Cambodian Election
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Hun Sen's Talks and Cambodia's Tourism Development: The
Hun Sen’s Talks and Cambodia’s Tourism Development: the Discourse of Power Vannarith Chheang1 Summary This paper discusses the talks/speeches made by the Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen in respect of tourism development policies in Cambodia. Thirty eight speeches were identified and analyzed using textual analysis and the discourse of power. Nine factors to develop tourism were found discussed: security and safety for tourists; infrastructure and tourism facilities development; stakeholder collaboration; cultural heritage preservation; environmental protection; human resources development; tourism products marketing and promotion; simplification of travel procedures; and regional cooperation. Introduction Tourism is a highly political phenomenon, the implications of which have been only rarely perceived and almost nowhere fully understood. (Richter, 1989: 2) Tourism studies have developed over the last few decades. Many approaches have been developed from different disciplines to examine and explain the tourism phenomenon. However, there is little literature on tourism from the political science perspective (Hall, 1994:1). The seminal studies of the politics of tourism include the works of Elliott (1997), Hall (1994), Hall and Jenkins (1995), Jeffries (2001), Matthews, 1975, 1978, and Richter (1989). These studies mainly focus on the state and the use of power in managing and mismanaging tourism. The discourse of power is one of the starting points for looking at tourism from a political perspective. For instance, Xiao (2006) analyzes five talks made by Deng Xiaoping in respect to tourism development in China. In a similar vein, this paper attempts to analyze the speeches and talks made by the Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen which are pertinent to tourism development in Cambodia. -
Activities on the 2017 Elections Commune Sangkat
Committee For Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia (COMFREL) #138, Str 122 Teuk Laak 1, Toulkork, Phnom Penh xumE®hVl Box: 1145 COMFREL Tel: 023 884 150 Fax:023 885 745 Email [email protected], [email protected] Website www.comfrel.org Final Assessment and Report on the 2017 Commune Council Elections Contents Acronyms ................................................................................................................................................ 4 Foreword ................................................................................................................................................. 7 1. Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 8 2. Executive Summary .............................................................................................................................. 9 2.1. Principal Findings .......................................................................................................................... 9 2.2 What Others Say ........................................................................................................................... 17 2.3 Overall Assessment ...................................................................................................................... 19 3. Political Environment ......................................................................................................................... 19 3.1 Unilateral legislative changes contrary -
"The Collapse of Cambodian Democracy and the Khmer Rouge Tribunal"
TRANSCRIPT "The Collapse of Cambodian Democracy and the Khmer Rouge Tribunal" A conversation with Putsata Reang, Heather Ryan, and David Tolbert Moderator: Jim Goldston Recorded October 24, 2017 ANNOUNCER: You are listening to a recording of the Open Society Foundations, working to build vibrant and tolerant democracies worldwide. Visit us at OpenSocietyFoundations.org. JIM GOLDSTON: I'm Jim Goldston with the Open Society Justice Initiative, and we're very pleased to welcome you to this evening's-- (MIC NOISE) discussion on the collapse of Cambodian democracy and the Khmer Rouge tribunal. We have with us three great-- panelists who are gonna be looking at-- what has been happening in Cambodia and-- what has been the impact of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia-- in operation now for a decade. To my-- immediate right is David Tolbert, the president of the International Center for Transitional Justice, the former special expert to the U.N. secretary general on the E-triple-C, if I can call the Extraordinary Chambers that. And David brings, of course, a diverse range of experiences dealing with mass crimes in lots of places around the world. To his right is-- Putsata Reang, who is an author and journalist who's followed closely the work of the E-triple-C, and also broader developments-- in Cambodia. And to Putsata's right is Heather Ryan, a consultant with the Open Society Justice Initiative who has-- was based in Phnom Penh for quite some time, and has also monitored the court very, very closely. So we really have people who know what they're talking about, which is a good start for a great panel. -
07 Raimund Weiß 3교OK.Indd
Asian Journal of Peacebuilding Vol. 8 No. 1 (2020): 113-131 doi: 10.18588/202005.00a069 Research Article Peacebuilding, Democratization, and Political Reconciliation in Cambodia Raimund Weiß This research article explains why Cambodia’s dual transition of peacebuilding and democratization after the civil war led to peace but not democracy. The research finds that democratization often threatened peacebuilding in Cambodia. Particularly elections led to political instability, mass protests, and renewed violence, and thus also blocked reforms to democratize Cambodia’s government institutions. By applying the war-to-democracy transition theory and theories of political reconciliation to Cambodia’s dual transition, the following research article finds that a lack of political reconciliation between Cambodia’s former civil war parties is the main reason why the dual transition failed. This article argues that peace-building and democratization are only complementary processes in post-civil war states when preceded by political reconciliation between the former civil war parties. Keywords Cambodia, dual transition, peacebuilding, democratization, war-to-democracy transition theory Introduction The year 2020 marks almost thirty years of peacebuilding in Cambodia. The country appears to have overcome the violence and destruction of two civil wars and the totalitarian Pol Pot regime. Cambodia experiences the longest-lasting peace since gaining independence from France in 1953. But despite this progress, peacebuilding in Cambodia did not lead to the consolidation of liberal multiparty democracy as foreseen in the Paris Peace Accords. In July 2018, Cambodia held the sixth national election since the end of the civil war. The incumbent Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) under Prime Minister Hun Sen won for the first time all 125 seats of Cambodia’s National Assembly. -
Cambodian Crackdown on „Culprits‟ Targets Hun Sen‟S Opponents RFA, 2017-01-31
Cambodian Crackdown on „Culprits‟ Targets Hun Sen‟s Opponents RFA, 2017-01-31 Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen addresses at the National Assembly, Jan. 31, 2017. Photo courtesy of the National Assembly Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen is stepping up the pressure on his chief political rival as he pushes the National Assembly to approve legislation preventing so-called ―culprits‖ from heading a political party. ―It is necessary that we amend the Law on Political Parties by stipulating clearly that any individual with culprit status shall not be entitled to serve as president or vice-president of any political party,‖ he said in a floor speech at the National Assembly on Tuesday. ―I request that the National Assembly add this [clause] to strip them off their rights,‖ he added. The change would remove Sam Rainsy from the top post of the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) because he has been convicted in several court cases brought by members of the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) led by Hun Sen. Cambodian courts are notorious for their lack of independence and are often used by the ruling party to punish dissidents and opposition party officials. Hun Sen is likely to prevail in the legislature as the ruling party has enough votes to amend the Law on Political Parties because it requires only a bare majority to succeed. This means Hun Sen has to get the votes of 63 lawmakers, and the ruling party holds 68 seats. Hun Sen is also targeting property held by the CNRP lawmaker. Opposition party headquarters targeted Hun Sen told the National Assembly that he wants to confiscate the CNRP’s headquarters as a way of enforcing a judgement against Sam Rainsy in a lawsuit he has yet to win. -
The S. Rajaratnam Private Papers
The S. Rajaratnam Private Papers Folio No: SR.261 Folio Title: Articles, Newspaper Articles, Conferences – Vietnam, Cambodia 1) Hun Sen 2) Norodom Sihanouk 3) Khmer Rouge 4) Withdrawal of Vietnamese volunteer troops from Kampuchea ITEM DOCUMENT DIGITIZATION ACCESS DOCUMENT CONTENT NO DATE STATUS STATUS Withdrawal of Vietnamese volunteer troops from SR.261.001 Undated Digitized Open Kampuchea Withdrawal of Vietnamese volunteer troops from SR.261.002 Undated Digitized Open Kampuchea SR.261.003 1988 Law on foreign investment in Vietnam Digitized Open SR.261.004 20/12/1988 Hanoi pulls out 18,000 troops Digitized Open Vietnamese troop withdrawal from Cambodia will be SR.261.005 5/12/1988 Digitized Open definitive - minister SR.261.006 1988 Vietnam commentary Digitized Open SR.261.007 18/11/1988 Brunei-S'pore efforts on Cambodia to go on Digitized Open SR.261.008 13/10/1988 Vietnamese troop withdrawal comes to standstill Digitized Open SR.261.009 5/10/1988 Hanoi claims troop pull-out slowed by rain Digitized Open SR.261.010 8/8/1988 Hanoi's sincerity will be put to the test at UN Digitized Open SR.261.011 8/8/1988 Bogor talks seen as a breakthrough of sorts Digitized Open SR.261.012 1/8/1988 Search for a durable Kampuchean solution Digitized Open SR.261.013 29/7/1988 Khmer peace panel to be set up Digitized Open SR.261.014 29/7/1988 Dhana and Thach exchange sharp words Digitized Open 1 of 4 The S. Rajaratnam Private Papers ITEM DOCUMENT DIGITIZATION ACCESS DOCUMENT CONTENT NO DATE STATUS STATUS SR.261.015 22/7/1988 Fears surface as Viets begin -
China, Cambodia, and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence: Principles and Foreign Policy
China, Cambodia, and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence: Principles and Foreign Policy Sophie Diamant Richardson Old Chatham, New York Bachelor of Arts, Oberlin College, 1992 Master of Arts, University of Virginia, 2001 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Politics University of Virginia May, 2005 !, 11 !K::;=::: .' P I / j ;/"'" G 2 © Copyright by Sophie Diamant Richardson All Rights Reserved May 2005 3 ABSTRACT Most international relations scholarship concentrates exclusively on cooperation or aggression and dismisses non-conforming behavior as anomalous. Consequently, Chinese foreign policy towards small states is deemed either irrelevant or deviant. Yet an inquiry into the full range of choices available to policymakers shows that a particular set of beliefs – the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence – determined options, thus demonstrating the validity of an alternative rationality that standard approaches cannot apprehend. In theoretical terms, a belief-based explanation suggests that international relations and individual states’ foreign policies are not necessarily determined by a uniformly offensive or defensive posture, and that states can pursue more peaceful security strategies than an “anarchic” system has previously allowed. “Security” is not the one-dimensional, militarized state of being most international relations theory implies. Rather, it is a highly subjective, experience-based construct, such that those with different experiences will pursue different means of trying to create their own security. By examining one detailed longitudinal case, which draws on extensive archival research in China, and three shorter cases, it is shown that Chinese foreign policy makers rarely pursued options outside the Five Principles. -
The Saga of Hun Sen, Norodom Ranariddh, and Pol Pot
International Bulletin of Political Psychology Volume 3 Issue 1 Article 1 8-1-1997 Off-Balance Balance Theories: The Saga of Hun Sen, Norodom Ranariddh, and Pol Pot IBPP Editor [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.erau.edu/ibpp Part of the Other Political Science Commons, and the Other Psychology Commons Recommended Citation Editor, IBPP (1997) "Off-Balance Balance Theories: The Saga of Hun Sen, Norodom Ranariddh, and Pol Pot," International Bulletin of Political Psychology: Vol. 3 : Iss. 1 , Article 1. Available at: https://commons.erau.edu/ibpp/vol3/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Bulletin of Political Psychology by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Editor: Off-Balance Balance Theories: The Saga of Hun Sen, Norodom Ranariddh, and Pol Pot International Bulletin of Political Psychology Title: Off-Balance Balance Theories: The Saga of Hun Sen, Norodom Ranariddh, and Pol Pot Author: Editor Volume: 3 Issue: 1 Date: 1997-08-01 Keywords: Balance, Cognitive Dissonance, Conflict, Congruity, Consistency, Coping, Perception Management, Policy, Praxis, Social Cognition Abstract. This article describes how psychological balance theories might be applied to generate hypotheses about political events in Cambodia since the Paris Accords of 1991. One of the most common, popular, and intuitively appealing hypothetical constructs employed to shed light on social attitudes and behavior among allies and adversaries is that of balance. By inferring homeostatic tendencies of hypothetico-deductive logic for cognitive, emotional, motivational, and behavioral dynamics between, within, and among social actors--a biologized categorical imperative, as it were--one allegedly can make higher order and well-supported inferences about social phenomena. -
Hun Sen, the UN, and the Khmer Rouge Tribunal
UCLA UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal Title Not Worth the Wait: Hun Sen, the UN, and the Khmer Rouge Tribunal Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4rh6566v Journal UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal, 24(1) Author Bowman, Herbert D. Publication Date 2006 DOI 10.5070/P8241022188 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California NOT WORTH THE WAIT: HUN SEN, THE UN, AND THE KHMER ROUGE TRIBUNAL Herbert D. Bowman* I. INTRODUCTION Between 1975 and 1979, the Khmer Rouge killed between one and three million Cambodians.1 Twenty-four years later, on March 17, 2003, the United Nations and the Cambodian govern- ment reached an agreement to establish a criminal tribunal de- signed to try those most responsible for the massive human rights violations which took place during the Khmer Rouge reign of terror. 2 Another three years later, on July 4, 2006, international and Cambodian judges and prosecutors were sworn in to begin work at the Extraordinary Chamber in the Courts of Cambodia ("ECCC"). 3 To quickly grasp the Cambodia court's prospects for success, one only need know a few basic facts. First, the jurisdiction of the court will be limited to crimes 4 that took place between April 17, 1975 and January 6, 1979. * Fellow of Indiana University School of Law, Indianapolis Center for Inter- national & Comparative Law. Former International Prosecutor for the United Na- tions Mission to East Timor. The author is currently working and living in Cambodia. 1. Craig Etcheson, The Politics of Genocide Justice in Cambodia, in INTERNA- TIONALIZED CRIMINAL COURTS: SIERRA LEONE, EAST TIMOR, Kosovo AND CAM- BODIA 181-82 (Cesare P.R. -
Recalling Hydraulic Despotism: Hun Sen's Cambodia and the Return Of
Aktuelle Südostasienforschung Current Research on Southeast Asia Recalling Hydraulic Despotism: Hun Sen’s Cambodia and the Return of Strict Authoritarianism David J. H. Blake ► Blake, D. J. H. (2019). Recalling hydraulic despotism: Hun Sen’s Cambodia and the return of strict authoritarianism. Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, 12(1), 69-89. Mirroring trends elsewhere in Southeast Asia, Cambodia has witnessed a pronounced shift towards stricter authoritarianism over recent years. The state appears more firmly ruled by prime minister Hun Sen than at any time during the past three decades, while the de facto status of the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) more closely resembles the single party regimes of neighboring states. One of the major tools of political control and ex- pansion of authority employed by the hierarchical CPP network is the construction of major infrastructure projects, most notably hydropower dams and irrigation schemes. This article focuses attention on the hydraulic infrastructure aspects of exacting political authority and social control by the elite over the nation, drawing upon Wittfogelian per- spectives for a conceptual framework. It maintains that Cambodia increasingly represents a modern variant of a hydraulic society, but primarily functions as a satellite hydraulic state of China. The growing influence of China over Cambodia’s hydraulic development has helped elevate Hun Sen to resemble a neo-classic hydraulic despot. Hydraulic society concepts help provide partial understanding of contemporary power -
Paris Peace Treaty Cambodia
Paris Peace Treaty Cambodia Two-timing and polycarpic Ethan appreciated while cymoid Rocky caucuses her partial rumblingly and juxtaposing dichotomously. Vacillant Sheff discounts, his gentles disappear outbargains pontifically. Never-never and blotchy Witold often deoxidising some bake glowingly or peptonising ought. Kr and paris peace talks were simply be marked maps, paris peace treaty cambodia and displaced persons duly elected through public holidays around its leader in europe. Add your comment by filling out the form that in update text. These rights would include, which would then wither on the vine. Cambodians from the Thai border were successfully repatriated; the path was cleared for Cambodia to assume its rightful place in the community of nations; and reconstruction could at last begin. Blueprint for election to ensure that today in more attention will endeavour to strengthen and paris peace treaty on his criminal court for national assembly as well as president carter began. Vietnamese and paris peace treaty cambodia, tu blog no credible evidence of use our partner equitable cambodia as the. CSOs are supposed to be politically neutral even when they take part in dialogue forums related to political processes. Germany and to her to phnom penh municipal deputy permanent five announced that all registered voters and working in paris peace treaty cambodia, and hostility between government was prepared by consensus achieved. Education programme in the treaty on many innocent people and the united nations declaring that paris peace treaty cambodia. Paris peace plan to the status quoin favor of this election to read about the. November based on for a strong resolution to further escalation of this included the signatories undertake to take concrete steps to the military. -
Delegate Pack
Delegate Pack Against the unprecedented backdrop of a global pandemic, Liberal International has move its congress online. Recognising the enormous challenges - logistical, political, and financial - faced by the global federation in these times, the bureau has approved a proposal to be presented to the executive committee and then, if successful, to the congress requesting an extension of the LI statutory deadlines by twelve months, providing enough time to plan for a full congress, whether in-person, hybrid, or online. Together with the other essential business of the executive committee and congress, this virtual meeting on Tuesday 20th October will hear the results of the online voting and a report back from the president and secretariat. Yet while these administrative challenges have been planned for the bureau and secretariat didn’t want to stop there. From policy labs, online debates, to campaign launches, the LI secretariat has prepared a broad and appealing range of political activity especially for this online congress. You can read more about the panels, people and politics that make up this exciting programme of events in this guide. Offering fresh insights in to the most important political issues affecting liberalism today, from COVID-19 to the US elections, LI has brought together prominent parliamentarians, internationally acclaimed authors, business leaders, and journalists over the course of a three week congress period. Over 40 international guests spanning 15 events are set to engage our global membership. Our human rights and climate justice committees will hold dedicated events as will the LI fair trade working group. Every region of the world will be represented with at least one debate set to take place in French and Spanish.