive so to aII those v¿ho have given aid and comfort, thanks. There are, however, a few individuals whom I must single out for special appreciation. My ad.visor, Keith sandiford, rike a good fuLl-back knew where and when to place a weII delivered kick- I would like to thank as well Professor David Wright of the university of waterloo, Donard Forgay, Jackie Mcrntyre, and the Unj-versity of Manitoba history department. My originar interest in this subject came from my two passj-ons, history and rugby, and, as a resurt r wourd rike to thank all the pJ-ayers and members of the Manitoba Rugby union. r am especiaJ-Iy greatful to the Winnipeg I,rlasps RFC and the l.Iasps ol-d Boys" f would also like to thank all the members of the London Wel-sh RFC who were so kind and friendly, and who provided me with games and valuable conversation while I v¡as in England researching. Many of the primary sources used in the dissertation v/ere made availabl-e by R.c. weighilr and the staff of the RFU at Twickenham. r am extremery grateful to the museum and publications staff at Twickenhan; John Kemp, Len Evans, Alf wright and especiarly Rex King who provided me with anything r asked for without reservation and who became a great friend. Àbove all others r or+e my deepest thanks to Margaret. r would Iike to dedicate this dissertation to ny friend Tom who died the day r left Engrand. He r¡ould have riked it,. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT ii TABLE OF CONTENTS vi LÏST OF TABLES vii INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter I THE EMERGENCE OF THE MODERN cAtfE T4 Chapter ff THE FTRSÎ DECADE OF THE RUGBY 45 FOOTBALL UNTON, 1871-t-881 Chapter III THE BREÀKDOWN OF CONSENSUS 93 Chapter IV THE SPLIT t_48 Chapter V THE BLEAK YEARS, l_896-L905 204 Chapter VI ENGI,AND I S RESURGENCE: ].910.19]-4 257 CONCLUSTON 297 APPENDTX A, 315 BTBLTOGRÀ,PHY 3 t-8 V1 LIST OF TABLES TABLE 1 GAr.fES OF IÌÍPORTANCE (1902-03) 228 T.å,BLE 2 THE RECORD OF THE ENGLTSH XV, 234 187 1-1905 TABLE 3 SOME ENGLISH INTERNATIONÄLS 235 WHO TURNED PROFESSIONAL UP 10 1905 TÀBLE 4 COMMUNITY CENTRED CLUBS TN 269 WEST COUNTY AND MIDI,ANDS UNIONS v r-r INTRODUCTION: NOTES ON SOURCES Not so long ago the study of sport and leisure rtras consídered rrbeyond the boundaryrr of legitinate academic histories. In 1-978 Peter Bailey lamented the lack of serious studies of leisure by historians, and three years later Keith Sandiford could report that Lhere \dere only a smal-l- number of works in the area. 1 One such ef fort Ìiúas Baileyts Leisure and Cl-ass in Victorian England" the book has recently been re-issued in paperback with a revised bibliography and a nevr introduction. These nelÂ/ features attest to the growth in the historiography of English leisure, especially for the Victorian period.2 In the past decade, building on pioneering works, the history of sport and leisure has evolved into a legitimate and vital sub-category of socj-aI history" Nineteenth century England has proven to be an especially attractive period for the practitioners of sport and l-e j-sure history. In this time of rapid social readjustment to the demands of a maturing industrial capitalist state and the embourgeoisement of society, leisure of an organized type has shown itself to be a revealing response to social change. This has been the focus of macro-studies of the period. Baileyts 1-978 work addressed the rrstruggle for control of rational recreationrl between the rniddle and working cfasses" Hugh Cunningham has dj-rected his attentions to the development of l-eisure in relationship to capitalism and consumerism" James Vüalvin, the most prolific historian of leisure, centred his most impressive work on the molding of increasing free time to correspond to the requirements of the society as a whole. Writing on the later years of the century, Stephen Yeo has revealed that leisure hlas subjected to the commodification process and as a conseçßlence severed its tttraditionalrr relationship to the church and the work p1ace. 3 Schol-ars have also isolated specif ic types of l-eisure practices and have attenpted to relate their development to the demands of the nineteenth century" It is possible nol/ì/ to claim that in some cases leisure historiography has moved into a second g'eneration. For example, John K" Walton has expanded on the impressionistic works of John Lowerson and John Myerscough and Walvin, by producing a more exacting study of sea side resorts.4 Among the most impressive histories of sport is Tony Masonrs Association Football and English Society in which the author re- assesses the contentions of I¡IaIvin and lrlilliam Baker that soccer had by I9L4 become dominated by the working class as part of a unJ-que culture.S There has yet to be revisionist responses to the studies of horse racing and cricket by Vüray Vamplew and Keith Sandiford, but these do not seem too far off.6 Bruce Ha1ey¡s The Healthy Body and Victorían Cu1ture, and the evolution of the cult of games in English education, as examined by James Mangan, extends the study of leisure to that of an idea, while Helen Mellerrs examination of urbanization and leisure in Bristol- is an example of the ever widenJ-ng focus of the field.T Those scholars mentioned are only a fragment of those concerned v¡ith the hisory of sport and l-eisure in the nineteenth century, but it is safe to say that they rank among the best examples of scholarship, and reflect the potential limitlessness of the general topic.
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