THE SOCIAL ANALYSIS OF THREE EARLY 19TH CENTURY FRENCH LIBERALS: SAY, COMTE, AND DUNOYER*

MARK WEINBURG

Ueporlment of Hislory. University ofChica,?o

The topic of this paper is the class theory of It was a vast social-historical treatise shaped and Jean-Baptiste Say (1767-1832). Charles Comte informed by the principles of political economy. (1782-1838) and Charles Dunoyer (1786-1862). It would be impossible to discuss the class However, in order to be fully accurate, this title theories of these men without examining their should be qualified in several respects. First, the view of history, their political ideas and most thinking of these men can not be examined in importantly their economic thought. In fact, the complete isolation, divorced from traditional main thesis of this paper is that a cogent, liberal ideas, the works of their contemporaries cohesive and vastly powerful social analysis was and the intellectual currents of the day. created with the fusion of liberal historical and Secondly, their class theories strictly speaking political thought with the economic orthodoxy cannot be separated from what we might now of Jean-Baptiste Say. consider the separate specializations of econom- An examination of any group of critical ics, history and political theory. This is the radicals, such as the French liberals of the nature of the times as well as in the nature of the Restoration and July Monarchy periods, subject. In the early 19th century, the social necessarily must address itself to three basic sciences had not developed in the sense which we questions. First, what was the primary liberal know them today. With the exceptions of view of the origins and history of the class history and political economy, real special- structure of their society? Secondly, how did izations had not yet become established among they envision the structure of a truly just the "political and moral sciences", as they were society? And finally, by what means was the just then known. In this group, Say is the exception, society to be attained? From this derives the a true specialist, perhaps the first professional basic organization of the paper. In the first economist of the 19th century. Comte is closest section, 1 will present a brief and by no means to Say in this regard, a professor of law and a exhaustive examination of some aspects of the publicist. He wished to apply in his own field the revolutionary liberal tradition in which these scientific methods of J. B. Say. His Trait6 de men shared and some of the contemporaneous legislation involved a meticulous examination of intellectual climates which influenced their the history and social organizations of the work. The second section will deal with the human race based upon the principles of utility development of the doctrines of industrielisme and political economy. Dunoyer, who is which was the synthesis of traditional liberal remembered primarily as a political economist, views on history and politics and the new science was somewhat more ambitious in his endeavors. of economics. The final section of the paper will Trained as a lawyer, he was a publicist, a examine the vitally important concepts of professor of political economy, and he wrote his anarchy and social evolution as' they were chief work, La Libert6 du travail as a history of developed in the later writings of Say, Comte the growth of liberty in civilization, which to and Dunoyer. Dunoyer meant the history of civilization itself.

The original version of this paper was delivered at the Fourth Libertarian Scholars Conference, October, 1976, One of the most important themes in the New York City. historical thought of thelate 18th and early 19th 46 MARK WEINBURG centuries was the concept of the evolution of 18th century found the ideological grounds for civilization through various stages. Perhaps the revolution. first among the French to develop this was In his revolutionary tract, Paine distinguished Bossuet in his Discours sur I'histoire universelle radically between society and government, one, (1681). In 1750, Turgot set out in his Plan de always a blessing arising from our wants, the deux discours sur I'histoire universelle the other, a necessary evil, arising from our division of civilization into the stages of wickedness.131 Paine realized, of course, that in hunting, pastoral and agricultural societies a developed and civilized society brute force which was to be so influential among later alone would not suffice to support a political liberal theorists. It was within this evolutionary order.141 A successful revolutionary must first framework that the liberals of the Restoration break the bonds of conviction and emotion period developed their ideas concerning the which attach men even to bad governments. structure of modern society.lll This was the role of natural law and social The fundamental liberal notion of the origin contract theories, to sap the legalist and of the pre-revolutionary and restoration class theological foundations of monarchical govern- structure of France was based upon what we ment. Thus, rather than the anointed of God, might most simply call the Conquest Theory. the king became merely the descendant of the This concept was hardly a novelty in the "principal ruffian of some restless gang" who at post-Napoleonic era. It was, rather, a common- one time managed to usurp the natural rights of place of 18th century liberal radicalism. Thomas men. Paine employed it to attack the legitimacy of the Similar notions were developed just prior to British monarch in his Common Sense of 1776. the outbreak of the French Revolution by Abbe Paine's wry comments about French bastards Sieyes in his tract, What is the Third Estate? and armed banditti may have lacked scholarly Amid the breakdown of the late medieval and restraint, but they were an effective piece of absolutist order in France, Sieyes appealed to propaganda in the American Revolutionary the growing sense of nationhood within French struggle.lZ1 society. Sieyes defined the essence of this Briefly, the conquest theory traced the origin nationhood as the existence of a community of contemporary European class structure to the living in a common order under a common barbarian invasions which swept over the law.lS1This emphasis upon a common order and Roman Empire and imposed upon the indige- a common law was in stark contradiction to the nous peoples of western Europe and the political theory and practices of absolutism. In Mediterranean world a barbarian military the theory of the absolutist state, society hierarchy from whence there developed the consisted of innumerable legally autonomous royal and noble classes of medieval and modern groups variously called estates, corps, orders or Europe. Coincidental with this was the rise of classes. Society was divided vertically and Christianity and the consequent elaboration of a horizontally into these particular groups, each religious hierarchy, the higher orders of which having its own functional monopoly, its own were rapidly co-opted by the secular aristocracy. status, and its own privileges @rivatae Ieges or For centurie~,the servile masses groaned under private laws); hence the opposition between the tyranny of the feudal system; however, the "particular orders" and "common order", various rivalries of kings and lords and religious "private laws" and "common law". Over all and secular factions allowed opportunities for the king enjoyed absolute power, at least in the growth and reassertion of the productive theory. Each particular corps or group had the classes. In France, the growing importance of right to counsel the king in matters which were these classes received legal sanction in the germane to its interests. In turn the king recognition of the Third Estate as one of the dispensed justice.161 three great orders of the realm. It was in a It was the obvious breakdown of this critical examination of these origins of the particularist and feudal view of society towards structure of their society that the radicals of the which Sieyes aimed his arguments. He noted

1 THE SOCIAL ANALYSIS OFTHREE EARLY 19TH CENTURY FRENCH LIBERALS 47 that it was the Third Estate which performed all development of those faculties across the course the essential functions of society, meaning here of human history would reveal those laws and production and commerce. The feudal view make it possible to trace the probable future perhaps fit the time when the Third Estate was course of the race.lgl Both Condorcet's emphasis merely the servile horde which existed only to on the scientific method and his general scheme provide the sustenance of the warrior and for the development of civilization were to have clerical classes. However, with the growth of great influence among the liberals of - the arts, of industry and of commerce, the Third post-Napoleonic era. Estate had grown to become the largest, the In the period stretching from the American strongest, and most vital portion of society. revolution to the restoration of the Bourbons in French society was no longer the medieval France, there was general recognition, through- commonwealth of knights and priests and serfs, out the Western world, of the great progress but a modern nation based upon industry and which had been attained through the develop- commerce, and the Third Estate was that ment of the physical sciences and technology. nation; nothing outside the Third Estate could There was also, after the style of Condorcet, a share in that nationhood. "The Third Estate growing confidence that those same methods which had been reduced to nothing, has when applied to the phenomena of society and reacquired, through its industry, a part of what government would bring about a great flowering the injustice of the stronger had taken from it." of the social sciences and a consequent ration- The nobility was no longer the "monstrous alization of society. Montesquieu, in his De feudal reality" of the dark ages; it was quite I'esprit des lois (1748). proclaimed that he had simply a malignancy living parasitically within drawn his principles not from opinion, but the body of the nation." "from the nature of things", a phrase that was During the course of the French Revolution to recur throughout the treatises of the early the concept of the progressive development of 19th century.v01 Say used it in describing the humanity and of the establishment and method of his political economy.~l11Charles evolution of classes within society was given a Comte seconded this in the opening pages of his more precise formulation by the Marquis de Trait6 de legislation as did Dunoyer in his course Condorcet in his Esquisse d'une tableau at the Athente.U2' historique des progrts de I'esprit humaine. Undoubtedly, the success of Adam Smith and Development in Condorcet's theory meant J. B. Say in delineating a science of political intellectual development. It was, however, economy encouraged efforts in the other social intimately tied to the material circumstances of a sciences. There was the belief that history might society. Human effort created products, pro- be made scientific, an idea that the liberals of perty, which gave rise to exchanges, the division Restoration France may have drawn from of labor and ultimately to the development of T~rgot."~~There was hope, further, that the surplus. The accumulation of a surplus allowed confluence of these new social sciences would time for leisure and the opportunity for produce the definitive science of society. There observation and reflection. Observation and were some such as Saint Simon who thought reflection led to discovery and intellectual that they had it within their grasp."" improvement which, when applied to man's The situation which faced the liberals with the necessary activities, increased productivity and re-establishment of the Bourbon dynasty was created further advancement.181 comparable to the one facing their philosophe In the foundation of his study, Condorcet forebears in the pre-revolutionary era. Like embraced completely the method of the natural the philosophes, they wished to expose the sciences. Since the laws of the physical universe, foibles and injustices of their society to the light whether known or unknown, were necessary and of reason. Their work, however, was profound- constant, he assumed that this was no less true ly influenced by revolutionary and imperial for the laws regulating the development of experiences as well as by the newer intellectual man's moral faculties. An examination of the currents of their times. 48 MARK WEINBURG For one thing, the liberals were obviously l'esprit deconqu&e(l813). Constantnoted that affected by attacks upon the rationalist criticism the ancient world was organized upon the basis of the 18th century. Defenders of the old orders of warfare. Military virtues were necessary to and many newer liberals complained that the the survival of the ancient state and, hence, were philosophes destroyed, but they could not build; laudable. The modern world, however, was and, where they attempted to replace the organized upon a different basis. "We have structure of the society they had so effectively arrived at the epoch of commerce, the epoch undermined, their schemes were nothing but which must necessarily replace that of warfare, pure speculations, vain and artificial construc- as that of warfare must necessarily precede tions bearing no relations to the real needs of it."lgl ~ociety."~IIn the elucidation of their concept of To attempt to impose upon a society a form the scientific method as applied to the that did not fit its nature would be to destroy it. phenomena of society, both Say and Comte in the ancient world independence and security were careful to avoid the policy science pitfalls were bought only at the price of constant of the revolutionary theorists, a common warfare. Not to fight was inevitably to be enlightenment view that political and moral conquered and enslaved. To turn a modern man sciences were meant to translate fact into into a warrior would make him ferocious, but it ~alues."~1Say and Comte explicitly disavowed would not remove from him the habit of this purpose. Their sole task, they claimed, was commercial calculation. Unrestrained by the to unearth facts and the chains of cause and public-spiritedvirtues of the ancient republic, he effect which held them together. The true would be at once calculating and egotistical, and scientist might advise as to the consequences of a society would dissolve into brigandage and particular act, but never as to the duties of the cha0s.'~"1Dunoyer in particular was impressed enactor."" Where theliberals saw the outline of by this argument, and he later admitted the a better society, they were at pains to importance of Constant's lecture in the demonstrate how it would emerge naturally development of his own th~ught.'~'l through the mechanisms of society itself, rather Although Constant certainly felt that man than being forged in the political machinations had some role in the shaping of his social of a revolutionary convention. institutions, he realized that the effect was Another attitude which the restoration reciprocal. " . . . Man conforms to the liberals picked up from the historians of the late institutions which he finds established as he 18th century and the writings of the dynastic conforms to the laws of the physical universe. apologists was a strong sense of the historical He is influenced by even the worst aspects of relativity of social institutions. This attitude was these institutions in the arrangement of his not necessarily foreign to the liberal tradition. interests, his speculations, the entire plan of his Peter Gay noted that there was a strong life." Reflecting some disillusionment with the underlying strain of historical relativism in the revolutionary experience, Constant notes: "To writings of enlightenment historians, though it change all this, even for the better, would do was often ignored by the historians them- him harm."1221 ~elves.1'~~Even though the liberals found The sentiment that power was ultimately unconvincing the arguments of Chateaubriand ineffectual in propelling rapid social change had and later those of de Bonald and de Maistre for an obviously optimistic side. Dunoyer expressed the re-establishment of the medieval common- it clearly in his early work and it remained a wealth, they were nevertheless impressed by the constant liberal motif.12" Theidea was simple to historical vision that social institutions must the point of banality: a prince or despot could reflect the true nature of society. not long act against the opinion of the vast One of the first of the restoration liberals to majority of his subjects. To do so was to consciously employ this notion in an attack destabilize his regime and invite revolution. If upon contemporary society was Benjamin nothing else this should have been the lesson Constant in his lecture, later published, De that the Bourbons drew from the Great THE SOCIAL ANALYSIS OF THREE EARLY 19TH CENTURY FRENCH LIBERALS 49 Revolution. That they, or at least their inefficacy of power and, in the end, inspired partisans, had not done so was an obvious within them an abhorrence of power as a source of irritation to the !iberal faction. principle of evil. This principle, however, cut two ways. On the Another intellectual current which was of pessimistic side, it set a limit to the possibilities paramount importance was utilitarianism. Say, of reform. The political and social amelioration Comte and Dunoyer were all familiar with the of society could only move so fast, the pace works of Bentham as well as with pre- being set by the degree of civilization and Benthamite French utilitarians, and the princi- enlightenment which society already enjoyed.lzu ple of utility played an important part in their The influence of Condorcet's developmental own thinking. theory is clear, though there was less emphasis Utility was, of course, the basis of Say's upon progress as axiomatic in the thinking of political economy, the source of value. Say. Comte and Say. Necessity remained an unlike many utilitarians, shied away from the important aspect of Dunoyer's developmental concept of an individually measurable utility. theory; and, interestingly, this was accompanied For him the utility of an object or service was by a more pronounced strain of pessimism in his rigorously measurable only within a social later writings. context. Say eschewed individual evaluation There developed among the Restoration since it was subject to the caprices of single liberals a real anti-revolutionary stance. Educa- person, and was therefore arbitrary. The only tion became for them the prime engine of concept of value which economics could ref0rm.1~~~This anti-revolutionary stance embrace as rigorously scientific was that which became particularly forceful with the ultimate was generated in the social market process of realization by the liberals that power and supply and demand.!281 industry were antithetical. Comte noted in his Comte applied a similar concept to his study Traitkdelegislation that a state which, for better of law. From the beginning he embraced the or for worse, wished to create new laws which principal of utility as the motive for human did not correspond to the wants or the needs of action. Although Comte rejected the notion of society must " . . . apply the power which it innateideas, hedid believe that the basic stimuli possessed to give reality to its statutes, and of pleasure and pain had been placed within reform (modifier) by violence the population man by nature to propel him towards the which is subject to it. . . . It must make itself the preservation of the individual and the conserva- master of the people by conquest, enslave the tion of the species. Man's capacity to reason and generations already formed, and seize those learn from experience had been the source of his newly born to fashion them to its The immense progress.lZ91 Outside the context of basic theme of the Trait6 is that such a use of subjugation through conquest, men associated force is absolutely contrary to the existence of to further their interests. Any such association modern society. entailed setting limits upon the actions of the Thus, from various intellectual sources the individuals involved, essentially proscriptions of liberals of the Restoration absorbed both an those actions which were judged to impede the abiding faith in the progress of civilization and a success of the association. In an organized growing consciousness of the constraints which society, these limits emerge as laws; the will to physical and social realities impose upon human obey them is the virtue of justice.!30! Thus, action. Though Comte and Dunoyer were utility was anterior to law and justice, which essentially Restoration figures, their intimate become realized through a process of social association with men such as Say and Destutt de consensus, a social evaluation of certain Tracy, intellectuals of the late revolutionary and patterns of behavior.13" Empire periods, places them clearly within the Insofar as Dunoyer was an adherent of the liberal, idkologue traditions of that era.Iz7' The doctrines of political economy, he treated the imprint of revolutionary and imperial experi- concept of utility in a manner identical to that of ences left them with a strong sense of the Say and Comte. However, his emphasis upon 50 MARK WEINBURG historical development tended to treat utility, than the inhabitants of medieval society who like liberty, as emerging from a determined existed in a state in many ways little better than historical, rather than timeless or time- independent, social process. The actual differ- Comte extolled the great legislators of the ences here, however, were more apparent than ancient world who were able to give unity and real. direction to the legal, moral and religious codes Utility theory also supplied the liberals with a of their republics, harnessing them to the service position from which to attack the natural law of the warrior state. and contract theories of society which were the Needless to say, Comte and Dunoyer were not basic tools of 18th century radicalism. By the calling for a return to the forms and spirit of the early 19th century, systems of natural law had ancient republics nor appealing to the concept of fallen into great disfavor among the liberals, organic unity for its own sake, as in the style of who viewed them generally as embodying the the later Saint Simon. Rather, what they desired worst aspects of metaphysical speculation. was that the institutions of modern France be Comte condemned the elaborations of the rebuilt in the image of society as it existed. The natural law theorists as vague and arbitrary, new nature of that society was clear; it was the Third revelations inviting new theologies. Likewise, Estate of AbbC Siey&s, a society of peace and contract theories were thrown onto the same prosperity wherein the actions of production scrap heap as the natural law. They were and exchange augmented enjoyments and historical roadblocks to critical inquiry and the established relationships of harmony and progress of the social ~ciences."~1 attachment. At this time, the emphasis was upon legalistic, constitutional solutions. Though Comte did not Having completed this all too brief discussion go so far in his admiration of the organic unity of some of the important intellectual notions of the ancient world as to recommend the which were influential among the liberals of establishment of a state religion, he did early 19th century France, I will now examine recommend the promulgation of a code of law how these various ideas flowed together in the and morality " .. . in which would beentered all development of the doctrines of industrielisme. I the dispositions which might have some will discuss the industriel critique of contempo- influence upon the public and private conduct of rary society, its view of government and its theciti~ens"."~IThe purpose of this code would perception of the evolution of society towards a be to form the conduct of the citizen upon the more just future. basis of the common interest, " . . .to convince In the early issues of their first journal, Le men that their individual interest can be found Censeur (1814-1815). we see Comte and only in the general interest".13" Dunoyer echoed Dunoyer generally moving in the common this sentiment in his belief " . . . that a religious stream of turn of the century liberalism. Their observation of the law [the Chartel is the only first articles expressed a frank admiration for regime which can give us a truly national the virtues of ancient society, especially by character, and allow us, finally, a real and comparison to the vices of modern society. durable happine~s".l~~'Suchstatements must be Dunoyer, in an argument reminiscent of understood within the context of the times. Constant, contrasted the patriotism and public Comte and Dunoyer were not calling for the spirit of the ancient republics with the caste subordination of the individual to the state. On spirit and egotism of modern society. He the contrary, they were calling for the compared the modern situation to the darkest subordination of the predatory class interests of period of medieval history, a period marked by the newly re-established privileged orders to the chaotic despotism having no concept of national general interests of a society based upon spirit or public good.1331Comte likewise praised industry and commerce. Dunoyer's use of the the ancients; they were better policed than the phrase "national character" reflects the revo- citizens of modern societies, certainly better lutionary meaning of the concept of nation as THE SOCIAL ANALYSIS OF THREE EAR1.Y 19TH CENTURY FRENCH LIBERALS 51 the "common order", the vital element of this period that the political and historic visions modern society which had developed out of the of revolutionary liberalism were pulled together subject classes of the feudal system. This was a into a cohesive and forceful whole based upon common element in the iddologue tradition. The the solid foundations of the political economy old iddologue, Destutt de Tracy, in his of Jean-Baptiste Say. Prior to this, the liberals' Commentaire sur I'esprit des lois de Montes- aloof assertions of a scientific indifference to quieu, condemned Montesquieu's classification governmental forms were contradicted by their of constitutional forms and opposed to it his own obvious anxieties concerning political and social division of regimes into the two categories of reform. Later, in the industrielisme of Say, national- and private right.1391 Comte and Dunoyer, the concept of govern- De Tracy's ideas on government, it should be mental forms was integrated into a larger vision noted, were more than just echoes of the slogans of the evolution of society.*21 of 1789. His critique of Montesquieu's political The third edition of Say's Traitd d'dconomie theory evinces a deeper concern with more politique(l817) was the subject of a long review fundamental principles of government and a by Charles Comte in the first two volumes of Le growing skepticism concerning the importance Censeur e~ropeen.~~~IThe sense of the review of consitutional forms. This was part of the was an unqualified endorsement of the method heritage of disappointed revolutionary liberal- and content of Say's thought. Indeed, Comte ism which the men of Say and De Tracy's made Say's method the basis of his own later generation carried with them and imparted to study of law. With Say, Comte viewed the the young men of the Restoration period. It was delineation of the chains of cause and effect more than just feigned scientific restraint that which link phenomena as the fundamental caused Say to assert that the form of a aspect of the modern scientific methodY4' government had no effect upon the prosperity of Comte, like Say and like Condorcet before him, a society, that any well administered state could held that the laws discovered in the observation prosper.laOlThere was, here, the desire to sweep of social phenomena were as necessary and away all pedantic arguments concerning super- inflexible as the laws of physics. This belief ficial form and get right to basic fact. When instilled in him a firm faith in the onward march Comte and Say discussed government it was to of truth, since a false system would always elucidate upon the consequences of given acts. destroy those who clung to it too persistently, Insofar as any government was assumed to be " . . . because nature, acting through constant capable of any given act, the form of that and invariable laws, ends inevitably by con- government was a matter of indifference. quering the obstacles one opposes to it."lb51 As the reader may rightly suspect, neither Later Comte would qualify this notion of the Say, Comte nor Dunoyer were as agnostic irresistible progress of truth in one respect. He concerning constitutional forms as I have would note that ignorance must always resort to painted them here. Say admitted to a belief in force to sustain it~elf.1~~' the importance of the form of government on The most important consequences resulting several occasion^, despite repeated assertions from the marriage of political economy and concerning the well administered state in his liberal social and political thought stemmed treatises."" Certainly, Comte and Dunoyer's directly from J. B. Say's conception of value. main emphasis during the period of Le Censeur Say, like most classical economists, believed that was upon reform within the legal, constitutional exchange resulted in the transfer of two equal framework of the Charte. What 1 wish to quantities of value.l4'1 As I have noted .above, emphasize is the concern for principle versus this stemmed from Say's concept of value as a form which was a vital component of the liberal, social phenomenon. Unlike other classical id6ologue tradition and which achieved its theorists who based the equivalence of exchange greatest triumphs in the development of the values upon absolutist natural justice notions doctrines of industrielisme during the period of such as the labor theory, Say realized that any Le Censeureuropden (1816-1819). It was during concept of value must base itself upon the 52 MARK WEINBURG actions of individuals. He merely wished to exceeded the utility taken from society.l5"1 steer clear of complexities resulting from the Hence, the continued existence of a class struc- vagaries of human passion and caprice. Hence ture which did not correspond to the voluntarily his emphasis on value as arising from a expressed needs of a society, one which could large-scale social process. In his desire to achieve onlycontinueits existence through theexerciseof scientific purity, what Say was interested in was force, must necessarily result in a net decrease in the value which society set upon an object or a social utility and, hence, be fundamentally service. Say may be faulted here for more than unjust. bad psychology. It was this fundamentally Economic analysis gave a force and univer- flawed notion of value which barred him from sality to liberal social theory which it might formulation of a concept of marginal utility. otherwise have lacked. This historic vision that However, he must be credited with a clear the privileged orders were anachronistic vestiges recognition of the fact that social process or living parasitically within the body of the value formation was ultimately based upon the emerging commercial, industrial society was, movements of individual actors within the perhaps, an effective enough attack against the marketplace. Moreover, Say held that in order position enjoyed by these remnants of the great to reveal a scientifically meaningful social value, feudal orders. But, since it contained in and of the movements of these individual actors had to itself no clear notion of the fundamental be voluntary. mechanism of society, it was lacking in at least The truly revolutionary aspect of Say's two respects. First, it put forth no picture of a thought derived from this vision of an economic truly just society which was not vulnerable to the system which resulted from the concurrence of assertion that it was simply the artificial and voluntary actions of individuals in the market- speculative product of the would-be reformer's place. In Comte's words: " . . . if each rational imagination. Second, it could not formulate any man were able to employ his talents and his program by which the just society was to be capital in the manner which he judged to be attained which was not reminiscent of the most conducive to his own interests, at the same historically suspect methods of political revolu- time respecting the rights of his fellows to do tion. likewise, the public wealth would increase Nevertheless, the basic class concept apparent continually. . . . Each man is the best judge of in the early issues of the Censeur europken was his own interests." Comte emphasized Say's the one which had appeared repeatedly in the assertion that acting in one's own interests liberal tradition from before the Revolution, meant acting in the interests of society as a that of the fundamental opposition of two basic wh~le.l~~] groups, the warrior and the industrial classes.15'' From this developed a happy (but by no We see again a reassertion of the same means uniq~e)l~~1union of economic theory and revolutionary concept of nationho0d~~~1and the a radical social-political vision. The notion of proclamation that it was upon the basis of the fundamental, peaceful harmony of interests industry that the modern nations would among the productive classes of society was no ~tand.1~~1In one article, Augustin Thierry longer merely a polemical assertion of the repeated virtually point for point the exposition liberals hurled against the power and position of of Abbe Sieyk~.'~''However, we see increasingly the privileged classes, but a fully scientific the development of an analysis directed less notion of the nature of things. Added to this was against the historically derived concept of a the already clear notion that the position of ruling warrior class and more towards the privilege derived necessarily from the authority, notion of a generalized governing class. This that is the force, of government. If the actions of development was the result of the injection of government could be subjected to the rigors of economic analysis into the elaboration of social economic analysis, it could be demonstrated theory. that government action must seek justification Since "all society rests upon industry. . . ," it only by proving that the utility produced followed that the conditions most favorable to THE SOCIAL ANALYSIS OF THREE EARLY 19TH CENTURY FRENCH LIBERALS 53 the development of industry were most pretensions of force; however, historically, favorable to the development of society.lS51 force had been the very principle of government, Hence, the direct applicability of political and governors had been the greatest exploiters. economy to a scientific examination of society. In the seventh and eleventh volumes of Le The political economy of J. B. Say demanded Censeur europden, Comte and Dunoyer pro- that, for the maximum production of utility, duced three articles devoted to an analysis of market relationships must be established by the those classes which depended upon the govern- voluntary actions of individuals.15" Thus, the ment for their existence. Comte began with his old dichotomy of society could be reformulated article, whose title sounds quaintly humorous to in the following manner: " . . . there are but two modern ears, "On the Multiplication of nations . . . [,I the men of liberty and the men of Paupers, Officeholds and Pensioners." He power . . . 15'1 those who produce [must] be opened this essay with a reassertion of the basic organized to resist those who administer."lSB' notion of two classes of men, the producers and Ultimately, what the liberals were working the privileged idle who live off them. His towards was a radical identification of society intention was to analyze the laws that regulated with the market system. Society did not simply the growth of these classes. His principal tool rest upon industry; industry was society itself. was that common instrument of classical Destutt de Tracy developed this principle in his demographic analysis, the Malthusian Law of Comrnentaire sur ['esprit des lois de Montes- Pop~1ation.l~~~ quieu (1817): Since population was regulated by the . . . since labor is everything for us, our sole means of availability of the means of subsistence, it action. 1 will have deceived myself if this truth were not followed that, if one nation was conquered and the basis of all social science, and if it did not decide all the questions of this nature.t"l consequently exploited by another, then the population of the conquered nation would . . . since exchange is society itself, it is the unique tie betweenmen, thesource ofall ourmoral sentimentsand decrease in direct proportion to the degree to the first and most ~owerfulcourseof the development of which it was exploited by the conqueror.l"l their mutual sensibility and reciprocal good will.1w' The same conclusion would hold if the two After 1817, this idea was repeated continually in nations occupied the same geographic area. the writings of Say, Comte and D~noyer.~~'~Therefore, extending the analogy, tribute taken There springs from this the development of to support unproductive functionaries and two related ideas. The first and least radical pensioners had to be seized from producers, conclusion, though even some liberals balked at thereby acting to reduce the productive segment its full implicati0ns,~~~1was that the operations of society and encouraging the increase of of government were subject to the compass of idlers.'66' What had been created was an army of economic calculation. Thus any regime which parasites ever willing to back up the demands of did not provide the best product at the best price the state for more tribute. Dunoyer followed an automatically opened itself to criticism for exactly similar line of thought in his "The having forced a decrease in social utility and Influence of Public Salaries on the Functions of hence of having committed a fundamental Government" and in his article on the public inj~stice.l~~1This is the notion most commonly debt.le71The man favored by the largesse of the associated with classical 19th century laissez- state was " . . . the natural ally of power."lsal faire. It was the ideological base of the Comte went on in his analysis to note the nightwatchman state. The second, more radical effects of this form of exploitation upon society conclusion stemmed from the identification of as a whole. As the productive classes are force as the antithesis of industry. Industry extinguished, the standard of living is dimin- derived from labor and the peaceful, voluntary ished, the search for booty becomes more cooperation of individuals. Those who wished frantic. The favored classes are taught to look to survive without labor had to re.sort to force. upon work with distaste, they are made " . . . to Ideally, in the liberal tradition, good govern- consider all thegoods of society as a property to ment protected persons and property against the which they have an incontestable right . . . ,, 54 MARK \k'EINBURG

There results " . . . a growth of this spirit of Thierry felt such thoughts to be chimerical. pretended equality which forms one of the most Individual efforts " . . . would almost always active elements of demagoguery and which ends achieve the same ends at less cost." Therefore, inevitably in the birth of military de~potism."'~91 government efforts would almost always be less This brings us back to the historic view productive than individual enterprise; more developed by Constant in his De ['esprit de often than not, government efforts would be conqu2te. The thrust of Constant's argument entirely "sterile and unproductive." Most taxes was that military institutions were alien to the were a pure loss to society as soon as they needs and mentality of the modern world. To entered the treasury.1721 impose such institutions upon a commercial On examining the production of security, nation would be to pervert and ultimately to Thierry was led to question the very existence of disintegrate its civilization. Comte, rather, state power. He believed firmly that absolute ascribed specific patterns of thought and power created ineffaceable evils inimical to the behavior not to whole civilizations but to classes development of civilization. Since good civil within society whose relative positions reflect order depended upon the degree of individual the level of that society's civilization. Modern independence, could there be any question that society was characterized by the dominance of an ideal civil order was one from which power the producer class, but, Comte warned, the had been eliminated?1731 The power and principle of force if left unchecked would tend potential evil of a state official was incalculably necessarily towards the growth of an idle greater than that of a single individual however exploiter class uniquely congenial to the criminally intentioned. Thierry questioned establishment of an aggressive, military despot- whether such men should be allowed to exist; ism, which is to say, to the regression of society after all, " . . . the excesses of the police are far towards the barbarism and servitude of the more fatal than the absence of the poli~e."17~1 ancient world. We see here in outline the basic evolutionary This identification of force as the antithesis of schema of social development of the radical industry and, what is more, as fundamentally liberals of Restoration France its fundamen- destructive of the modern social order was the tally anarchistic implications. Civilization deve- second and most radical idea to be evolved in the loped with the gradual disintegration of power development of the industrielisme movement. In and its replacement by the peaceful, voluntary re- 1818, Augustin Thierry produced for Le lationships of the marketplace. Though some Censeur europ6en an article which was perhaps liberals put a term to this development, finding a the most concise and most radical summing up necessity for maintaining some political rela- of the doctrines of the Industriels. The article tionships within society, the logical end of the was a review of Destutt de Tracy's Commentaire notion that " . . . the more the spirit of sur l'esprit des lois de Montesquieu. Theirry commerce increases, the more the spirit of began by asserting with De Tracy the identity of spoliation is diminished . . . ,"1751 was a society society and the market system and incorporating in which everyone worked and no one governed this concept into the liberal vision of history. He and in which the social structure was determined noted that civilization and servitude in history by the voluntary arrangements of free individ- were separable phenomena; they were the uals. product of two distinct clas~es.~~~lWith the The basic question which follows from this is development of European history, "it was in what did the liberals envision as the class losing their powers that the actions of govern- structure of this most just of all societies? ments [have] ameliorate Predictably, ideas followed closely the line of Unlike many liberals who were willing to their thinking on the natural evolution of concede that some government activities outside society. Comte discussed this in his article, "On of the production of pure security (especially in the Organization of Society Considered in its the areas of education and public works) could Relationships with the Means of Subsistence of be productive of utility and hence justifiable, Peoples." Comte noted that a society will THE SOCIAL ANALYSISOFTHREE EARLY I9TH CENTURY FRENCH LIBERALS 55 always tend to put into roles of leadership those pessimistic views on the inevitability of poverty. men who are perceived as having contributed With De Tracy this can be traced directly to most towards the general utility. As the warrior faulty economic thinking.18" DeTracy saw, with states of antiquity chose the best military types the gradual elimination of domination, the vast as leaders, modern industrial society should expansion of industrial enterprise bringing in its choose its leadership from among the best of its wake growing inequalities of wealth. He saw industrial classes.v61 these inequalities as the sovereign vice of This concept was, of course, closely related to modern civilization, since they led back directly the notion of nationalism in the revolutionary to a growth of inequalities of power, and hence and id6ologue traditions. In Comte's article, it a reversal of the basis of modern so~iety.l~~' was also a limited endorsement of the restricted Dunoyer, for his part, was ever conscious of franchise of the monarchie censitaire, a the limitations of progress inherent within franchise based upon the payment of taxes on society itself. One of the most important of property. This reflects the general liberal these limitations was the Malthusian Law of distaste for the results of revolutionary Population. In Dunoyer's thinking the major experiments with universal suffrage and their limiting factor in the development of civilization complete rejection of the absolute power was the ignorance and vice of the masses. attached to it by doctrines of popular sovereign- Political liberation alone could not create real tyY7' liberty, since alone it could not free men from Comte's discussion, however, went further the bonds of poverty and passion. The than an examination of constitutional reform. "inseparable miseries" of the lower classes Drawing on his original analogy with ancient stemmed at least in part from their lack of societies, Comte asserted that modern society restraint in Even given an equal should be " . . . organized in such a manner that division of wealth to begin with, Dunoyer felt each has an influence and a rank in the state that there would soon develop a small rich class, proportional to his utility, to his absolute a larger middle class and an even larger lower value . . . "1781 Knowing how closely Comte's class, some living in real mi~ery.~~~l ideas followed those of J. B. Say, we realize that It must be realized, however, that Dunoyer this concept of "absolute value" can have but saw these evils as arising from a given state of one derivation, that is from the natural, society rather than being the inevitable result of voluntary processes of the marketplace. These the market system. Some light may be shed on processes can be viewed as evolving a natural this by examining a dispute which broke out hierarchy within society, a natural aristocracy. between Say and Dunoyer in 1827.1851 Dunoyer Comte believed firmly in the necessity of such an was obviously concerned with the recurrence of aristocracy, if " . . . by the word aristocracy we industrial crises, and equally concerned with the mean merely the subordination established ability of Say's economic analysis to explain among men by their mutual needs; this them. He was impressed with certain aspects of aristocracy is natural, since it derives from the Sismondi's work on crises. Though he rejected nature of men.""91 Sismondi's analysis and con~lusions,~~~1he did The liberals felt that the hierarchy of a natural accept Sismondi's fundamental observation, society would, among other things, reflect itself that these crises were examples of the general in inequalities of wealth, albeit moderate ones. glut, the phenomenon of general overproduc- Say felt that the happiest society was that which tion which Say so fervently denied could had the fewest extremes of wealth, with a large e~ist.1~"That Dunoyer could accept the middle class and small numbers of very rich and existence of the general glut, all the while very poor.Ia0' Say felt that such a society would maintaining the truth of Say's Law of Markets, be the inevitable development of industrialism. is testimony not so much to sloppy economic De Tracy and Dunoyer seemed to have been thinking, but to a desperate desire to come to far more impressed with the dangers of grips with a very troublesome economic inequality, due in large part to their more phenomenon while maintaining the framework 56 MARK WEINBURG and conclusions of orthodox economic thought. have written on political economy seem to me to Dunoyer saw two basic causes for the glut. have done the most useful work." He One was the ignorance and improper calcula- commended in particular the work of J. B. Say. tions of entreprene~rs.'~~~The second was the One aspect of Say's writing, however, struck unequal distribution of wealth in society.lssl The him as incongruous. Say specifically denied that first cause Dunoyer saw as the natural political economy was a science of admhistra- consequence of the novelty of industrial society. tion, arguing in fact that, from a strictly Its effects would tend to diminish naturally with scientific point of view, the form of a particular the progress of the entrepreneurial art and the government was a matter of little conse- development of better means of communica- quen~e.~~"This struck Saint Simon as a tion. The second cause Dunoyer traced to the contradiction, since " . . . political economy is historically ordained division of wealth which the true and unique foundation of politics . .. " the industrial era had inherited from its Indeed, " . . . each man, in his social predecessors.. This inequality derived from relationships, ought to consider himself as " . . . the primitive expropriation of the most exclusively engaged in a company of workers. numerous class of society, [and] from the state of servitude in which they have been held . . . Politics, therefore, is . . . the science of Production."lS41 Not only did Saint Simon here through the centuries . . . "1901 Reversing Sismondi's conclusions, Dunoyer denied the miss Say's point entirely, but he fell back into government any role in meeting the problem. the pattern of 18th century policy science which In fact, Dunoyer saw government, through Say and other liberals were trying so assiduously oppressive taxation, restrictions and protection- to avoid. We should note the interesting ist measures, as a continuing source of the ambiguity of the statement, "politics is the inequities which contributed to the formation of science of production". Not only does it suggest industrial crises. Only the growth of industry the question of which is to be subordinated to could bring about a more equitable division of the other, but it denies the fundamental liberal wealth. He warned, however, that an equitable notion that the actions of production would division of wealth would be an unequal division. replace the activities of politics. Where liberals Each would be rewarded in proportion to his such as Say, Comte and Dunoyer saw the natural evolution of society bringing about the productive services; " . . .this partition is . . . in the nature of things."lg" gradual replacement of political by market This dispute between Say and Dunoyer relationships, the later doctrines of Saint suggests the absolutely vital role which a clear Simonian socialism discarded the market system understanding of economic phenomena plays in and replaced it with the essentially political the elaboration of a viable social theory. This relationships of a highly articulated, hierarchical can be seen clearly in the development of various and authoritarian social system. rival social theories which took place in France Social theorists who rejected the political in the period between 1820 and 1845. economy of Say were forced to base their social In 1817, Henri de Saint Simon, then enjoying and political visions upon rival economic the most liberal phase of his erratic career,lS2i systems, such as those of Sismondi or Ricardo, developed in his Industrie ideas similar to those generally suffering thereby from the weaknesses of Say, Comte and Dunoyer, concluding one inherent in those systems. Those who rejected article with a turn of phrase which, with the economics altogether were forced to ground benefit of foresight, could be viewed as their systems upon the speculative doctrines of portentous for the development of economic vague social-historical sciences which offered thought. In Letter eight of his "Lettres A un little firm support for their demands for the american", Saint Simon set out on his recurrent "organization of labor based upon the principle and habitual search for a "general principle of of association" and for the "reconstitution of politics". He noted: "Of all those who have property" other than in strident assertions of tried their hand at this task, the savants who social and economic egalitarianisrn.lg51

l THE SOCIAL ANALYSIS OF THREE EARLY 19TH CENTURY FRENCH LIBERALS 57

111 to point out that, " . . . there exists the greatest 1 have emphasized the basic anarchism in the analogy between peoples subjected to the regime thought of Comte, Dunoyer and Say, and it can of slavery, peoples still existing in barbarism and not be stressed too much that this anarchistic peoples subjected to the most despotic of vision was firmly rooted in an evolutionary governments . . . Moreover, since the concept of social development. These men were principles of slavery and liberty were opposed not anarchists of the smash-the-state type. antithetically, there could be no compromising Politically, they fit quite well into the liberal one with the other; " . . . it is impossible to pass republican and constitutional monarchist circles from one regime to the other if one does not of the July Monarchy. (It should be noted that abandon completely the principle of the first to both Comte and Dunoyer entered government adopt the principle of the se~ond."~'~~~ service after 1830.) For them the abrogation of Here entered the inevitable dynamic of force, the government and the establishment of the which, if allowed to operate, must necessarily state of pure liberty was not the single ultimate work towards the degradation of society. Noting reform, but rather a result to be achieved this, Comte observed that " . . . the govern- through a series of partial reforms of the more ment, so feeble when it attempts to do good, basic conditions of human existence and a often possesses an immense influence for evil. gradual uplifting of the population through From this, we could conclude that the less it education. That their ultimate vision of society makes itself felt, the more the people pros- was anarchistic cannot be denied. I will attempt per."l'03' The obvious consequence of this line to support this important assertion through an of thought was " . . . that a people already examination of some of their later writings. civilized had no need, in order to be happy, Of the three, Say and Comte were the most other than not to be despoiled and to be left to explicit in their endorsement of a society without itself. It would do better by the sole force of its government. In his theory of law, Comte customs and the instinct which directs it towards observed that, " . . . the principal elements of its conservation and prosperity than could all force in social laws existed in the very heart of our clever politicians with their systems society (la population); they existed in their supported by their armies and their innumerable needs, in their affections, in their judgments agents."l'041 Clearly, here the qualifying phase is and in their idea^."^" Civil law was merely the a "people already civilized". This underlines the description of a natural order of things anterior basic evolutionary notion of the interconnected- to it. At most, an act of legislative or executive ness of liberty and the level of civilization in the fiat could only make mandatory for all what had thinking of these men. first been the consensus of the vast majority.lg71 Comte's theories of law were accompanied by Both Say and Comte agreed that law contrary a fairly well developed historical theory based to the social consensus could be imposed and primarily upon the works of contemporareous maintained only by means of force. "An historians and observers of primitive societies. artificial order sustains itself only through Dunoyer criticized what he viewed as the compulsion and cannot ever re-establish itself excessive environmental determinism of without violence and injusti~e."~~~'Force, for Comte's sy~tem.l'~~1In truth, this criticism was Comte, was the principle of slavery and the unjust. All Comte had asserted was the purely antithesis of liberty. The exercise of domination common sense notion, dating from Condorcet necessarily would lead to the immiseration of at least, that civilization would develop first and society and its reversion into barbarism.lS91 fastest in those areas which were naturally most Exploitation would destroy industry and create congenial to human life and productivity, a the privileged idle classes which are the support notion which Dunoyer himself developed in his of despotism and aggressi0n.l'~~1 Libert6 du Tra~ail."~~1Comte's critique of Although Comte's Trait6 de legislation Montesquieu should have dispelled any suspi- concentrated on an examination of the effects of cion that he wished to fix the determinants of institutions of pure chattel slavery, he hastened human progress strictly within man's physical 58 MARK WI31NBURG en~ironment.~'~~~ deterministic view of history developed by the Oddly enough, Dunoyer's historical vision as Saint-Simonians, and like Dunoyer, emphasized elaborated in the various editions of his major the responsibility of the individual for progress. treatise, had, at least outwardly, a much heavier "Undoubtedly," he admitted, "a part of our flavor of economic determinism. There were, troubles derives from our condition and from however, two threads in Dunoyer's scheme of the nature of things, but most of them are of history. One emphasized the necessary course human making. On the whole, man makes his which a progressive development of civilization own destiny. . . " Say would at least agree that must take. The other emphasized the respons- the present condition of man represented an ibility of the individual actors within society to intermed~ate stage lying somewhere between seek their liberation not simply in demands for barbarism and true ~ivilization.1~~" political reform, but in individual efforts which Say and Comte saw society as naturally would enlarge their knowledge, expand their progressive and wished to emphasize the productivity and increase their morality. autonomous effects of power which, if allowed From his study of history, Dunoyer conclud- to operate unchecked, would plunge society ed: " . . . that in the course of these diverse back into the depths of tyranny and barbarism. states of civilization which I have described, and Dunoyer agreed in principle, but he wished to in its progressive movement towards the present, establish a more intimate causal connection the species was little determined by ideas of between a given state of society and the amount reason or justice; it did nothing more than cede of power which could be exercised in social to necessity. . . . " Each stage of civilization relationships. Dunoyer emphasized that, with created within itself the conditions which would the development of liberty, which was the ability direct men towards the next stage in a necessary to exercise one's faculties more fully, there and determined successi~n.~'~~l devolved upon the individual a greater respons- This deterministic outlook derived from ibility for his own self-improvement. We can Dunoyer's firm belief in the doctrines of discern in Dunoyer's development of this notion a polemical purpose, one that becomes clearer political economy and the faith that political economy elaborated a series of laws which were when viewed against the backgroud of the radical and revolutionary political movements constant throughout time. On the gross scale, which surfaced in France during the later years away from the random whims of individual actors, the broad sweeps of human history of the July Monarchy. Necessarily, the primary means of reform could be made intelligible and could be shown to endorsed by the liberals was education. follow a basic pattern explicable within the framework of economic do~trines."~~l Education was the natural complement of their evolutionary, anti-power thinking. Moreover, On the individual scale, Dunoyer wished to an examination of the thinking of Say, Comte point out to each member of society his own and Dunoyer on education reveals the role personal responsibility for the advancement of which they saw government playing in the final civilization. His rigorous insistence that peoples development of modern civilization. were at bottom responsible for their own From Say and Destutt de Tracy, Comte and despotic governments brought down on him the Dunoyer had inherited a deep distrust of attacks of Charles Comte and Benjamin revolution and the faith in education which was Constant who felt that the oppressor must an important element in the idPologue tradition. assume the greatest blame for the degradation of Revolution historically had led only to the the people."'O1 consolidation and concentration of power.""l Nevertheless, there was not much distance Likewise, constitutionalism was viewed as here separating the thought of Say, Comte and merely another form of power brokering. Dunoyer. Say was suspicious of historical " . . . To correct power the reformers seek only theorizing; he felt that one's main concern to act upon power; each acts in his own manner, should be with the present. He disliked the but they all direct their action from the same THE SOCIAL ANALYSIS OFTHREE EAR LLY 19TH CENTURY FRENCH LIBERALS 59 point."11131 The best way to put a tyrant out of vital organs of society; government was merely office is by educating his dupes, the victims of one of the accidental organs " . . . whose oppression. Comte elaborated on what he saw as existence or non-existence does not rigorously the major obstacles to the development of a affect the existence of the social b~dy."~'~~l liberal society. First were the habits bred of Dunoyer's view was similar, although his domination, the intellectual and psychological constant and inflexible emphasis upon the dependence upon authority. Secondly, there inherent limitations of social progress lent a were the natural inclinations of humanemotion, pervasive air of pessimism to his later writings the passion to dominate a~idthe craving for which tended to obscure his vision of the security. Finally, there were the purely venal emerging society. It must be remembered in this calculations of the profits of power. These were regard that Dunoyer lived much longer than Say the ultimate supports of power in s0ciety.1~'~' or Comte. He witnessed during the 1840s the Dunoyer held that one of the greatest errors of growth to strength of various egalitarian past reformers had been that " . . . they thought republican and socialist movements. For him, if possible to supply by organizational artifacts the state at least was one final bulwark against what the people lacked in enlightenment and the rising tides of social insurre~tion."~'] experience." Liberal institutions could not Nevertheless, the final goal was as clear to create liberal habits and patterns of thought. Dunoyer as it was to Say and Comte, though Only a long and difficult evolution through perhaps he looked to a far more distant future education could succeed.~"*1 than they. For him, "The individual . . . is the The field of education seems to have been one ultimate object of society. Society's only object area where the liberals were the weakest in their is the growth, the elevation and the betterment resolve to exclude the action of government. of the existence of the individual. Far from Although they unanimously attacked the demanding the sacrifice of individuals to these government's monopoly of education, they great abstractions we call societies the object admitted that the government should provide at assigned to all collective entities is the well-being least some form of basic education. This was not of individual~."1~~~1 a matter of permanent public charity, but a Despite the minor differences which may have temporary measure aimed at the better policing separated them, Charles Comte, Charles of society by defusing demogoguery and Dunoyer, and Jean-Baptiste Say all shared the inculcating restraint in the lower classes whom same burning faith in the final triumph of ignorance might otherwise render "turbulent progress in the emergence of a truly libertarian and ferociou~.''~'~~~ society. In the end, they would have all agreed This conclusion is a reflection of the role with Say's conclusion: "Although the ameliora- which the liberals saw government playing in the tions which are possible are immense, those development of society. Dunoyer observed that, which do occur are slow and limited. Never- "The essential object of government is to theless, the future is ours."~lZ31 cooperate . . . in a development of our NOTES faculties, applying itself to check disorderly and I. Alexander Goldcnwc~rer."Evolul~on. Social." Enry evil tendencies."l"'l Say concurred in this clopo~dtoofrheSonolSc~enc~r(NeuYork: Macmtllan, notion of government as a necessary, but .1931)- - .,, n . 651-- .. temporary, defensive measure meant to preserve 2. Thomas Paine, "Common Sense," The Life and the social body.l'18' The weakening of the power Writings of Thomas Paine (New York: Citadel Press, 1%1), p. 14. of government followed in step with the 3. Paine, "Common Sense," p. 4. growth of the market system. Hence, the recent 4. Joseph Schumpeter, in his essay on Karl Marx, criticized what he saw as the "uncritical confidence" emergence of representative government was not of some theorists "in the explanatory value of the an arbitrary or accidental thing, but " . . . the element of force and of the control over the physical necessary fruit of the economic progress of means with which to exert force." Cf. Joseph A. Schumpeter, Ten Greot Economirts (New York: modern societies.""'gl In Say's final analysis, Oxford University Press, 1951). p. 20:Say. Comte and the mechanisms of the market system were the Dunoyer had too realistic an appraisal of the elements 60 MARK WEINBURG

within society which tend to support the use of force in recognized as one of the key influences in the social relationships to be vulnerable to this criticism. development of historical studies in early 19th century This is not true of other, later radical theorists who France. He was later praised by Augustin Thierry as worked without benefit of economic understanding. the source of his historical inspiration. Cf. note 96. In a later work. Dunoyer remarked upon theinUuence 5. AbbkSieyks, "What is theThird Estate?'' TheHisrory which Montlosier's work, De la Monorehie fmncaise, of Western Civilizarion, Selecred Readings, VIIl had upon his own thinking.This Statemeht could be (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1971). p. 127. discounted somewhat in that part of Dunoyer's

6. This interpretation of the political theory of the eDurnose e was to discredit Saint-Simonian claims to absolute monarchy is a severe oversimplification of a precedence and preeminence in the industrielisme series of lectures delivered by Keith Baker at The movement. Cf. Dunoyer, "Esquisse hlstorique da University ofchicago on thehistory and ideology of the doctrines auxquelles on a donne le nom d'Industree1- French Revolution. isme, . . . " Revue encyclop6dique. 33, pp. 372-374. 7. AbbC Sieyks, "Third Estate," pp. 127-129, 140, 154. 16. Peter Gay. Enlightenment, 11, p. 395. 8. Condorcet, Esquisse d'une rableou hisrorique des 17. Say, Trnil6, I, p. Ixxv. progrds de i'esprir humaine (Paris: Bovin, 193% pp. Say, Coun complete d'dconomie polirique pmcfique 79-80. (Paris: Rapilly Librairie, 1828) Tome I, pp. 49, 51. 9. Condorcet. Esquise, p. 253. Say, "De I'influence des futun progres des connais- 10. Peter Gay, TheEnlightenmenl. Volume I1 (New York: sances economique sur le sort des nations," Revue Alfred A. Knopf, 1%9), pp. 323-324. encyciopedique. 37. pp. 23-25. I I. Jean-Baptiste Say, Troitd d'dconomie politique, Tome 18. Peter Gay, Enlighrenmenl, 11, pp. 380-383. I (Paris: Deterville, 1819. Fourth edition), pp. xiii-xv. 19. Benjamin Constant. De l'esprir de conqu@te (Paris: 12. Charles Comte, Trait6 de legislalion, Tome I (Paris: Librairie Bernard GrosseI, 1918). p. 12. A. Sautelet et Companie, 1826), pp. xii, 10-11, 20. Constant, De I'espril de conqu@te,pp. 18-20. 101. Charles Dunoyer, "Esquisse d'un cours 21. Dunoyer, "Equisse historique . . . d'lndustrielisme," d'economie et morale," Revue encyclopddique, 26 Rev. em., pp. 370-371. Cf. Dunoyer, "!Je l'esprit (1825), p. 24. public en France," Le Cemeur, I, no. 4, pp. 156f, and 13. Peter Gay, Enlighrenmenl. 11, p. 378. Le Censeur, I, no. 6, pp. 217f. 14. Havek notes in his "Counter-Revolution of Science" 22. Constant, De I'esprir de conqu€re, p. 50. that the French Revolution was a product of the 23. Dunoyer. "De I'influence de I'opinion sur la stabilite natural law theory of the 18th century rather than a des gouvernements," Le Cemeur, 6, pp. 141f. product of a Smithian understanding of the market 24. Dunoyer, Oeuvres de Chorles Dunoyer, Tome I1 mechanism. He further stated that the collectivist view (Paris: Librairie de Guillaumin et Companie, 1870), p. of history began with the assertion by Condorcet that 254. This piece is a rewrite of an aRicle which appeared thedcvelopmcnt of the moral and intellectual faculties in the Journol des debars on April 24, 1828. It is an of men is subject to natural laws. One of his theses is example of the later, more developed thought Of that this view of the development of the race poisoned Dunoyer on social evolution. much of the early social sciences in France and led 25. It is generally recognized that the emphasis upon directly to the social engineering concepts of the Saint- reform through education was an important part of the Simonians. Cf. Hayek. "The Cpunter-Revolution of iddologue tradition. This reflects the strong influence Science," Economica, 8 (1941). pp. 11. 13. of Condorcet's developmental theory. Cf. Destutt de It seems clear, however, that all the liberals of the early Tracy. Commenlaire sur l'esprir des lois de Monrer- 19th century were influenced by Condorcet to some quieu (Liege: J. F. Desoer, 1817), pp. 24-26. degree, especially in regard to his idea that the methods 26. Comte, Trail6 de legblarion, I, pp. 338-339. of the natural sciences were applicable to the social 27. This observation is supported by Leonard Liggio in a sciences. Dunoyer's ideas on the development of the typescript draft of his paper on Comte and Dunoyer. race, which paralleled Condorcet's, did not prevent Liggio cited Picavet's work. Les Iddologues (Paris, him from being a staunch defender of political 1891). Cf. Liggio, "Charles Comte and Charles economic orthodoxy. The key seems to have been not so much in the scientific method as it was understood Dunoyer," MS, p. 28. at the tmr (for lnducd very often the hbcral theor~sts 28. Say, Tmirk, I, pp. 2-5. djd not rntnrcly underaand what they meant by the Say, Cours, I, P. 17. "scmmf~cmethod") or eben in Condorcet', assertion 29. Comte, "Des disputes des mots," Le Cemeur, I, pp. that the developmen; of human faculties was subject to 230-231. certain laws, but in the perception of the workings of 30. These notions were present in Comte's earliest the social process which a particular theorist posessed. writings, Cf. Comte Le Censeur, I, pp. 230-233. Also Say's vision was utilitarian, individualistic, and Cf. Destutt de Tracy. Commenlaire, p. 4. voluntaristic, and he emphasized the role of market 31. Comte, Le Cemeur. I, p. 235. mechanisms. The vision of the Saint-Simonians was 32. Comte. Traild delegislarion, I, pp. 120-121, 128-140. utilitarian, authoritarian, and collectivist. It was based We should note here Schumpeter's view of utilitarian- upon an historical vision which emphasized the ism as merely another stage in the development of ordered and necessary progression of social states natural law theory: "The program of deriving, by light through history. of reason, 'laws' about man in society from a very 15. G. P. Gooch, Hisrory ond rhe Hisroriam in the stable and highly simplified human nature fits the Nineteenrh Cenrury (Boston: Beacon Press. 1968), utilitarians not less well than the philosophers or the pp. 156-157. The work of Chateaubriand is generally scholastics; and if we look at this human nature and THE SOCIAL ANALYSIS OFTHREE EARLY 19TH CENTURY FRENCH LIBERALS 61

the way in which it was supposed to work, . . . we rapports mutuels,"' Censeur europkn, 11, pp. 223- realized that the affinity goes much farther." 224, 226. Schumpeter, History of Economic Analysis (New 53. Dunoyer. Censeur europeen, 11, pp. 231-232. York: Oxford University Press, 1968), pp. 130-134. 54. Tlhierry], "Des Factions," Censeur europkn, Ill, pp. Also, Comte's formulation of utility as the basis of 1-8. Further analysis of the concept of the warrior society does admit to a contract theory interpretation; class: Cf. Dunoyer, Oeuvres, It, pp. 27-28. Thierry, however, he was too sensitive to historical realities "Politique," Indurrrie, Tome I, 2e partie, Oeuvres de to agree to theconcept of aprimordial social consensus Saint Simon, 11, pp. 17f. S[ay]. "Review of Bentham's in the same fashion as Rousseau or Paine. Principles of Lepirlolion," Censeur europeen, V, PP. 33. Dunoyer, "Dc I'esprit public en France," Le Censeur, 1051. I, no. 4, pp. 156-157, 165. 55. "Notice de I'lndustrie du Saint Simon." 34. Comte, "D'un moyen de donner de la stabilite A nos Censeureuropkn, Ill, p. 372. This notice quoted from institutions . . . " Le Censeur, I, pp. 273-304. Saint Simon's work extensively. 35. Comte, "De la situation de I'Europe, de caurs de ses 56. Say, Traile', I, p. 5. Say, Cours, I, p. 17. Comte. guerres, et le moyens d'y mettre fin." Le Censeur, 111. Cenreur europeen, I, pp. 200-202, 203n. Dunoyer, pp. 7-8. "Review of Say's Petit volume contenant quelques 36. Comte, Le CPnWr, I, P. 300. apercur sur les hommes el sur la soeiel6," Censeur 37. Comte, Le CenFeur, I. p. 274. europeen. VII. p. 83. 38. Dunoyer, Le Cenreur, I, p. 171. Cf. Henri de Saint 57. Thierry, "Correspondences de B. Franklin." Censeur Simon, "Reorganisation de I'Europe . , . " Le eumpeen. IV, pp. 97f. Cenreur, Ill, PP 334L Arguing from essentially the 58. Thierry, "Un manuel Clkctoral," Censeur europe'en. same grounds as the liberals, Saint Simon called for a 11, p. 111. program to defend the Chane. 59. Destutt de Tracy. Commenlaire, p. 245. 39. Destutt de Tracy, Commenlaire, p. 12. 60. Destutt de Tracy, Commentoire. p. 392. Cf. Ch. 40. Say. Traite', I, PP. ix-x. Cf Comte, Tmilk de C[omte], "Cours de Say .. . " Revueencyclopedique, legislolion, I. PP 347-351. 38, p. 634. Say, "Cours . . . ." Revue encyclo- 41. Say, "Review of Francis Place's Illuslralions and pgdique, 13, p. 249. Proofs of the Principle of Population," Rev. enc., 61. Cf. Say, "Cours . . . " Revue encyclop~di~~ue.13, 37, p. 30. p. 249. Say, Cours, I, pp. 6-6, 50, 63, 111, p. 174, V, 42. This basic observation that indurlrielisme resulted p. 27. Dunoyer, "Erquissc historiquc .. .d'lndurlriel- from the synthesis of traditional streams of liberal isme," Revue encyclope'dique, 33, p. 369. historical and political thought and the economic 62. Dunoyer, Oeuvres, 11, p. 485L This essay was a rewrite analysis of 1. B. Say is hardly original on my part. of an article by Dunoyer which appeared in the Journal elie Halevy developed it in his essay on "Saint- des dconomislesin December of I852 and February of Simonian economic doctrine." Cf. Haltvy, The Era of 1853. In it he defended the principle that economic Tyrannies (New York: Doubleday and Company, calculation could and should be applied to all social 1965). pp. 27-34. It was noted again by Leonard activities. The main antagonists of the in the Liggio in his paper on Comte and Dunoyer. Cf. article were Victor Cousin and Michel Chevalier. Liggio, "Charles Comte and Charles Dunoyer," MS, Cousin felt that economic calsulation should be p. 21. excluded on principle from the fields of morals and 43. Comte, Censeur europkn, I, p. 175, 11, pp. 167f. politics (p. 485). Chevalier felt that in public affairs 44. Comte, Trail6 de legislolion, I, pp. 17-18, 42-44. other factors had to be weighed in the balance with Say, Troile', I, pp. 1x2. Ixxv, 85". Say. Cours, I, pp. economic ones. Dunoyer countered that political 18-19. economy was universally applicable, that it depicted 45. Comte, Censeur europkn, I, p. 163. " . . . the order in which all efforts (travau.r) are 46. Comte, Troile' de legislolion, I, pp. 14-15. This naturally arranged in society to satisfy social needs'' passage virtually repeats that of Censeur., I, p. 163 (P 493). written years earlier. On force and ignorance, cf. 63. Saint Simon, "Lettre VIII," Induslrie, Oeuvres de Comte. 7roil6 de legislation, I, p. 16. Saint Simon. 11, pp. 200-201. Cf Comte, ''Review of 47. Say, Traile', I, pp. 13-15, 336% 11, p3n, 4-10. Indurrrie," Censeur europken, 111, pp. 200-201. Sav. Cows.. 11. ..on. 208-210. Comte's grudging acknawledgemcnt of Saint-Simon 48 Comtc. Cenreureurope'en, I, pp. 300-203. 11. p. 213. here perhaps denoted a certain amount of pique over 49. 1he unwn of rocial, pul~ticaland cwnomic theorlcs is Saint Simon's pretensions in claiming credit for not 4 all unique Any number of example, ,pring lo himself in the elaboration of industrielisme. Cf. mind: Aristalle's defense of the slave economy, the Duno~er,Oeuvres, 11, pp. 16, 43. Cf. Saint Simon, Physiocrats' idealization of the absolutist, agricultural Oeuvres de Saint Simon, 11, p. 132. state. the use of Ricardo's theory to attack the 64. Comte, "Sur la multiplication . . . " Censeur privileged position of landowners under the Corn europgen, VII, pp. 1-6. Laws, the radical theories of the Saint-Simonians, 65. Comte, Cenreureurop&n, VII, p. 16. and of course, the social and economic analysis of 66. Comte, Cenreureuropkn, VII, p. 17-20. Karl Marx. 67. Dunoyer, "Sur I'influence. . . ," Oeuvres, 11, p. IO5f. 50. Comte, Censeur europgen, I. pp. 201-203 Dunoyer, "Debt public . . . ." Oeuvres. 11, p. I6Of. 51. Halkvy develops this notion of the opposition of 68. Dunoyer, Oeuvres. 11, p. 162. warrior and industrial classes quite thoroughly in his 69. Comte, Censeur europten, VII, p. 68. Dunoyer, discussionof industrielisme.cf Halkvy, Era, pp. 27-34. Oeuvres, 11, p. 108. This passage shows the obvious 52. Dunoyer, "Review of Thierry's 'Les Nations et ses influence of the formulation which Comte developed. 62 MARK WEINBURG

Dunoyer stated: " . . . where the government d'une representation speciale pour la proletaires," is a source of lucre, it must by the very force ol Revue encyclopedique, 54, pp. 1-20, Reynaud, "De things degenerate into tyranny." I'aristocratie. Du principe de I'autorite legislative," 70. Thierry, Censeureuropden, VII, pp. 206, 223. Revue encyclop6dique, 56, pp. 5-37. Cf. Pierre 71. Thierry, Cemreurop&n, VIII. p. 230. Leroux, "Du progres legislatif," Revue ency- 72. Thierry, Censeur europkn, VIII, pp. 215-216. clopedique, 56, pp. 259-276. Leroux, "De la loi de 73. Thierrv. Censeur euroo&n.. V111.... no. 232-234.--~ continuit6 qui unit le dix-huititme skle au dix- 74. ~hierj;~enseureuro&en, Vlll, p. 241. septitme," Revue encyclopedique, 57, pp. 465-538. 75. Destutt de Tracy, Commentaim, p. 392. Cf. Comte, Leroux, "Cours d'konomie politique fait A 1'Athenee Cenreur europeen, Ill, p. 195". de Marsailles," Revue encyclop6dique,60, pp. 94-150. 76. Comte, Cemreuropkn, 11, p. 38. Jules Leroux, "De I'6conomie politique consideree 77. Dunoyer, Cemreuropkn, XI, pp. 134-135. I. B, comme science," Revue encyclopedique, 57, pp. Say. Cemeur europkn, V, plO5f. 529-543; 58, pp. 30-80. If nothing else a close 78. Comte, Cenreureuropeen, 11, p. 46. Comte here used examination of these articles should impress the reader the word "6101;" I feel his usage of this term is with how many of the concepts later incorporated synonymous with the term "society" rather than that into the Marxian social analysis were current among of "government." When Comte and Dunoyer the radicals of the July Monarchy. Most of these intended to refer to what we now think of as the articles are from the period 1831-1833. "state apparatus" they used the terms ''gouvern- 96. Comte, Trail6 de legislalion, I, p. 396, Cf. pp. ement" or "adminirfrolion." 402-403. 79. Comte, "Review of the Letters of Junius, No. 23," 97. Comte, Twit6 de iegirlotion, I, pp. 336, 471. Comte, Censeur europ4en. 11, p. 64". Cf. Comte, Trail6 de "On the monopoly of education," Revue encyclop& legislalion, IV, p. 536. dique, 44, pp. 545-574. 80. Say, Cours, I, pp. 118-120, IV, pp. 320-327. 98. Sav. Cours. I. a. 273. 81. Destutt de Tracy, l?l6menls d'ldbologie (Paris: Mme. 99. c&, ~bi;; de legislolion, Ill, pp. 99, 119n, V. Courtier, 1817). IV, pp. 287-329. 140-143, IV, pp. 71-73. 82. Destuttde Tracv. l?I6menls.. IV.... oo. 319-321. 329. Cf. IW. Comte meant here the noble class of slave owners and Destutt de ~raci,Commenlaire, p. 355. the idle urban proletariat which hesaw as the necessary 83. Dunoyer, Liberlt du lmvoii(Paris: Ouillaumin, 1845). ~roduct of the slave eeanomv. The aroletariat I, p. 383. conwed of the remnant, of the mduimuur classa 84. Dunoyer, Liberr6 du travail p. 384. u hlch escaped personal servitude, but whore eLonomLc 85. Cf. Dunover.. . "Review of Sav's Trail6 . .. (5th ed.).".. independence was destroyed by the expansion of Revue encyclop6dique. 34. pp. 63-90. Dunoyer, slavery and the consequent impoverishment of society. "Review of Sismondi's Nouveouxprincipes . . . (2nd Cf. Comte, Twit6 de legislalion, IV, pp. 73-75, cd.)," Revue encyclopPdique, 34, pp. 602-622. 360-361. 86. Dunoyer, Revue encyclop4dique, 34, pp. 602-M)6, 101. Comte, Trait6 de legislation, IV, p. 441. 611. 102. Comte, Trail6 de legislalion, IV, p. 484. 87. Dunoyer, Revue encyclopedique, 34. pp. 80, 608-MW. 103. Comte, Troil6 de legislation, I, p. 448, Cf. pp. 88. Dunoyer, Revue encyclop6dique, 34, pp. 80, 612. 480481. 89. Dunoyer, Revue encyclop6dique. 34. pp. 613-614. 104. Comte, Trail6 de legislalion, 1, p. 460. 90. Dunoyer, Revue encyclop6dique, 34, p. 617. 105. Dunoyer, Liberl6 du lravoil, I, pp. 75-81. 91. Dunoyer, Liberr6du travail, p. 395, Cf. pp. 374, 449. 106. Cf. Comte, Trail6 de legislorion, 111, pp. 246-247. 92. Note again Halevy, Era of Tyrannies, pp: 27-34. 1 Cf. Dunoyer, Liberl6 du tmvoil, I, p. 106. disagree with Halevy's point that in the earhest phases 107. Cf. Comte, Trail6 de legislalion, 1, pp. 74-98. of the induslrielisme movement the attitudes of Saint 108. Comte, Revue encyclop6dique, 26, p. 648. Cf. Simon were identical to those of the liberals of Le Dunoyer, Liberr6 du lrovoil, I, p. 320. Censeur europten. Not only does this discount almost 109. Cf. Dunoyer, Liberr6 du lmvail, I, pp. 102-280. This all of Saint Simon's past history, but it ignores some is Dunover's basic historical scheme. suggestive indications in his writings of that period. 110. Comte, ~rait6de legislation. I, pp. 58-59. Constant, Note Saint Simon's Letter VII, in Indurrrie (Oeuvres "Charles Dunoyer . . .," Revue encyclop?dique, 29, de Saint Simon. 11. pp. 179-180). His emphasis was pp. 418-419. upon orgonilomnand esloblirhmenl of the new society 111. Say, Cours, I, pp. 118-119, V, pp. 286-287. Say, rather than the more evolutionary notions being Revue encyclopedique, 37, p. 19. developed by Comte and Dunoyer. 112. Dunoyer, Oeuvres. 11, p. 36. 93. Saint Simon, Induslrie, Oeuvres de Saint Simon, 11, 113. Dunoyer, Oeuvres, 11, pp. 95-97. Cf. pp. 38, 41. pp. 182-184. Dunoyer is quoting here from Say's Oeuvres divers, 94. Saint Simon, Indusrrie. Oeuvres de Soinl Bmon. 11, Colieclion des principoux &onomisles (Paris, 1848), pp. 185, 187-189. pp. 667-716. 95. Cf. P. M. Laurent. "De la politique exterieure et 114. Comte, Censeur europien, Ill, pp. 203-206. interieure de la France depuis la r6volution de 1830," 115. Dunoyer, Liben6 du lravoil, Ill, pp. 378-380. Revue encyclopedique, 52, pp. 5-39. Laurent, "De la 116. Comte, Censeur europkn, 11, pp. 208-216. Say, moderation politlque." Revueencyclop6dique, 52, pp. Trair6, 11, pp. 307-308. Say, Coun, I, pp. 45-46., 111, 564-592. Laurent, "Le tiers-etat et les proletaires," p. 193. Dunoyer, OeuvreS, 11, pp. 71-74. Revueeocyclop6dique, 56, pp. 241-258. Cf. Reynaud, 117. Dunoyer, Liberr6 du lravail, 1, p. 295. "De la soci6t6 saint-simonnienne," Revue ency- 118. Say, Coun, 1, p. 188. Say, Revueencyclopkdique, 37, clop6dique, 53, pp. 9-36. Reynaud, "De la necessitk p. 30. THE SOCIAL ANALYSIS OF THREE EARLY I9THCENTURY FRENCH LIBERALS 63

119. Say, Cours, V, p. 123. 122. Dunoyer, Liberledu fravail. I, pp. 309-310. 120. Say, Cours, V, pp. 331-332. Cf. pp. 343-350. 123. Say, Cours, IV, p. 452. 121. Cf. Dunoyer, Libenedu fmvail, I, p. 124n.