History, Rules & Precedents Senate Republican Conference
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Majority and Minority Leaders”, Available At
Majority and Minority Party Membership Other Resources Adapted from: “Majority and Minority Leaders”, www.senate.gov Available at: http://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/common/briefing/Majority_Minority_Leaders.htm Majority and Minority Leaders Chapter 1: Introduction Chapter 2: Majority and Minority Leaders Chapter 3: Majority and Minority Whips (Assistant Floor Leaders) Chapter 4: Complete List of Majority and Minority Leaders Chapter 5: Longest-Serving Party Leaders Introduction The positions of party floor leader are not included in the Constitution but developed gradually in the 20th century. The first floor leaders were formally designated in 1920 (Democrats) and 1925 (Republicans). The Senate Republican and Democratic floor leaders are elected by the members of their party in the Senate at the beginning of each Congress. Depending on which party is in power, one serves as majority leader and the other as minority leader. The leaders serve as spokespersons for their parties' positions on issues. The majority leader schedules the daily legislative program and fashions the unanimous consent agreements that govern the time for debate. The majority leader has the right to be called upon first if several senators are seeking recognition by the presiding officer, which enables him to offer motions or amendments before any other senator. Majority and Minority Leaders Elected at the beginning of each Congress by members of their respective party conferences to represent them on the Senate floor, the majority and minority leaders serve as spokesmen for their parties' positions on the issues. The majority leader has also come to speak for the Senate as an institution. Working with the committee chairs and ranking members, the majority leader schedules business on the floor by calling bills from the calendar and keeps members of his party advised about the daily legislative program. -
Committee on Appropriations UNITED STATES SENATE 135Th Anniversary
107th Congress, 2d Session Document No. 13 Committee on Appropriations UNITED STATES SENATE 135th Anniversary 1867–2002 U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 2002 ‘‘The legislative control of the purse is the central pil- lar—the central pillar—upon which the constitutional temple of checks and balances and separation of powers rests, and if that pillar is shaken, the temple will fall. It is...central to the fundamental liberty of the Amer- ican people.’’ Senator Robert C. Byrd, Chairman Senate Appropriations Committee United States Senate Committee on Appropriations ONE HUNDRED SEVENTH CONGRESS ROBERT C. BYRD, West Virginia, TED STEVENS, Alaska, Ranking Chairman THAD COCHRAN, Mississippi ANIEL NOUYE Hawaii D K. I , ARLEN SPECTER, Pennsylvania RNEST OLLINGS South Carolina E F. H , PETE V. DOMENICI, New Mexico ATRICK EAHY Vermont P J. L , CHRISTOPHER S. BOND, Missouri OM ARKIN Iowa T H , MITCH MCCONNELL, Kentucky ARBARA IKULSKI Maryland B A. M , CONRAD BURNS, Montana ARRY EID Nevada H R , RICHARD C. SHELBY, Alabama ERB OHL Wisconsin H K , JUDD GREGG, New Hampshire ATTY URRAY Washington P M , ROBERT F. BENNETT, Utah YRON ORGAN North Dakota B L. D , BEN NIGHTHORSE CAMPBELL, Colorado IANNE EINSTEIN California D F , LARRY CRAIG, Idaho ICHARD URBIN Illinois R J. D , KAY BAILEY HUTCHISON, Texas IM OHNSON South Dakota T J , MIKE DEWINE, Ohio MARY L. LANDRIEU, Louisiana JACK REED, Rhode Island TERRENCE E. SAUVAIN, Staff Director CHARLES KIEFFER, Deputy Staff Director STEVEN J. CORTESE, Minority Staff Director V Subcommittee Membership, One Hundred Seventh Congress Senator Byrd, as chairman of the Committee, and Senator Stevens, as ranking minority member of the Committee, are ex officio members of all subcommit- tees of which they are not regular members. -
Mcconnell Announces Senate Republican Committee Assignments for the 117Th Congress
For Immediate Release, Wednesday, February 3, 2021 Contacts: David Popp, Doug Andres Robert Steurer, Stephanie Penn McConnell Announces Senate Republican Committee Assignments for the 117th Congress Praises Senators Crapo and Tim Scott for their work on the Committee on Committees WASHINGTON, D.C. – Following the 50-50 power-sharing agreement finalized earlier today, Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) announced the Senate Republican Conference Committee Assignments for the 117th Congress. Leader McConnell once again selected Senator Mike Crapo (R-ID) to chair the Senate Republicans’ Committee on Committees, the panel responsible for committee assignments for the 117th Congress. This is the ninth consecutive Congress in which Senate leadership has asked Crapo to lead this important task among Senate Republicans. Senator Tim Scott (R-SC) assisted in the committee selection process as he did in the previous three Congresses. “I want to thank Mike and Tim for their work. They have both earned the trust of our colleagues in the Republican Conference by effectively leading these important negotiations in years past and this year was no different. Their trust and experience was especially important as we enter a power-sharing agreement with Democrats and prepare for equal representation on committees,” McConnell said. “I am very grateful for their work.” “I appreciate Leader McConnell’s continued trust in having me lead the important work of the Committee on Committees,” said Senator Crapo. “Americans elected an evenly-split Senate, and working together to achieve policy solutions will be critical in continuing to advance meaningful legislation impacting all Americans. Before the COVID-19 pandemic hit our nation, our economy was the strongest it has ever been. -
The Collision of Institutional Power and Constitutional Obligations: the Use of Blue Slips in the Judicial Confirmation Process
The Collision of Institutional Power and Constitutional Obligations: The Use of Blue Slips in the Judicial Confirmation Process Ryan C. Black Michigan State University Ryan J. Owens University of Wisconsin Anthony J. Madonna University of Georgia The authors would like to thank Mitchell Sollenberger for making his data available. Additional thanks to Ryan Bakker, Jamie Carson and Richard Vining for helpful comments. Abstract In recent years, judicial nominations to lower federal courts have been blocked privately by negative blue slips returned by home state senators. We examine the conditions under which senators return these negative blue slips and whether judicial qualifications can mitigate the possible negative effects of ideological distance. We discover two results. First, consistent with existing work, ideology plays a strong role in blue slipping. Second, and more important, we find that nominee qualifications mitigate ideological extremism--but only for district court nominees. That is, while past presidents could nominate well-credentialed ideologues to the circuit courts of appeals and see them confirmed, today’s presidents cannot. In short, if presidents nominate ideologues--even those who are well qualified--to circuit courts, we will continue to observe lengthy vacancies and bitter nomination struggles between the president and Congress over those important courts. 1 Former Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis once stated about government: “Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants” (Brandeis 1913). While few would argue with the normative premise behind Brandeis's comment, many consequential policy decisions occur in private. Perhaps nowhere is the deviation from transparency-in-government more profound than in nomination politics, where the Senate's most unique institutional power (to defeat measures via obstruction) intersects with its most unique constitutional power (advice and consent) and can thwart the goals of nominating presidents. -
What's Behind All Those Judicial Vacancies Without Nominees?
April 2013 What's Behind all Those Judicial Vacancies Without Nominees? Russell Wheeler ast week, Senate Judiciary Committee ranking member Charles Grassley (R-IA), said “we hear a lot about the vacancy rates. There are currently 86 Lvacancies for federal courts. But of course, you never hear the President mention the 62 vacancies that have no nominee. That is because those 62 vacancies represent nearly 75 percent of the total vacancies.” This brief paper, after noting the considerable power that home state senators have over judicial nominations, reports that: • Considerably fewer of the vacancies without nominees on April 12, Russell Wheeler is a 2013, could reasonably be expected to have had nominees by then, Visiting Fellow in the Brookings Institution’s based on patterns in the previous two administrations. Governance Studies Program and President of • Of the vacancies without nominees, almost half are in states with two the Governance Institute. Republican senators, and those vacancies are older than those in other Data for this report come from the Administrative states. Office of the U. S. Courts Judicial Vacancies • There are many more nominee-less vacancies now than at this point in Webpage, the Federal President George Bush’s presidency. Judicial Center Federal Judicial Biographical • Of the vacancies that have received nominations, the time from Directory, and my own data set. I welcome corrections. vacancy to nomination was greater in states with two Republican senators. • Although it is difficult to apportion responsibility for the number and age of nominee-less vacancies and the longer times from vacancy to nomination, we should consider a specific proposal for more transparency about pre-nomination negotiations that might produce more nominations, more quickly. -
Constitution Over Comity: Toward Ensuring That the Senate's Advice and Consent Power Does Not "Take a Seat" to the Opportunistic Use of Senate Rules Michael C
Santa Clara Law Review Volume 58 | Number 2 Article 3 8-3-2018 Constitution Over Comity: Toward Ensuring that the Senate's Advice and Consent Power Does Not "Take a Seat" to the Opportunistic Use of Senate Rules Michael C. Macchiarola Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.scu.edu/lawreview Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Michael C. Macchiarola, Constitution Over Comity: Toward Ensuring that the Senate's Advice and Consent Power Does Not "Take a Seat" to the Opportunistic Use of Senate Rules, 58 Santa Clara L. Rev. 295 (2018). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.scu.edu/lawreview/vol58/iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Santa Clara Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Santa Clara Law Review by an authorized editor of Santa Clara Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. CONSTITUTION OVER COMITY: TOWARD ENSURING THAT THE SENATE’S ADVICE AND CONSENT POWER DOES NOT “TAKE A SEAT” TO THE OPPORTUNISTIC USE OF SENATE RULES Michael C. Macchiarola* TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction .............................................................................296 I. The Senate’s Advice and Consent Power ..............................298 A. The Constitutional Basis of the Appointments Clause ............................................................................. 299 B. The Purpose of the Appointments Clause ................. 302 II. The Tradition of Senate Decorum ........................................304 A. Jefferson’s Contribution .......................................... 304 B. Senate Comity is Tested ........................................... 307 C. Stricter Guidelines for Senate Decorum – The Introduction of Rule XIX ...................................... 309 D. Invocations of Rule XIX .......................................... 309 E. Recent Rule XIX Forbearance .................................. 313 F. -
“Mcconnell Majorities” in Supreme Court Decision-Making
PRESIDENT-SHOPPING FOR A NEW SCALIA: THE ILLEGITIMACY OF “MCCONNELL MAJORITIES” IN SUPREME COURT DECISION-MAKING J. Stephen Clark* WASHINGTON, June 29—By the slimmest of margins, the Supreme Court today ended its decades of protecting abortion rights and overruled Roe v. Wade,1 the 1973 decision that established abortion as a constitutional right.2 The breaking news one day in June 2019 is the demise of Roe v. Wade. By a vote of 5-4, the Supreme Court has overruled the precedent and left the protection of abortion rights to the sole discretion of lawmakers. There had been no majority for such a decision until President Trump had the chance to make two appointments to the Court. One of those appointees wrote the majority opinion. Perhaps fittingly, the author of the opinion was the successor to the late Justice Antonin Scalia, who strove for this goal more vigorously than any member of the Court since 1973. Of course, every supporter of abortion rights realizes that the Trump appointee now sits on the High Court only because President Obama’s nominee for the same seat was ignored by the Senate for eleven months. The overruling of Roe is directly traceable to that stonewalling and its mastermind—the majority leader, Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky. Why should supporters of abortion rights accept the legitimacy of a Court decision handed down by a bare majority that owes its fifth vote to Mitch McConnell’s Supreme Court Justice? The answer is that they would not, nor should they. Contrary to McConnell’s repeated claims, his posture of determined inaction * Professor of Law, Albany Law School. -
The Senate in Transition Or How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Nuclear Option1
\\jciprod01\productn\N\NYL\19-4\NYL402.txt unknown Seq: 1 3-JAN-17 6:55 THE SENATE IN TRANSITION OR HOW I LEARNED TO STOP WORRYING AND LOVE THE NUCLEAR OPTION1 William G. Dauster* The right of United States Senators to debate without limit—and thus to filibuster—has characterized much of the Senate’s history. The Reid Pre- cedent, Majority Leader Harry Reid’s November 21, 2013, change to a sim- ple majority to confirm nominations—sometimes called the “nuclear option”—dramatically altered that right. This article considers the Senate’s right to debate, Senators’ increasing abuse of the filibuster, how Senator Reid executed his change, and possible expansions of the Reid Precedent. INTRODUCTION .............................................. 632 R I. THE NATURE OF THE SENATE ........................ 633 R II. THE FOUNDERS’ SENATE ............................. 637 R III. THE CLOTURE RULE ................................. 639 R IV. FILIBUSTER ABUSE .................................. 641 R V. THE REID PRECEDENT ............................... 645 R VI. CHANGING PROCEDURE THROUGH PRECEDENT ......... 649 R VII. THE CONSTITUTIONAL OPTION ........................ 656 R VIII. POSSIBLE REACTIONS TO THE REID PRECEDENT ........ 658 R A. Republican Reaction ............................ 659 R B. Legislation ...................................... 661 R C. Supreme Court Nominations ..................... 670 R D. Discharging Committees of Nominations ......... 672 R E. Overruling Home-State Senators ................. 674 R F. Overruling the Minority Leader .................. 677 R G. Time To Debate ................................ 680 R CONCLUSION................................................ 680 R * Former Deputy Chief of Staff for Policy for U.S. Senate Democratic Leader Harry Reid. The author has worked on U.S. Senate and White House staffs since 1986, including as Staff Director or Deputy Staff Director for the Committees on the Budget, Labor and Human Resources, and Finance. -
Presidential Documents
Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Monday, March 12, 2007 Volume 43—Number 10 Pages 249–300 VerDate Aug 31 2005 11:51 Mar 13, 2007 Jkt 211250 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 1249 Sfmt 1249 E:\PRESDOCS\P10MRF4.009 P10MRF4 Contents Addresses and Remarks Communications to Federal Agencies— See also Meetings With Foreign Leaders Continued Alabama Engaging in Export Activities that Contribute Briefing on tornado damage in to Proliferation, memorandum—263 Enterprise—254 Executive Orders Enterprise High School in Enterprise, tour—255 Establishing a Commission on Care for American Legion—263 America’s Returning Wounded Warriors Brazil, remarks at Petrobras Transporte S.A. and a Task Force on Returning Global War Facility in Sao Paulo—287 on Terror Heroes—269 Kentucky, dinner for senatorial candidate Extending Privileges and Immunities to the Mitch McConnell and the National Permanent Observer Mission of the Holy Republican Senatorial Committee in See to the United Nations—286 Louisville—249 Interviews With the News Media President’s Commission on Care for America’s Returning Wounded Warriors, meeting with Exchange with reporters in Enterprise, AL— Cochairs—271 255 U.S. Hispanic Chamber of Commerce Interviews legislative conference—256 Enrique Gratas of Univision—281 Foreign print journalists—271 Communications to Congress Juan Carlos Lopez of CNN En Espanol— Iran, message on continuation of national 284 emergency—287 Natalia Orozco of RCN TV of Colombia— 279 Communications to Federal Agencies News conference with President Lula da Silva Assignment of Certain Functions Relating to of Brazil in Sao Paulo, Brazil, March 9— Procurement Sanctions on Persons 289 (Continued on the inside of the back cover.) Editor’s Note: The President was in Sao Paulo, Brazil, on March 9, the closing date of this issue. -
Senate Consideration of Presidential Nominations: Committee and Floor Procedure Name Redacted Specialist on Congress and the Legislative Process
Senate Consideration of Presidential Nominations: Committee and Floor Procedure name redacted Specialist on Congress and the Legislative Process March 9, 2015 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov RL31980 Senate Consideration of Presidential Nominations: Committee and Floor Procedure Summary Article II, Section 2, of the Constitution provides that the President shall appoint officers of the United States “by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate.” This report describes the process by which the Senate provides advice and consent on presidential nominations, including receipt and referral of nominations, committee practices, and floor procedure. The vast majority of presidential appointees are confirmed routinely by the Senate. A regularized process facilitates quick action on thousands of government positions. The process also allows for lengthy scrutiny of candidates when necessary. Each year, a few hundred nominees to high-level positions are subject to Senate investigations and public hearings. Committees play the central role in the process through investigations and hearings. Senate Rule XXXI provides that nominations shall be referred to appropriate committees “unless otherwise ordered.” Most nominations are referred, although a Senate standing order provides that some nominations to specified positions will not be referred unless requested by a Senator. The Senate rule concerning committee jurisdictions (Rule XXV) broadly defines issue areas for committees, and the same jurisdictional statements generally apply to nominations as well as legislation. A committee often gathers information about a nominee either before or instead of a formal hearing. A committee considering a nomination has four options. It can report the nomination to the Senate favorably, unfavorably, or without recommendation, or it can choose to take no action. -
CHAIRMEN of SENATE STANDING COMMITTEES [Table 5-3] 1789–Present
CHAIRMEN OF SENATE STANDING COMMITTEES [Table 5-3] 1789–present INTRODUCTION The following is a list of chairmen of all standing Senate committees, as well as the chairmen of select and joint committees that were precursors to Senate committees. (Other special and select committees of the twentieth century appear in Table 5-4.) Current standing committees are highlighted in yellow. The names of chairmen were taken from the Congressional Directory from 1816–1991. Four standing committees were founded before 1816. They were the Joint Committee on ENROLLED BILLS (established 1789), the joint Committee on the LIBRARY (established 1806), the Committee to AUDIT AND CONTROL THE CONTINGENT EXPENSES OF THE SENATE (established 1807), and the Committee on ENGROSSED BILLS (established 1810). The names of the chairmen of these committees for the years before 1816 were taken from the Annals of Congress. This list also enumerates the dates of establishment and termination of each committee. These dates were taken from Walter Stubbs, Congressional Committees, 1789–1982: A Checklist (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1985). There were eleven committees for which the dates of existence listed in Congressional Committees, 1789–1982 did not match the dates the committees were listed in the Congressional Directory. The committees are: ENGROSSED BILLS, ENROLLED BILLS, EXAMINE THE SEVERAL BRANCHES OF THE CIVIL SERVICE, Joint Committee on the LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, LIBRARY, PENSIONS, PUBLIC BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS, RETRENCHMENT, REVOLUTIONARY CLAIMS, ROADS AND CANALS, and the Select Committee to Revise the RULES of the Senate. For these committees, the dates are listed according to Congressional Committees, 1789– 1982, with a note next to the dates detailing the discrepancy. -
February 23, 2021 the Honorable Nancy Pelosi Speaker of the House U.S. House of Representatives Washington D.C. 20515 The
February 23, 2021 The Honorable Nancy Pelosi The Honorable Chuck Schumer Speaker of the House Majority Leader U.S. House of Representatives U.S. Senate Washington D.C. 20515 Washington D.C. 20510 The Honorable Kevin McCarthy The Honorable Mitch McConnell Republican Leader Republican Leader U.S. House of Representatives U.S. Senate Washington D.C. 20515 Washington D.C. 20510 Dear Speaker Pelosi, Leader Schumer, Leader McCarthy, and Leader McConnell: We, the members of the International Franchise Association and the Franchise Action Network, representing franchising worldwide, thank you for your continued leadership on behalf of small businesses. We write on behalf of the nation’s franchising community to urge Congress to reconsider both the extent and timing of the “Raise the Wage Act” of 2021. We, the undersigned, do not support the "Raise the Wage Act" of 2021 in its present form. Make no mistake, we value our workers and want to do our part to help accelerate the economy with good opportunities to help workers support their families. There must be balance as the economy gets back online, and a doubling of the federal minimum wage at a time when the over 700,000 local franchise small businesses in this country are still recovering from the pandemic will be counterproductive at best and devastating at worst. Many of these businesses are still dutifully following operating restrictions and incurring costly expenses in an attempt to slow the spread of COVID-19. We are ready and willing partners to discuss what incentives will drive wages and upward mobility, but at the same time, we must ensure that Congressional policies do not make it more challenging for businesses to hire workers.