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A Historical Study of the Influences of European Immigration on the Formation of American English
ISSN 1799-2591 Theory and Practice in Language Studies, Vol. 4, No. 11, pp. 2410-2414, November 2014 © 2014 ACADEMY PUBLISHER Manufactured in Finland. doi:10.4304/tpls.4.11.2410-2414 A Historical Study of the Influences of European Immigration on the Formation of American English Chunming Gao School of Foreign Languages, Changchun University of Science and Technology, Changchun, China Lili Sun School of Foreign Languages, Changchun University of Science and Technology, Changchun, China Abstract—The paper studies the formation of American English under the influence of European immigration from a historical perspective. A literature review is presented first with many important early researches on American English, the history of American English, and American immigration. Then a general survey of American English is put forward, including how American English is defined, what the typical features are, how American English is formed and developed. The focus of the paper is the influences of European immigration on the formation of American English, in which the influences of Spanish, French, Dutch and German immigration are illustrated respectively. Index Terms—American English, European immigration, historical perspective I. INTRODUCTION Language is an important carrier of a country’s national culture and is also inevitably affected by the culture. With the development of the world, the global pattern changes quickly and American culture is affecting the world in various forms. It gains great academic and practical significance to study the formation and development of American English under the influence of American immigration culture, which helps understand the history of American English, American culture and American values. -
Dialects, Standards, and Vernaculars
1 Dialects, Standards, and Vernaculars Most of us have had the experience of sitting in a public place and eavesdropping on conversations taking place around the United States. We pretend to be preoccupied, but we can’t seem to help listening. And we form impressions of speakers based not only on the topic of conversation, but on how people are discussing it. In fact, there’s a good chance that the most critical part of our impression comes from how people talk rather than what they are talking about. We judge people’s regional background, social stat us, ethnicity, and a host of other social and personal traits based simply on the kind of language they are using. We may have similar kinds of reactions in telephone conversations, as we try to associate a set of characteristics with an unidentified speaker in order to make claims such as, “It sounds like a salesperson of some type” or “It sounds like the auto mechanic.” In fact, it is surprising how little conversation it takes to draw conclusions about a speaker’s background – a sentence, a phrase, or even a word is often enough to trigger a regional, social, or ethnic classification. Video: What an accent does Assessments of a complex set of social characteristics and personality traits based on language differences are as inevitable as the kinds of judgments we make when we find out where people live, what their occupations are, where they went to school, and who their friends are. Language differences, in fact, may serve as the single most reliable indicator of social position in our society. -
The Ideology of American English As Standard English in Taiwan
Arab World English Journal (AWEJ) Volume.7 Number.4 December, 2016 Pp. 80 - 96 The Ideology of American English as Standard English in Taiwan Jackie Chang English Department, National Pingtung University Pingtung City, Taiwan Abstract English language teaching and learning in Taiwan usually refers to American English teaching and learning. Taiwan views American English as Standard English. This is a strictly perceptual and ideological issue, as attested in the language school promotional materials that comprise the research data. Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) was employed to analyze data drawn from language school promotional materials. The results indicate that American English as Standard English (AESE) ideology is prevalent in Taiwan. American English is viewed as correct, superior and the proper English language version for Taiwanese people to compete globally. As a result, Taiwanese English language learners regard native English speakers with an American accent as having the greatest prestige and as model teachers deserving emulation. This ideology has resulted in racial and linguistic inequalities in contemporary Taiwanese society. AESE gives Taiwanese learners a restricted knowledge of English and its underlying culture. It is apparent that many Taiwanese people need tore-examine their taken-for-granted beliefs about AESE. Keywords: American English as Standard English (AESE),Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), ideology, inequalities 80 Arab World English Journal (AWEJ) Vol.7. No. 4 December 2016 The Ideology of American English as Standard English in Taiwan Chang Introduction It is an undeniable fact that English has become the global lingua franca. However, as far as English teaching and learning are concerned, there is a prevailing belief that the world should be learning not just any English variety but rather what is termed Standard English. -
Sounding Southern: Identities Expressed Through Language1
FEATURED ARTICLE Sounding Southern: Identities Expressed Through Language1 Irina Shport and Wendy Herd 2 “Where are you from?” is the question one often hears in innovations necessary to understand them, and the inter- the United States. Many English speakers from the South- play of sociolinguistic variables in identity expression ern United States can hardly avoid this question (similar through language. Elements typical to Southern speech to speakers of English as a second language) unless they are used selectively and creatively by individual Southern become bidialectal and learn to switch between a Southern speakers rather than as a stereotypical bundle that some accent and a more mainstream, Standard American accent, are accustomed to see in descriptions of Southern speech. as many Southerners nowadays do (to compare South- ern and Standard pronunciation of a bidialectal speaker, The Stabilized Representation of listen to Multimedia1 at acousticstoday.org/shportmm). Southern United States English Southern US English stands out among North American Comprehensive overviews and synthesis of acoustic English dialects as being talked about and stigmatized the research on Southern US English can be found in works most, similar to English spoken in New York City (Pres- such as the Atlas of North American English (ANAE; Labov ton, 1988). It is often portrayed in the media and public as et al., 2006) and the special issue on Southern US English having a Southern drawl, twang, nasal, or sing-song qual- of The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America (Shport ity to it. These labels serve to stereotype Southern speech and Herd, 2020; Thomas, 2020). -
English in North America (Oct
S. Gramley: English in North America (Oct. 2009) English in North America 10.0 The Beginnings of English in North America. English has been in use in North America since the late 16th and early 17th centuries, when fishing vessels arrived at the Grand Banks off the coast of Nova Scotia to fish the cod that could be found there in great abundance and where traders did business with the Indians (cf. Mann 2005: 47ff). Traders soon began going the Chesapeake Bay area to trade for furs from the Native Americans and as well. The crews of these ships were themselves often international (but European), which meant that in those cases where English was spoken on board, the language was far from the StE of England. What was spoken would very likely have been a mixture, possibly a leveling of varieties of regional English from England and Scotland (Wales and Ireland still had relatively few English speakers). Added to this would be English spoken as a foreign language among the non-native English-speaking crew members. This was then salted with nautical jargon. As prominent as nautical jargon may have been, there were probably as many varieties as there were ships, each representing a different mix of English. 10.0.1 Native American – English contact. All this notwithstanding, the early contacts of European sailors and traders with the Native Americans did leave behind two important traces. The first of these was disease, one of the most significant and tragic parts of what one author (Crosby 2003) calls the “Columbian Exchange.” The second was the English language, which some of the Native Americans learned well enough to serve as interpreters in negotiations with the European colonists. -
New Cambridge History of the English Language
New Cambridge History of the English Language Volume V: English in North America and the Caribbean Editors: Natalie Schilling (Georgetown), Derek Denis (Toronto), Raymond Hickey (Essen) I The United States 1. Language change and the history of American English (Walt Wolfram) 2. The dialectology of Anglo-American English (Natalie Schilling) 3. The roots and development of New England English (James N. Stanford) 4. The history of the Midland-Northern boundary (Matthew J. Gordon) 5. The spread of English westwards (Valerie Fridland and Tyler Kendall) 6. American English in the city (Barbara Johnstone) 7. English in the southern United States (Becky Childs and Paul E. Reed) 8. Contact forms of American English (Cristopher Font-Santiago and Joseph Salmons) African American English 9. The roots of African American English (Tracey L. Weldon) 10. The Great Migration and regional variation in the speech of African Americans (Charlie Farrington) 11. Urban African American English (Nicole Holliday) 12. A longitudinal panel survey of African American English (Patricia Cukor-Avila) Latinx English 13. Puerto Rican English in Puerto Rico and in the continental United States (Rosa E. Guzzardo Tamargo) 14. The English of Americans of Mexican and Central American heritage (Erik R. Thomas) II Canada 15. Anglophone settlement and the creation of Canadian English (Charles Boberg) NewCHEL Vol 5: English in North America and the Caribbean Page 2 of 2 16. The open-class lexis of Canadian English: History, structure, and social correlations (Stefan Dollinger) 17. Ontario English: Loyalists and beyond (Derek Denis, Bridget Jankowski and Sali A. Tagliamonte) 18. The Prairies and the West of Canada (Alex D’Arcy and Nicole Rosen) 19. -
On the Irrelevance of Prestige, Stigma and Identity in the Development of New Zealand English Phonology
On the irrelevance of prestige, stigma and identity in the development of New Zealand English phonology Peter Trudgill University of Fribourg Introduction Our work on the origins of New Zealand English (Cordon et ai, forthcoming) has shown that this newest of all of the major native speaker varieties of English is the result of dialect contact and new-dialect formation. Rather obviously, the dialects which were involved in the initial contact were dialects of English which had been brought from different parts of the British Isles. In terms of population figures, the Englishes that came into contact in New Zealand arrived from England, Scotland and Ireland in roughly the proportion 5:2:2.The north of England was underrepresented, and the Welsh contribution was very low. These proportions tally rather well with Bauer's lexical study (Bauer, 1999), which shows that there are focal points for the dialectal origins of New Zealand lexis 'in Scotland, in Ireland, and in a band stretching from LincolnshireooothroughNottinghamshire, Warwickshire and Somerset to Devon and Cornwall' (p. 52). In considering the relative importance of the different forms of British Isles English involved in the dialect mixture which gave rise to modern New Zealand English, no one will doubt the significance of the input from England. From a phonological point of view New Zealand English is clearly typologically very closely related to the Englishes of the southeast of England. Both southeastern English English and New Zealand English have the FOOT/SfRUTsplit - unlikeaccentsfromthenorth ofEngland,whichhave the vowel of FOOTalso in the lexical set of SfRUT(we employ here the labels for lexical sets introduced by Wells, 1982). -
“Good English Without Idiom Or Tone”: the Colonial Origins of American Speech Questions About Shared Language Have Played an Important Role in Driving Nationalism
Journal of Interdisciplinary History, xxxvii:4 (Spring, 2007), 513–542. THE COLONIAL ORIGINS OF AMERICAN SPEECH Paul K. Longmore “Good English without Idiom or Tone”: The Colonial Origins of American Speech Questions about shared language have played an important role in driving nationalism. European, Asian, and African nationalizing cam- paigns, facing obstacles of dialect and language diversity, all pro- moted, and sometimes tried to, enforce particular dialects or lan- guages as national tongues. But in the colonial movement that became a quest for American independence, nationalists did not ªnd it necessary to establish a unifying “national” tongue against competing dialects or languages. This distinctive feature of Ameri- can Revolutionary nationalism and nation-building occurred be- cause of the prior colonial experience. The societies that came to compose the new nation developed as extraterritorial settler colo- nies. Their social evolution inºuenced the linguistic evolution of colonial English speech. By the early to mid-eighteenth century, varieties of English emerged that many observers perceived as both homogeneous and matching metropolitan standard English. As a result, rather than having to foster or impose a unifying tongue, American Revolutionary nation builders focused on con- tinuing to standardize the speech that had developed during the colonial era. North American British colonials possessed a national language well before they became “Americans.” This shared man- ner of speech inadvertently helped to prepare them for independ- ent American nationhood.1 This study offers not a linguistic analysis but a historical inter- pretation of Early American English that draws on historical lin- Paul K. Longmore is Professor of History, San Francisco State University. -
American Regional Dialects - an Overview
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by OTHES 'Y'ALL COME BACK NOW, Y'HEAR!?' LANGUAGE ATTITUDES IN THE UNITED STATES TOWARDS SOUTHERN AMERICAN ENGLISH DIPLOMARBEIT ZUR ERLANGUNG DES MAGISTERTITELS DER PHILOSOPHIE EINGEREICHT AN DER GEISTESWISSENSCHAFTLICHEN FAKULTÄT DER UNIVERSITÄT WIEN VON BARBARA SOUKUP BETREUER: PROF. HERBERT SCHENDL WIEN, IM MAI 2000 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE ............................................................................................................................. 4 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................... 6 PART I: FRAMEWORKS ........................................................................................................ 7 1. CONTEXTUAL FRAMEWORK: LANGUAGE VARIATION IN THE USA ................................. 8 1.1. American Regional Dialects - an Overview ........................................................... 8 1.2. Southern American English ................................................................................. 20 1.2.1. General Features ............................................................................................ 20 1.2.2. 'East Tennessee Talk' ..................................................................................... 27 1.3. 'Standard American English' ................................................................................ 32 2. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK: LANGUAGE ATTITUDES .................................................. -
Sounding Southern: Phonetic Features and Dialect Perceptions
SOUNDING SOUTHERN: PHONETIC FEATURES AND DIALECT PERCEPTIONS A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics By Rachael Allbritten, M.S. Washington, DC April 19, 2011 Copyright 2011 by Rachael Allbritten All Rights Reserved ii SOUNDING SOUTHERN: PHONETIC FEATURES AND DIALECT PERCEPTIONS Rachael M. Allbritten, M.S. Thesis Advisor: Natalie Schilling, Ph.D. ABSTRACT Using an online survey of naïve listeners, this dissertation investigates which Southern speech characteristics among monophthongal (ay), velar fronting of –ing, the Southern Vowel Shift (SVS), or “drawl” contributes more to the percept of stronger Southern accent. The former two have a wealth of studies; the latter two are investigated in detail in this study. Ch.2 looks at the SVS in sociolinguistic interview data from seven young women from the Riverton, Alabama, area near Huntsville. Results show that these young women participate little in the high front vowel shift but often have shifted mid front vowels. Ch.3 explores the idea of “drawl”, finding that neither laypeople nor linguists have a clear, unified notion of what constitutes this phenomenon. The chapter presents a taxonomy of drawl types and the vowels and linguistic environments that correlate with use. Measures of Euclidean Distance and Slope were applied to drawled tokens of the Riverton women, and revealed that triphthongs have much farther movement than other types within acoustic space. I argue for more precise uses of drawl and breaking, adding the concept hiatification (inserting hiatus into a vowel) to the analytic set. -
Vocalisation in Three English Dialects1 Tünde Szalay
Vocalisation in Three English Dialects1 Tünde Szalay 1. Introduction This paper presents the phenomena known as L-Vocalisation and Sandhi L in English. The first phenomenon leads to the loss of the contact between the tongue and the alveolar ridge, thus it turns the lateral into a vowel. Therefore it affects the vowel system, leading to the appearance of new sound sequences and to the neutralisation between some sequences. The second phenomenon is an /l/ sound that is inserted morpheme finally if the next morpheme begins with a vowel. Thus it affects the consonant system and the distribution of /l/, leading to an identical pronunciation of paw is and Paul is in certain dialects. These changes seem to affect several varieties of English at the same time, for example Cockney and London English, certain areas of England, such as the Fenns, and the Cambridge area, and Scotland.2 They appear in certain dialects of American English such as the Pennsylvanian and the Southern accents. In the southern hemisphere they can be found in New Zeeland and Australian English. As can be seen from this list L-vocalisation and Sandhi L can be found in a variety of English dialects. However, these dialects have developed independently from each other since the middle of the 19th century (Britain and Johnson 2007:302), but the environment in which L Vocalisation can be found is the same in each of these dialects, namely it appears before consonants, with the exception of /j/, and before a pause. In this paper I am going to compare and contrast the presence and the effects of L- Vocalisation and L Sandhi in Cockney, Cambridge, and Pennsylvania speech. -
On the Process of New Dialect Formation
13 How do dialects get the features they have? On the process of new dialect formation RAYMOND HICKEY 1 Introduction The concern of the present chapter is to look at a particular type of situation found historically in the Anglophone world outside of England and to consider the forces which have been instrumental in determining what features the varieties at this location evince. The location in question is New Zealand for what can be termed a new dialect formation scenario (Trudgill et al. 2000a). The present chapter is intended to make explicit the assumptions which lie behind the discussion of new dialect formation and so hopefully clarify the many issues of theoretical importance raised by the recent innovative work on this process by Elizabeth Gordon, Peter Trudgill and their associates. Before beginning it is important to stress that the examination of this scenario rests on a significant premise, necessary for the discussion to be found below: Speakers are unconsciously aware of features in their own variety and those which they are continually in contact with. If this premise is not accepted in principle then the arguments below will be vacuous. With regard to new dialect formation, I am in broad agreement with the statement by Trudgill et al. that “we conclude that the shape of New Zealand English, a fascinating laboratory for the study of linguistic change, can be accounted for in terms of the mixing together of different dialects of English from the British Isles” (Trudgill et al. 2000a: 316). However, the deterministic view which sees the numerical superiority of variants as the main reason for the survival of some and the rejection of others would appear to be too simple and in need of further nuancing to include, at the very least, speakers’ active, though unconscious, participation in the forging of a new variety and a more differentiated assessment of the status of the main ethnic groups in New Zealand society in the second half of the 19th century.