Address at the Close of the National Tallying Center and Declaration
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Kenya's Supreme Court
Kenya’s Supreme Court: Old Wine in New Bottles? By Special Correspondent As the six Supreme Court judges were adjudicating Kenya’s first presidential election petition in March 2013, Justice Kalpana Hasmukhrai Rawal was waiting for a new president to take office and the newly elected National Assembly to convene so that her nomination as Deputy Chief Justice could move forward. The Judicial Service Commission (JSC) had settled on her appointment after interviewing a shortlist of applicants in February 2013. The Judges and Magistrates Vetting Board had earlier found her to be suitable to continue serving as a Court of Appeal judge. Justice Rawal eventually joined the Supreme Court on 3 June 2013. Two years later, Justice Rawal became the second Deputy Chief Justice (after Nancy Baraza, who resigned after she was heavily criticised for abusing her authority by threatening a security guard after the guard demanded to search her at a mall) to be embroiled in controversy. In 2015, Rawal challenged a notice that she retire at the age of 70. Around the same time, the then Chief Justice, Dr Willy Mutunga, would announce that he wanted to retire early so that the next Chief Justice would be appointed well ahead of the next election. In May 2014, Justice Philip Kiptoo Tunoi and High Court judge David Onyancha challenged the JSC’s decision to retire them at the age of 70. They argued that they were entitled to serve until they reached the age of 74 because they had been first appointed judges as under the old constitution. What seemed like a simple question about the retirement age of judges led to an unprecedented breakdown in the collegiate working atmosphere among the Supreme Court judges that had been maintained during the proceedings of the presidential election petition. -
Kenya Election History 1963-2013
KENYA ELECTION HISTORY 1963-2013 1963 Kenya Election History 1963 1963: THE PRE-INDEPENDENCE ELECTIONS These were the last elections in pre-independent Kenya and the key players were two political parties, KANU and KADU. KADU drew its support from smaller, less urbanized communities hence advocated majimboism (regionalism) as a means of protecting them. KANU had been forced to accept KADU’s proposal to incorporate a majimbo system of government after being pressured by the British government. Though KANU agreed to majimbo, it vowed to undo it after gaining political power. The majimbo constitution that was introduced in 1962 provided for a two-chamber national legislature consisting of an upper (Senate) and lower (House of Representative). The Campaign KADU allied with the African People’s Party (APP) in the campaign. KANU and APP agreed not to field candidates in seats where the other stood a better chance. The Voting Elections were marked by high voter turnout and were held in three phases. They were widely boycotted in the North Eastern Province. Violence was reported in various parts of the country; four were killed in Isiolo, teargas used in Nyanza and Nakuru, clashes between supporters in Machakos, Mombasa, Nairobi and Kitale. In the House of Representative KANU won 66 seats out of 112 and gained working majority from 4 independents and 3 from NPUA, KADU took 47 seats and APP won 8. In the Senate KANU won 19 out 38 seats while KADU won 16 seats, APP won 2 and NPUA only 1. REFERENCE: NATIONAL ELECTIONS DATA BOOK By Institute for Education in Democracy (published in 1997). -
English Version
Diaspora Voting and Ethnic Politics in Kenya Beth Elise Whitaker and Salma Inyanji To cite this article: Beth Elise Whitaker, Salma Inyanji, “Vote de la diaspora et ethnicité au Kenya,” Afrique contemporaine 4/2015 (n° 256), p. 73-89. URL : www.cairn.info/revue-afrique-contemporaine-2015-4-page-73.htm. ABSTRACT: Many African governments have extended voting rights to nationals living abroad, but little is known about the political behavior of diaspora populations. In the context of Kenya, where the 2010 constitution authorized diaspora voting, we ask whether nationals living abroad are as likely to vote along ethnic lines as their counterparts at home. Using data from public opinion polls prior to the March 2013 presidential election, we compare levels of support for presumed ethnic candidates among Kenyans surveyed in the diaspora and those surveyed in the country. Overall, diaspora respondents were significantly less likely than in-country respondents to support the presumed ethnic candidate from their home province. The results provide preliminary support for our hypothesis that diaspora Africans are less likely to vote along ethnic lines than their in-country counterparts, and thus are less reliable for the construction of ethnic coalitions. More survey data are needed from Kenyans and other Africans living abroad to further examine the relationship between diaspora voting and ethnicity in African politics. As migration patterns have become increasingly global, African diaspora populations have emerged as an important political consideration (Akyeampong 2000). The African Union has held a series of conferences to engage the diaspora with a view toward recognizing it as the continent’s “sixth region.” African governments have been reaching out to nationals living abroad to seek their economic and political participation at home. -
Changing Kenya's Literary Landscape
CHANGING KENYA’S LITERARY LANDSCAPE CHANGING KENYA’S LITERARY LANDSCAPE Part 2: Past, Present & Future A research paper by Alex Nderitu (www.AlexanderNderitu.com) 09/07/2014 Nairobi, Kenya 1 CHANGING KENYA’S LITERARY LANDSCAPE Contents: 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................... 4 2. Writers in Politics ........................................................................................................ 6 3. A Brief Look at Swahili Literature ....................................................................... 70 - A Taste of Culture - Origins of Kiswahili Lit - Modern Times - The Case for Kiswahili as Africa’s Lingua Franca - Africa the Beautiful 4. JEREMIAH’S WATERS: Why Are So Many Writers Drunkards? ................ 89 5. On Writing ................................................................................................................... 97 - The Greats - The Plot Thickens - Crime & Punishment - Kenyan Scribes 6. Scribbling Rivalry: Writing Families ............................................................... 122 7. Crazy Like a Fox: Humour Writing ................................................................... 128 8. HIGHER LEARNING: Do Universities Kill by Degrees? .............................. 154 - The River Between - Killing Creativity/Entreprenuership - The Importance of Education - Knife to a Gunfight - The Storytelling Gift - The Colour Purple - The Importance of Editors - The Kids are Alright - Kidneys for the King -
The Kenya General Election
AAFFRRIICCAA NNOOTTEESS Number 14 January 2003 The Kenya General Election: senior ministerial positions from 1963 to 1991; new Minister December 27, 2002 of Education George Saitoti and Foreign Minister Kalonzo Musyoka are also experienced hands; and the new David Throup administration includes several able technocrats who have held “shadow ministerial positions.” The new government will be The Kenya African National Union (KANU), which has ruled more self-confident and less suspicious of the United States Kenya since independence in December 1963, suffered a than was the Moi regime. Several members know the United disastrous defeat in the country’s general election on December States well, and most of them recognize the crucial role that it 27, 2002, winning less than one-third of the seats in the new has played in sustaining both opposition political parties and National Assembly. The National Alliance Rainbow Coalition Kenyan civil society over the last decade. (NARC), which brought together the former ethnically based opposition parties with dissidents from KANU only in The new Kibaki government will be as reliable an ally of the October, emerged with a secure overall majority, winning no United States in the war against terrorism as President Moi’s, fewer than 126 seats, while the former ruling party won only and a more active and constructive partner in NEPAD and 63. Mwai Kibaki, leader of the Democratic Party (DP) and of bilateral economic discussions. It will continue the former the NARC opposition coalition, was sworn in as Kenya’s third government’s valuable mediating role in the Sudanese peace president on December 30. -
Severe Drought Forces Closure of Schools
The SPECIAL SUPPLEMENT REPORT THE PARTNERSHIP REVIEW OF FOR PEACE DEVOLUTION TASK FORCE PROJECT FUNDED LEnhancingink governance for all REPORT BY THE EU — PAGES 14 & 19 — PAGES 15 - 18 MAY 2011 Issue No. 079 Kshs 40/= No direction on devolution …as Mudavadi team throws back to the people crucial decisions By GIDEON OCHANDA HE Task Force on devolution created by the Ministry of Lo- Tcal Government has thrown back a raft of recommendations to the people without fixing firm posi- tions for improvement. Turn to Page 2, Col. 1 Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Local Government Musalia Mudavadi. Severe drought forces closure of schools By MALACHI MOTANO “Until June last year, while the small blackboard loaded onto camels periods of drought in Kenya’s north- water and pasture and by November, region had enough pasture and wa- would move with the nomadic herd- ern grazing areas, brought on by the all mobile schools were closed down A PROLONGED drought ravaging ter, pastoralist children from northern ing families through the region’s arid, effects of climate change, have forced as the drought intensified, drying up the northern Kenyan towns of Garissa Kenya’s Somali community were en- dusty plains. The mobile school ac- many pastoralist children to miss boreholes and forcing pastoralists to and Wajir has interrupted a unique ed- rolled in mobile schools that followed commodated the traditions and cus- school. move across the border to Somalia in ucation system that was enabling the their families from one grazing area to toms of the pastoralists while ensuring In September, mobile schools op- search of pasture. -
Why Money Makes the Man in Kenyan Politics
Information flash Paul Nolan* IF n° 2, Paul Nolan, Nairobi-Paris, 25 mars 2013 WHY MONEY MAKES THE MAN IN KENYAN POLITICS As the old adage goes, money makes the world go vote along tribal lines and Kenyatta, a Kikuyu, and his round and nowhere could this be truer than in Kenyan running mate, William Ruto, a Kalenjin, have the num- politics. The win in the recent presidential elections by bers on their side. The Kikuyu and Kalenjin tribes make Uhuru Kenyatta, the son of the country’s founder Jomo up over 30 percent of the population, which represents Kenyatta and inheritor of the country’s biggest fortune, a far greater percentage of Kenyans than the Coalition will maintain the status quo that it is money rather than of Refrorms and Democracy (CORD) alliance of Raila policy that matters most. Odinga, an ethnic Luo and Stephen Kalonzo Musyoka, a Kamba. However, this cannot explain why Kenyatta Despite two lengthy television debates and a long had so much more support than the other three Kikuyu period of electoral campaigning, it was never clear candidates in the race. Kennedy Masime at the Nairo- what the presidential frontrunners Uhuru Kenyatta and bi-based Centre for Governance and Development says the leader of the Coalition of Reforms and Democracy, the only reason is money: “In terms of the frontrunners, Raila Odinga, actually intended on doing to improve they are some of the richest men in Kenya,” he says. the lives of Kenyans. Policy proposals seemed random “People who don’t have money, even if they have quali- and yet supporters were die-hard and swing voters few ties, they are struggling.” The political class in Kenyan and far between. -
An Evaluation of Moderators' Performance And
AN EVALUATION OF MODERATORS’ PERFORMANCE AND PERCEPTIONS ON COVERAGE OF ISSUES IN 2013 PRESIDENTIAL DEBATE IN KENYA BY CITIZEN TELEVISION BY LIBWEGE MACDONALD OVIYO A RESEARCH PROJECT SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN COMMUNICATION AND MEDIA STUDIES. DEPARTMENT OF COMMUNICATION AND MEDIA TECHNOLOGY MASENO UNIVERSITY © 2017 DECLARATION This research project is my original work and has not been submitted for academic award in any other university …………………………… …………………….. Signature Date Candidate: LIBWEGE MACDONALD OVIYO PG/MA/0069/2012 This research project has been submitted for examination with my approval as university supervisor …………………………… ………………………….. Signature Date Supervisor: Dr. ABIGAEL MASASABI Lecturer: Department of Music and Theatre Studies Maseno University ii ACKNOWLEGMENTS I greatly acknowledge my research supervisor Dr. Abigael Masasabi for her encouragement and support toward completion of this research project. You repeatedly and promptly made time available to critically evaluate drafts, tireless guiding and strengthening this study. Your kindness, patience and dedication have been immeasurable, invaluable and inspirational. I am really greatly indebted for your contribution. Without it, this study would not have seen the light of the day. I would also like to thank the chairman of communication and media department Dr. Charles Nyambuga of Maseno University for helping me to lay the groundwork for this project. I am also grateful to other members of Maseno University media department for their meticulous professional guidance during this study. My heartfelt thanks also go to my family. It supported me in every way possible. Their love and encouragement has shaped who I am today. Finally I would like to thank my mother Anitter Kangashi and my late dad Nathan Oviyo for unending devotion to my education from an early age as it has been instrumental in my career both inside and outside academics. -
Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012
Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 1 Module 4: Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012 Country: Kenya Date of Election: 4 March 2013 Prepared by: Matthias Krönke, Abel Oyuke and Robert Mattes Date of Preparation: 23 November 2016 NOTES TO COLLABORATORS: . The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project. The information may be filled out by yourself, or by an expert or experts of your choice. Your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (e.g., electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and may be made available on the CSES website. Answers should be as of the date of the election being studied. Where brackets [ ] appear, collaborators should answer by placing an “X” within the appropriate bracket or brackets. For example: [X] . If more space is needed to answer any question, please lengthen the document as necessary. Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1a. Type of Election [] Parliamentary/Legislative [X] Parliamentary/Legislative and Presidential [ ] Presidential [ ] Other; please specify: __________ 1b. If the type of election in Question 1a included Parliamentary/Legislative, was the election for the Upper House, Lower House, or both? [ ] Upper House [ ] Lower House [X] Both [ ] Other; please specify: __________ Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 2 Module 4: Macro Report 2a. What was the party of the president prior to the most recent election, regardless of whether the election was presidential? Party of National Unity and Allies (National Rainbow Coalition) 2b. -
Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada
Responses to Information Requests - Immigration and Refugee Board of... https://www.irb-cisr.gc.ca/en/country-information/rir/Pages/index.aspx?... Kenya: The Mungiki group, including organizational structure, leadership, membership, recruitment and activities; the relationship between the government and the group, including protection offered to its victims (2016-April 2018) 1. Overview For information on the Mungiki group for the period of 2010 to 2013, see Response to Information Request KEN104594 of November 2013. Sources describe the Mungiki as an "outlawed religious Kikuyu Kenyan sect" (M&G Africa 15 July 2016) or an outlawed sect "which originally stems from members of Kenya's influential Kikuyu tribe" (FPA 14 Apr. 2016). According to sources, the Kikuyu are the largest ethnic group in Kenya (IRIN 26 Oct. 2017; The Washington Times 11 May 2017). The Washington Times reports that the Kikuyu comprise an "estimated 20 percent of the total population of 46 million" and has "produced three out [of] Kenya's four presidents since independence," including President Uhuru Kenyatta (The Washington Times 11 May 2017). Freedom House refers to the Mungiki as an "ethnically affiliated gan[g]" (Freedom House 2017). Sources refer to the Mungiki as a pro-government "gang" (The Washington Post 28 Nov. 2017) or "militia" (Human Rights Watch 25 Feb. 2018). A 2017 report by the International Federation for Human Rights (Fédération internationale des ligues des droits de l'homme, FIDH) and the Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC) [1] states, without providing further details, that the Mungiki group "seems to have rebranded as Eminants of Mungiki" (FIDH and KHRC July 2017, 29). -
Africa Watch Overview
AFRICA WATCH OVERVIEW Human Rights Developments In Africa, the year 1991 proved momentous. Several despotic governments lost power, others were belatedly forced to concede the principle of democratic accountability, and two major long-running civil wars came to an end. The "winds of change" that had become noticeable in 1990 were blowing more strongly still. However, human rights violations continued in all parts of the continent, in some places reaching unprecedented levels. Africa Watch faced increased demands for its work, and was continually faced with new challenges. Without doubt, the most important and hopeful development in 1991 was the rapid spread of demands for democratization. Following the end of the Cold War, dictators who had previously relied on the unquestioning support of the United States, the Soviet Union or France suddenly found themselves as clients in search of a patron. As the value of these dictators as pawns in a global chess game diminished, the former patrons were unwilling to continue underwriting authoritarian, warlike and abusive governments. The withdrawal of international support forced these dictators to confront internal pressures for change. Many Africans who had courageously struggled for years to secure human rights and civil liberties began to see the prospect of success. Movements for multiparty democracy, civil liberties and human rights blossomed and gained confidence throughout the year. The most auspicious change in 1991 was the election in Zambia, in which President Kenneth Kaunda, who had ruled the country since independence, was defeated in a fair multiparty election. Kaunda gave his successor a tour of the State House, handed over the keys and left peacefully for his farm, setting an important precedent for the peaceful transfer of power in Africa. -
Kenya: Post Election Analysis, Iposos
Post-Election Analysis: Prepared by Ipsos Synovate Kenya Release Date: 15th March 2013 © 2012 Ipsos. All rights reserved. Contains Ipsos' Confidential and Proprietary information and may not be disclosed or reproduced without the prior written consent of Ipsos. Contents . Objectives . County outcomes: how close were the results of the last Ipsos poll, and what explains the difference? . Presidential race outcome: how close was the outcome to the last Ipsos poll, and what explains the difference? 2 Objectives The key objectives of this presentation is as follows: To show the difference between the last (22nd February) Ipsos poll and the IEBC election results To explain the differences between the two 3 Key Assumption That the IEBC figures with regard to both turnout and results are accurate (in light of the pending court petition) 4 National / Presidential Ipsos Poll vis a vis IEBC Results 5 Opinion Polls Trends from April 2012 Ipsos last poll (Released 22nd February 2013) 100% Raila Odinga Kalonzo Musyoka Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto Martha Karua Musalia Mudavadi 80% Eugene Wamalwa Peter Kenneth Prof James Ole Kiyapi Others None/Undecided 60% Upward trend for Uhuru and Raila from April 2012 but steep rise from December 2012 46% 44.4% 40% 36% 34% 34% 44.8% 33% 33% 40% 30% 26% 27% 22% 23% 22% 20% 13% 12% 13% 8%9% 9%8% 9% 8%9% 7% 7%6% 5% 4% 5% 4% 5% 5% 5.3% 3% 3% 2% 2%3% 2% 3.1% 0% 0% 1% 0% 0%1% 0%1% 0%1% 0.1%0.8% April 2012 Jul 2012 Sept 2012 Nov 2012 Dec 2012 Jan 2013 Feb 2013 6 IEBC Results vis a vis Final Ipsos poll (Released 22nd February