Education and Media: Needs and Priorities in the Kurdish Region of (KRI)

Needs Assessment Report January 2016

Prepared by: Kathryn Kraft ([email protected]) Suzanne Noukahoua ([email protected])

Education and Media: Needs and Priorities in the Kurdish Region of Iraq (KRI)

Table of Contents

Background ...... 3 Methodology ...... 4 Limitations ...... 5 1- Educational Culture and Priorities among Displaced Communities in KRI ...... 6 Language ...... 7 What people want out of education ...... 9 Gender considerations ...... 10 2- Unique Needs of Children due to Conflict ...... 10 Types and Levels of Education ...... 11 Unique needs of children in conflict ...... 13 Unique needs of teachers in conflict ...... 15 Unique needs of directors in conflict ...... 16 3- Education Humanitarian Provision, and Churches’ Role ...... 16 Education Assistance non-Christians Want from Churches ...... 16 Types of Actors ...... 17 4- Satellite and Information Technology Access and Usage ...... 17 5- Interfaith Engagement between Churches and Affected Populations ...... 19 Religious Identity in KRG ...... 19 Relationship between the Church and Affected Populations ...... 20 Recommendations ...... 21 Formal education ...... 21 Non-formal education ...... 21 Education via Satellite ...... 21 Partnership with Churches ...... 22 Annex I: List of Stakeholders Interviewed ...... 23 Annex II: Semi-Structured Interview Schedule ...... 24 Annex III: Household Survey Questionnaire ...... 25

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Background

The demographic composition of Northern Iraq has changed dramatically in the past decade. The semi-autonomous Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI), with an estimated population of 5.2 million is hosting an estimated 875,562 internally displaced ,1 and 246,051 registered Syrian refugees.2 Since the early 1990s, KRI’s local residents, of whom the largest number are ethnic but which also include Assyrians, Chaldeans, Turkmens, Armenians and Arabs,3 have come under the governance and services of the semi-autonomous Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) rather than that of the central Iraqi government. Therefore, people from KRI have since then been educated in a separate school system than internally displaced Iraqis or Syrian refugees. Most of KRI’s residents are Kurdish-speaking and most of the Syrian refugees who have fled to Northern Iraq are also Kurdish-speaking (though not always speaking the same dialect of Kurdish); however, very few internally-displaced Iraqis are familiar with the Kurdish language and so most have been unable to integrate into Kurdish schools.

The KRG is a young government with just over 20 years of existence. While it has for the most part opened its arms and demonstrated a keen desire to provide a safe haven to those fleeing conflict in nearby areas, and ensure that humanitarian services reach those most in need of assistance, the KRG has struggled to meet the massive demands of a crisis which has led to an increase in the population of the KRI by more than 20%. The region is facing a significant financial crisis, with few public employees receiving their salaries on time.

The education system, in particular, has been unable to cope with the massive increase in demand. While some Syrian children have been able to start attending KRG schools, few IDPs were able to do so. In response to the mounting pressures on the KRG, and in order to support the need of Iraqi Internally Displaced People (IDPs) to attend -language instruction that would be recognized by Iraqi institutes of , the - based Central Iraqi Ministry of Education (MoE) began in 2014 to establish schools in Northern Iraq that teach the curriculum IDPs would have been receiving in their hometowns. These schools are insufficient to meet the demand but many humanitarian actors are actively building new schools so that Iraqi children can be reintegrated into formal education. Many schools serving IDPs or refugees are operating on a shift system, and are characterized by overcrowded classrooms and demoralized teachers.

Christian communities in Iraq have been shrinking at an alarming rate during the past decades: common estimates are that the number of Christians in Iraq is less than one-third what it was in 2003. Even so, many churches in the KRI are thriving and are actively providing aid to IDPs and refugees. Mostly Syriac-speaking, Iraqi Christians describe Iraq as their spiritual home, tracing their roots back to the 3rd centry CE. Iraqi Christians are

1 https://www.iom.int/sites/default/files/our_work/DOE/LPR/A-Preliminary-Assessment-of-Housing-Land-and- Property-Right-Issues-Caused-by-the-Current-Displacement-Crisis-in-Iraq.pdf 2 UNHCR Fact Sheet, Syria Regional Refugee Response - Iraq http://data.unhcr.org/syrianrefugees/country.php?id=103 3 http://www.gov.krd/p/p.aspx?l=12&p=214

3 effectively channeling aid from Christians around the world, including diaspora Iraqis and philanthropic Western Christians, to support the urgent needs of displaced families in the KRI.

While Iraqi churches seem to be primarily supporting Christian IDPs, many of whom fled and the Nineveh Plains when Daesh (the so-called Islamic State) occupied their towns and neighborhoods, they have also emerged as important and substantial providers of assistance to Yezidi IDPs, who many humanitarians have suggested are one of the most vulnerable segments of the displaced population. Yezidis are from a small Kurdish-speaking ethno-religious minority, and most were displaced in 2014 from Sinjar, a region which was also occupied by Daesh. In addition to Yezidis, Iraqi Christians are helping other displaced families who have come to live near their churches and villages, regardless of ethnicity or religion.

In order to better understand the enormity and diversity of the needs of displaced communities in the KRI, and the potential role that Christians can play in meeting these needs, Sat-7 and Served jointly commissioned a rapid needs assessment in January 2016. The assessment focused on educational needs, and the specific potential role Satellite television and local faith institutions might play in meeting these needs. Sat-7 currently airs a programme called “Madrasati” on its channel Sat-7-Kids, which provides basic and numeracy in Arabic, and is interested in scaling this up. Served has begun a partnership with church-based groups in Dohok and is wanting to help these groups develop education- related programmes that fill the most urgent gaps, in a way that is most appropriate for churches to engage in the humanitarian sphere.

This report outlines the main findings according to a set of pre-identified research questions, as follows: 1. What is the cultural of education among displaced Iraqi and Syrian communities in Iraq? 2. What are the unique needs of children in conflict? How are the linguistic complexities of Northern Iraq being addressed in educational programming? 3. What sources of educational support do, or can, displaced children access? What educational assistance might non-Christian students access from churches? 4. How widespread is satellite television and mobile technology usage, particularly for children’s programing, among displaced populations? 5. What are openings that churches engaged in humanitarian work may find for interfaith engagement in the current social dynamics of the KRI? Findings are presented under the headlines of each research question, and followed by a set of recommendations for future engagement.

Methodology The assessment was conducted between 17 and 22 January, 2016, by a team of two researchers, both with previous knowledge of Iraq and extensive experience in humanitarian work in the Middle East. A mixed-methods design was developed to glean as broad a perspective as possible in a short period of time.

4 Stakeholder interviews were conducted with a total of 20 stakeholders, including 4 KRG representatives from the Ministry and Departments of Education (with other colleagues also contributing insight during the visit); 5 school directors or teachers (with additional feedback from other teachers in their schools); 6 humanitarian partners including NGO and UN representatives; and 6 clergy members who are also engaged in or hoping to start humanitarian work. The assessment team also attended a meeting of the KRI Education Cluster jointly hosted by UNICEF and Save the Children. Interviews were conducted in Arabic or English, according to the preference of the interviewee; though the research team members do not speak Kurdish or Syriac, which was the native language of most stakeholders, all interviewees were able to speak either Arabic or English or both. See Annex I for full list of stakeholders interviewed.

Three focus groups were conducted in Ashti II Camp in Ankawa near : one group of mothers, one of boys and one of girls. Another focus group was conducted with adolescent girls in Bakhetmeh village on the outskirts of Dohok. Two interviews with mothers were also conducted in Bakhetmeh as it was not possible to gather women for a focus group. Focus groups and interviews with mothers were conducted in Arabic.

For both stakeholder interviews and focus groups, a semi-structured interview schedule was developed based on the research questions listed above. See Annex II for interview questions.

In addition, a household survey was implemented with 227 households in Ashti II camp in Ankawa, near Erbil. This camp was selected for its accessibility and size. It is one of the largest camps in the Erbil urban area, and both camp management and local government were able to facilitate the survey. This is one of the largest Christian camps in KRG, and most of its residents come from Karakosh; of respondents, average age was 45, and most were head of household. 100% were Christian from Iraq, and average household size was 5 members. The survey enumerators were IDP youth from a nearby smaller camp (Mar Elia), trained by one of the assessment team members in interviewing techniques, the use of the survey questionnaire, random selection of respondents, and data entry. Enumerators worked in pairs to interview respondents, heads of household whenever possible, complete the questionnaire form, and input findings to an online database. They documented not only responses to the given questions but also other interesting insights gleaned from each interview. See Annex III for the survey questionnaire.

Finally, the findings from the field research were supported through further literature review and desk research, footnoted throughout.

Limitations Due to the complexity of the humanitarian situation in Northern Iraq, reliable data is difficult to come by. Estimates of displaced populations are mere estimates, as are out-of- school figures. Displaced populations have tended to move to areas where they are most likely to find people who speak their language or where they already have extended family ties, hence in Northern Iraq it is difficult to gain a broad perspective on the various different groupings of displaced people; rather, each community is unique.

5 In particular, by focusing on the potential contribution of Christians and Churches to meeting the needs of displaced populations, this assessment also focused on geographical areas where there are churches and Christian NGOs operating, which are also areas that have attracted a large number of Christians, most of whom are IDPs. Many Yezidis have also sought refuge in or near Christian communities, whereas Arab Muslims and Syrian Kurds have more often moved to Muslim-majority villages or are living in camps. Camps, too, are segregated, with separate camps housing primarily Yezidi IDPs, Syrian refugees, Christian IDPs, etc.

Therefore, the survey data is incomplete, as the survey was conducted in a Christian IDP camp. There are ways in which the findings may be representative, and other ways in which the findings may not be so. For example, while findings regarding electricity and television usage may likely be applicable to other contexts, it is difficult to ascertain whether the level of recognition of Sat-7, as a Christian station, was unique due to the camp population’s shared religious identity or whether those findings would be replicated more broadly. Due to this limitation, efforts were made to gain a broader perspective in key informant interviews and literature review, and the assessment team has already begun the process of commissioning further data collection in other parts of the KRI. The report findings seek to discuss the findings within the context of this limitation.

1- Educational Culture and Priorities among Displaced Communities in KRI The educational landscape for displaced children in KRI is complex, with two separate educational systems operating side-by-side. Certificates from one system are not recognized by the other for , each curriculum is unique. Within the KRG educational system, there are also multiple different languages of instruction offered. The diversity of educational offerings reflects the linguistic and religious diversity of the current residents in KRI. Because of the various different types of schools, there are few schools for students to choose from, and so transportation is a significant barrier.

The KRG is currently facing a financial crisis, which means public employees are not receiving full salaries. At the time of assessment, many teachers had not been paid for 5 months or had only received partial salaries. Teacher motivation is very low and turnover is high. Teachers didactic materials, including text books and teaching aids, and are working with large class sizes in schools running multiple shifts. The disparity in access to education is higher at the secondary level than primary. Availability of qualified teachers and resources for school facilities, plus the bigger barrier of transportation for schools at the secondary level, are much lower for secondary education.

This section highlights first the linguistic complexity of the educational system in KRI, some of priorities parents and educators have for educational provision, and some specific observations about gender dynamics.

6 Language The linguistic composition of the education system for displaced children in KRI is extremely complex. The chart below summarises some of the language considerations, organised according to ethno-religious grouping. It should be noted that these groupings arguably already present a simplified view of local and displaced residents of the KRI.

Ethno- Nation of Language Language of Language of Curriculum religious origin most likely instruction instruction grouping spoken in pre- the home displacement Arab Muslim Iraq Arabic Arabic Arabic Central MoE Kurdish Iraq (KRI) Kurdish Kurdish n/a KRG MoE Muslim (dialects include Kurmanji and Surani) Kurdish Syria Kurdish (???) Kurdish Arabic KRG MoE Muslim Arab Muslim Syria Arabic Kurdish, or Arabic KRG MoE Arabic if school is available Chaldean or Iraq (KRI) Syriac Syriac n/a KRG MoE Assyrian Christian Chaldean or Iraq Syriac Arabic Arabic Central MoE Assyrian Christian Arab or Syria Arabic or Kurdish, or Arabic KRG MoE Assyrian Syriac Syriac if Christian school is available Yezidi Iraq Kurdish Arabic Arabic Central MoE Other Iraq Varies Arabic Arabic Central MoE Other KRI Varies Turkmen or n/a KRG MoE Kurdish Other Syria Varies Kurdish, or Arabic KRG MoE Arabic if school is available

In addition to the primary language of instruction listed above, children may also learn Kurdish, Arabic and/or English in separate language classes (some schools also offer an additional European language). Many students, parents and teachers expressed pride in the fact that they are multi-lingual. According to KRG Ministry of Education representatives, the main differences between the Central MoE and KRG curricula are in the languages in which the curriculum is offered, and in the science and maths content. They observed that the

7 Central curriculum has remained unchanged in the past several decades, with the only significant modification post-2003 being removal of history and social sciences content that promoted a Baathist ideology. The KRG curriculum was developed more recently, over the course of the past two decades, and the science and maths sections at the primary level were designed with the support of external consultants from Lebanon and the United States.

Many displaced children who previously studied in Arabic have been expected to study in Kurdish upon arrival in KRI, either due to the language of instruction in the school nearest to where they are living or because of their ethnic Kurdish background. These children include most Syrian refugees, and previously included all internally displaced children before the Central MoE began opening schools in KRI. For these children, the language barrier is a strong de-motivator and many, especially at the secondary school level, drop out rather than attend classes in a language they barely understand. In an assessment conducted by Triangle in late 2015, language emerged as one of the biggest barriers to school enrolment for refugee families.4 They found that in villages outside Erbil, only 56.5% of Syrian children were attending school (53.4% of boys and 59.7% of girls), and the preference of most families was for the children to attend the a local school that was offering Arabic tuition (36% of all kids went to a local Arabic school). Most of these families were Kurdish-speaking at home, though. Only 3.6% of families sent their children to Kurdish schools.

Language is also a barrier to social engagement between children of youth of diverse backgrounds. Some NGOs, like Mercy Corps, have developed projects designed to bring local Kurdish, refugee and IDP youth together in shared activities, but with mixed success. While they have found that the youth are engaged and interested in getting to know people from different backgrounds, the language barrier makes it difficult for them to converse.

Young focus group participants were not interested in learning Kurdish. They found it difficult to learn, and preferred to study English, a language that will be more useful if or as they travel abroad. Nonetheless, some children said they would like to learn Kurdish if it were not so challenging, and many expressed frustration at not being able to bargain when shopping, interact with local authorities, or look for work. Parents echoed this frustration, but were even less motivated to learn Kurdish than their children. For most refugees and IDPs, though, Kurdish was seen as a language that is only useful as long as they live in the KRI, and they preferred to focus their language-learning efforts on a skill that would help them when they return home or else when they emigrate.

For many Christian children, where schools are not specifically managed by Christians, after- school programmes have long been an important part of their education. These programmes, which date back to the rise of Baathist governance in Iraq when all schools offered a unified nationalist curriculum, are designed to preserve the Syriac language tradition as well as to offer in Bible, liturgy and church engagement.

4 Assessment findings were presented at the Education Cluster meeting but not published separately.

8 What people want out of education The following priorities were identified, as things valued by parents and educators, and which they are eager to maintain or restore in the current years of crisis:

Character and love of learning. This was actually very important to the parents in the mother’s focus group and in interviews. Many informants did point out that this is a distinctive characteristic of Christian culture in Iraq. Children in focus groups also expressed a love of learning. In the survey, 89.4% of respondents said that good behaviour was the most important thing for a child to learn in life. However, more and more children are dropping out of school, not seeing a connection between what they would learn at school and their lives. Teachers of the Central MoE curriculum recalled that, before 2003, character development was integrated into the Iraqi school curriculum, which was not explicitly religious but which they found overlapped with religious values, but this has been removed from the curriculum.

Quality education, good marks, many languages, knowledge and the ability for children to succeed. Quality teaching was mentioned by 88.1% of survey respondents as one of the most important characteristics of a good school. Quality education was defined as being delivered by skilled teachers, multi-lingual and giving critical thinking skills; it was also important to link education to employment and further education opportunities. Educational excellence has been diminishing over the years, though. Teachers in a KRG Syriac-language-instruction school observed that average marks have been decreasing in the past few years, even for children who have not been displaced. With regards to teaching methodologies, a researcher working at the of Dohok shared in an interview that, in secondary schools, youth were unaccustomed to any classroom style that was not rote learning, but that they adapted well to interactive learning styles. These participants included local Muslim and Christian youth, as well as local youth, IDPs and refugees.

Facilities, materials and resources. Good facilities were mentioned by 54.8% of survey respondents as one of the most important characteristics of a good school. Good facilities was described as entailing sufficient and good-quality classroom space, and small class size. According to representatives from the Dohok Directorate of Education, in many camps, schools are still being run out of tents, even in the cold and rainy months of winter. Teachers and MoE representatives, in particular, felt that they lacked good didactic materials, and most classrooms for IDPs and refugees do not have books. Furthermore, class size has ballooned: one mother, in an interview, said that her daughter’s class, in early secondary school, has 250 students.

Certification. Education was valued by 55.9% of survey respondents specifically for its pathway to employment, and 56.2% of respondents said that the most important thing for a child to learn in life is the skills needed for finding a job. Various stakeholders emphasised that some kind of certificate should verify learning, but that the quality and the reputation of the certificate also matters. In other words, education should be accredited. In order to reintegrate into formal education, pursue higher education, or apply for jobs, school leavers are expected to have proof of learning. Families expected their children to achieve a university degree, for the most part, and were slightly more likely to expect their daughters to finish university (74.6%) then their sons (71.6%).

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Transportation. Because of the linguistic complexities, many displaced families feel that schooling for their children is only beneficial if it is in the right language and most relevant curriculum. This often entails a long commute. it is only worth it to send their children to school if they can attend a school teaching in the right language and curriculum, which often entails a long commute. In the assessment of Syrian families conducted by Triangle mentioned above, only 3.4% of respondents sent their kids to Arabic schools far from their place of residence, while 43.5% did not send their children to school at all, citing financial constraints such as transportation expenses as the key deterrent.

Gender considerations As will be seen in the following section, girls’ overall attendance rates at school are generally higher than that of boys in displaced communities, especially at the secondary- school level, when boys are more likely to start looking for work or learning a skill they might use for work. On the other hand, girls’ attendance at primary school is slightly lower, and parents have suggested in assessments that they are concerned for the safety of their daughters.5 In Christian communities, the gender difference may be smaller; though many girls are not expected to work after graduating, they are expected to obtain a good education so as to be active community members and good leaders in the home. Stakeholders suggested that many Christian youth aspire to professions that require secondary education or beyond, such as in the fields of medicine, law or higher education. In contrast, some stakeholders observed that they have found it particularly difficult to encourage girls in Yezidi IDP to attend school. There are also potential protection concerns with regards to education for displaced children, as girls have to walk long distances or in camps with limited security to reach their schools. Furthermore, in one focus group, girls complained that in their IDP school they were in mixed classrooms, because they preferred the gender-segregated classrooms which they had before displacement.

2- Unique Needs of Children due to Conflict There is a high rate of non-attendance among all displaced communities in Northern Iraq, though Syrian refugees and Yezidi Internally Displaced People (IDPs) living outside formal camps seem to have the lowest attendance rates. The figures are particularly dire for secondary school children, with only approximately one-fifth of refugees in host communities in secondary school; there are very few opportunities for post-primary education for displaced youth.

In 2015, REACH conducted separate multi-sectoral needs assessments of Syrian refugees in camps and in host communities, and of IDPs outside of camps. Attendance rates varied considerably, as the following table illustrates:

5 This is discussed in both the REACH MSNA of Syrian Refugees in Camps (September 2014) and the REACH MSNA of Syrian Refugees Outside of Camps (September 2014).

10 Syrians in Syrians outside IDPs outside This assessment camps6 of camps7 of camps8 survey (IDPs in Ashti II camp) Overall 71% 46% 3%9 80% attendance Boys’ attendance 68% 42% 82% Girls’ attendance 73% 51% 76% Attendance of 27% 10% 67% boys ages 15-17 Attendance of 37% 31% 74% girls ages 15-17

In all categories for which data is available, there is a distinct drop in attendance for older children, especially among boys. The REACH assessments found that child labour is one of many factors contributing to this, and stakeholders also observed that there are fewer secondary schools available and the quality of teaching in secondary schools for displaced children is extremely low. These statistics also seem to agree with what many stakeholders suggested, that Christian IDP families, those in Ashti II camp, are more likely to prioritise education than other displaced families. Nonetheless, even in Ashti II, full enrolment has not been achieved.

Types and Levels of Education The following paragraphs outline key barriers and challenges facing quality education provision for displaced populations at different levels and in different types of schools.

Primary: Key challenges to educational provision at this level relate to the availability of resources. Most schools are running two or more sessions, with over-crowded classrooms. Many schools do not have generators and the electricity goes out frequently across the KRI; as a result, particularly for late-afternoon classes, children are studying in dark classrooms. Insufficient and under-motivated teachers also present a challenge. Some children are able to secure places in private, often church-run, schools. These places are highly-coveted as they offer a more holistic education with diverse activities and their teachers may be more experienced; nonetheless, according to the feedback given in

6 REACH. September 2014. “Multi-Sector Needs Assessment of Syrian Refugees in Camps.” http://www.reachresourcecentre.info/system/files/resource- documents/reach_irq_kri_report_msnasyrianrefugeesincamps_september2014.pdf 7 REACH. September 2014. “Multi-Sector Needs Assessment of Syrian Refugees Outside Camps.” http://www.reachresourcecentre.info/system/files/resource- documents/reach_irq_kri_multisectorneedsassessmentsyrianrefugeesoutsidecamps_september2014_0.pdf 8 REACH. February 2015. “Multi-Cluster Needs Assessment of Internally Displaced Persons Outside of Camps.” http://www.reachresourcecentre.info/system/files/resource- documents/reach_irq_report_multi_cluster_needs_assessment_of_idps_outside_camps_february_2015.pdf 9 Though the survey of IDPs outside of camps was the last of the three conducted, in early 2015, the largest recent wave of internal displacement was mid-2014, whereas many Syrian refugees fled to Northern Iraq in 2013. The data for IDPs outside of camps was conducted shortly after this wave of displacement, and before most Central Baghdad Ministry of Education schools had opened, so the extremely low figure for IDPs outside of camps has likely increased, though various stakeholders said that IDPs in host communities are still the affected population that is least-reached with education programming.

11 focus groups it did not seem that morale among children attending private schools was any better than morale among children attending camp or IDP schools.

Secondary: There are very few options for secondary school outside of previously-existing schools in the KRG system. This means Arabic- at the secondary level is difficult to access, and in the few schools that exist, classrooms are overcrowded (50-250 students per classroom). Children who completed their primary education in Arabic are rarely willing to struggle through learning Kurdish in order to continue their studies. The humanitarian community has focused its efforts on achieving education-for-all at the primary school level and therefore few resources are available for secondary school. Furthermore, qualified secondary school teachers are difficult to come by, as people with specialist qualifications in fields such as science, maths or literature are often attractive employees for other better-paid jobs, such as in the humanitarian sector itself. Some humanitarian respondents mentioned that their organisations have hired staff who were previously secondary school teachers before being displaced. Because many children are unable to access secondary education, and for those who do, the quality is low, many interviewees expressed an interest in assistance accessing specialized content that would help bring the subject matter at the secondary level to life, for example by demonstrating science experiments, how-it-works, or literary dramatizations.

Non-Formal: Methods and strategies for Non-Formal Education (NFE) is currently being discussed in humanitarian circles. The KRG MoE has its own NFE department and there is a certification system for NFE programmes. It may therefore be argued that MoE-supervised NFE is not truly not non-formal. There are accredited Accelerated Learning Programmes (ALP) also, but only for children who missed up to 1 year of school. The UNICEF Director of Office in Erbil observed that the current ALP programmes and NFE under the purview of the KRG MoE is good in quality, but too small to meet even a fraction of the needs and the current design is not scaleable. On the other hand, with many different humanitarian partners attempting to start education projects, and each project different from the others, it is not clear to the MoE how purely non-formal education can actually be recognized, or what pathways might exist between NFE and employment or higher education prospects. Most NFE centres hire their own teachers and develop their own curriculum, and there is no quality control to speak of. Nonetheless, formal education is unlikely to come close to meeting the needs of all children anytime soon. Some humanitarian actors have developed systems for delivering NFE that can be transitioned into the formal system. Catholic Relief Services, for example, was in the process of transitioning Child Friendly Spaces (CFS), which are essentially NFE programmes they had launched, into government-certified (Central MoE) schools. In general, humanitarian partners such as UNICEF prefer working within the existing curriculum of a MoE, and ensuring that the relevant country’s MoE recognise and certify programmes that use its curriculum. Recorded media could be an interesting form of NFE if it is combined with activities and done in a centre. That way teachers without qualification or training – perhaps even mothers – can guide the sessions. Another area of NFE for which many humanitarian partners see a need, is hygiene, health and nutrition messaging. They have found that many families, when displaced, struggle to maintain a healthy lifestyle. In Christian communities,

12 many focus group participants and teachers also expressed an interest in having more religious education and television programming available for children.

Vocational: Vocational training is often a form of non-formal education for older children and youth, and at times for adults. Many youth prefer this over classes in which the content is difficult to understand and process, delivered in a strange language, and unlikely in their opinion to prepare them for the future. On the other hand, there are many youth who aspire to professions that require higher education and so are not interested in vocational training. Vocational training is something that NGOs and charitable associations can offer even if they do not have the capacity to run a full school.

University: Many displaced students have been unable to complete their studies, which they began prior to displacement, and the language barrier is particularly acute for Arabic- educated youth wanting to attend Kurdish . There may also be social barriers to their attendance. In order to maintain its tradition of higher education, Karakosh University was transplanted to Erbil, buildings and all, though some stakeholders commented that the quality of its offerings is less than what it was previously. There are some other universities that have also been transplanted or are in the process of opening in KRI that used to operate in Daesh-controlled areas. New York University attempted to establish an online distance-education higher education programme, but without any classroom time, almost every single student dropped out. They found that distance learning in the KRG needed to be complemented by classroom interaction.

Unique needs of children in conflict At the education cluster meeting, many partners commented on how parents are struggling to prioritize education as they face the everyday reality of severe, and worsening poverty. They have limited resources to spend on things like rent, food and baby milk, and little time to invest in finding a suitable school situation for their children. Hence, though they say they value education, they have not yet made arrangements for their children to attend school. Furthermore, even if there are no actual school fees, many parents need to pay transport costs to send their children to a school that teaches in the language and curriculum their children can take; transportation was often cited as something that keeps children out of school. Poverty is also a challenge in that many children come to class hungry. They also do not have a quiet space at home in which to study. Their families are living in crowded spaces, often dirty and without good protection from the elements. Studying for exams is an important part of the learning process in the education system they attend, so children find it difficult to keep up, much less excel in their studies. Many families surveyed spoke of leaving Iraq, and some spoke of returning home. Very few envisaged KRI becoming their home. In a context where families’ attention is on departure from KRI, children may be, even if not intentionally, being encouraged to think about a future elsewhere, unable to see how an education in KRI is relevant to their futures. A word that emerged continually in stories noted by the community survey team was “hopelessness.” Many parents said that they have lost hope for their children’s future, at least as long as they stay in Iraq. This sense of hopelessness is filtering down to children who are struggling to find motivation to focus on their studies. Some of the teachers in one school spoke at length about the lost ability to trust that they themselves felt, and which

13 they saw reflected in their students. They attempt to counter-act this sentiment, which can be traced to the brutal way in which many were forced from their homes, by providing a supportive school environment. Trauma is a distinct reality for displaced children in Iraq. Many children have faced more than one wave of displacement, and many are still experiencing trauma on a regular basis in their temporary living conditions. The fact that children reeling from conflict and displacement typically need more support is offset by the fact that, due to the shift system and overcrowding, many actually get very few classroom hours with their teachers. One estimate as low as 9 hours of instruction per week for many IDP children in primary schools. Also, many people reported that students’ ability to pay attention at school is notably affected by conflict. Trouble sleeping, in particular, was mentioned by several stakeholders, as a barrier to children’s ability to engage in school, and in the survey, 59.5% of respondents reported that they had observed that their children had trouble sleeping since being displaced. A further 59.0% reported that their children had developed behaviour problems, while 18% observed improved behaviour. Children therefore come to school tired, both emotionally and physically. In the survey, 43% of respondents commented that their children had trouble concentrating at school. According to two teachers from a KRG school, whose students are not displaced, the experience of conflict and displacement has affected children who have not been displaced as well, with the influx of IDPs and refugees, and with the stories and media coverage of fighting so near to their homes. It is worth noting the stories of children who were very dedicated to their studies, and those of children who were acting more maturely. Of the stories noted by the survey enumerators, 15 were about children disinterested in their studies since they have been displaced; however, there were 15 other stories about children who are very dedicated to their studies. Similarly, 9 stories were recorded about children who have developed behaviour problems and a further 7 about sleeping problems, but 10 stories were about children who have taken on responsibility and are acting more mature. Therefore, trauma from displacement did not affect all children negatively, at least not in a way that could be perceived and identified at the time. In some ways, this newfound maturity may be indicative of a lost childhood, but children are also resilient and some have found joy in their displacement. For example, some of the girls in one focus group spoke of how they enjoy camp life because they live close to their friends and can see them regularly; 10.5% of survey respondents commented that their children had made new or better friends since displacement. IDP children in one focus group also said that they missed attending religiously- mixed schools. Back in their hometowns, many (though not all) attended school alongside Arab Muslim and Yezidi children, and in some cases children from other backgrounds as well. When displaced, though, most families gravitated to camps or neighbourhoods occupied by people who share their religion and linguistic identity, and so there are very few mixed schools. Camps, for the most part, are entirely segregated, while some villages and neighbourhoods are still mixed. A strong desire to leave Iraq emerged in many of the conversations. Of the stories noted by enumerators in the survey, the largest number (27) were about respondents who spoke of their desire to leave Iraq. There were also many that referred to a sense that they had no hope for a future in Iraq. According to one mother, her daughter feels strong pressure to emigrate because on her Facebook feed and through other social media, she sees the lives of her friends who have left and is jealous. Many teachers, who are

14 themselves displaced, share this dream of emigrating, but some also shared with the assessment team that they understand this sentiment is not good for their students, who need to focus on the present. So they try to emphasise patriotism and loyalty in the classroom. In the survey, respondents were asked the greatest challenges, outside of education, faced by their children. The most common response, mentioned by 68.2% of respondents, was housing. Data collection team members reported that they encountered families of 7 or more members living in a single room, and focus group participants reported that water leaks in their caravans are commonplace. Health was the second-most cited challenge for children (63.2%), followed by safety and security (47.3%). The main safety concern is fear that lingers from the conflict that they fled or fear that the conflict will come to the place where they are currently living. Various stakeholders also pointed to the need for recreation and extra-curricular activities for children. Many (17) of the stories recorded by the enumerators were of parents who were proud of their children’s performance in sports, drawing or other extra-curricular activities, but there are few offerings for these children, especially outside of camps.

Unique needs of teachers in conflict There are many teachers who are inexperienced, and others who are experienced educators but who are facing new challenges with larger, less resourced classes and different student composition. Many are working with classes of children who came from many different schools, or school systems, of origin. They receive little moral support, training or mentoring, if any, but are being asked to take on more and more challenging work situations. They are generally demoralized and feel under-valued, a sentiment strengthened by a sense of lacking the capacity to do their job. Furthermore, they are teaching children suffering trauma, and few teachers have received training or orientation on how to deal with this, a struggle made all the more intense by the fact that many teachers for displaced children are themselves displaced. While many teachers are not receiving a salary, particularly those employed by the KRG, others are receiving a salary and not working. These are mostly teachers hired by the Central MoE to teach in the new schools but, due to a lack of monitoring, they are not being held accountable to attend school. In response, some parents and displaced teachers have begun teaching as volunteers in schools teaching the Central MoE curriculum. This is happening mostly in camps located in isolated locations which are difficult to access. There is a sentiment among some humanitarian partners that many teachers are disinterested and uncommitted. Some teachers started in their post as volunteers and, after several months without receiving a salary, quit. Most MoE schools had not yet received books since their establishment approximately one year before the time of the assessment. They were functioning without any didactic materials or textbooks. In overcrowded classrooms, this means that teachers feel they would have to spend more time than is possible working one-on-one with students (especially at the younger levels), or else lecture and write content on the board for students to copy instead of doing activities with students. KRG schools have teachers who are generally well-trained in diverse teaching methodologies, but the teachers struggle to apply the principles they have learned in teacher training due to limited support and little access to didactic materials.

15 Unique needs of directors in conflict Most of the schools for IDPs and refugees have qualified and experienced directors. They have plans for their schools and desire to support their teachers. They face challenges, though, as many of their teachers struggle to access their schools due to difficulties with transportation and, due to constant migration, teacher turnover is very high. There is very little support for directors. Most directors are, themselves, hoping to find a way of emigrating to another country as well.

3- Education Humanitarian Provision, and Churches’ Role In response to the educational needs that have been identified, some of the existing education interventions being managed by humanitarian actors include: • Payment of teacher salaries • Accelerated learning programmes (ALPs) that have students doing two classes at once • Establishment and management of schools for IDPs, using the accredited Central MoE curriculum but financed by international humanitarian organisations or by local charitable entities • Payment of transportation fees • Facilitation of enrolment for displaced children in government schools by informing parents about options and paying for transportation • Psycho-social support focused on child wellbeing through screening children for resilience then provision of in-house counselling in schools. Stress management workshops for teachers and parents are also offered. • Construction of school buildings on behalf of KRG or Central MoE • “Life skills” training activities which include vocational training in skills that might be useful for employment or income generation • Recreational activities, such as sports, for children to do out of school hours • Establishment of CFSs with a plan to turn them over to KRG or Central MoE as primary schools

Education Assistance non-Christians Want from Churches The situation in Northern Iraq is quite critical, and humanitarian partners are eager to accept help from anyone who can provide assistance. Global Christian networks that can help bring aid into Iraq are appreciated. Those church-based aid programmes that are made available to the entire community attract beneficiaries from all backgrounds. Of particular note, many Yezidis have taken refuge on the outskirts of Christian villages and in Christian neighbourhoods. While many humanitarian agencies have struggled to get aid to Yezidis, Christian organisations working through local churches are well-placed to assist some Yezidi refugees who are in particularly remote locations. In Christian areas, churches have done a fantastic job of setting up assistance programmes quickly. Camps in these areas are well-organized, with strong management, and coordination between aid providers is exemplary. Most beneficiaries of these projects, however, have been Christian IDPs. Some humanitarian providers would appreciate learning from Christians’ expertise in humanitarian mobilization and management in this context.

16 With regards to educational programming specifically, Christian schools enjoy a strong reputation as providing a quality education, and children of all backgrounds are likely to want to attend a Christian school.

Types of Actors The most significant humanitarian actor in KRI is likely the government itself. In the context of educational provision for displaced children, the Ministry of Education is highly active and engaged, and Kurdish-run government schools have absorbed a large number of displaced children. Churches are important humanitarian aid providers. Some churches have set up camps on their premises, usually for Christian IDPs, while others use their facilities as distribution centres. Churches also mobilise volunteers and coordinate aid in various locations. A Council of Churches has been established in Dohok to coordinate aid to displaced families living in Christian villages, and is committed to supporting beneficiaries of all backgrounds. This council liaises with churches in all of the villages to mobilise volunteers and to manage distribution lists in each location. There are many local and national NGOs in KRI. These include some faith-based NGOs as well as many NGOs that do not have a particular faith ethos. Among international NGOs, there are several Christian NGOs that are committed to supporting Christian IDPs primarily, who partner closely with churches. There are other international Christian NGOs, however, that work in areas with few or no Christians; these rarely partner with churches or Christian Iraqi NGOs since they are working in areas that are not Christian. There are secular international NGOs and UN agencies active in Christian neighbourhoods and villages as well as areas that are predominantly Muslim or Yezidi; if they partner with local organisations, those organisations may be of any religious or non- religious identity. Many international NGOs, faith-based and non-faith-based, choose not to partner with local organisations and instead implement projects directly, though most of these do partner with local government entities. All NGOs working in education have some degree of relationship with the local directorate of education or with the Baghdad-based Central MoE.

4- Satellite and Information Technology Access and Usage In Iraq, since the 2003 invasion, there have been some efforts to develop and promote educational television programming. Representatives from the Ministry of Education reported that there is a local station in Suleymaniyya, and the Iraqi Central MoE partnered with UNESCO to develop a distance learning channel that included instruction on television for children in exam years (6, 9 and 12). There are also some radio projects to transmit educational content into conflict areas.

In a 2014 assessment of mass communication in Syrian refugee camps in KRI, 84% of households surveyed reported face-to-face communication as their primary method of receiving public information. Television and telephone calls were the second-most popular vehicles of communication.10

10 REACH and UNHCR. October 2014. “Mass Communication Assessment of Syrian Refugees in Camps.” http://www.alnap.org/resource/20643

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Most displaced families have access to television. Though quantitative data was difficult to obtain, visual evidence during visits to informal settlements, where many of the most vulnerable displaced families are living, indicated that settlements are likely to have at least one satellite dish per cluster of homes. In some camps, like Ashti II where the survey for this assessment was conducted, almost every home has a satellite dish (97% in our survey had satellite television in their home, and another 1.3% have satellite access outside their home). In the 2014 assessment on mass communication in Syrian refugee camps, more than 90% of households reported that they watch television. In the survey conducted for the current, 100% of those with satellite tuned in to NileSat, and stakeholder interviews confirmed that NileSat is the most widespread satellite among displaced throughout KRI.

The most oft-viewed programming was News (78.3% of respondents), followed by TV series or muselselat (53.8% of respondents). Films were also popular (46.6%), as were cartoons (44.8%). In addition, 34.4% of respondents watched religious programming, and focus group participants highlighted that they like watching traditional religious programming such as dramatizations of Bible stories. In the camp where the survey was conducted, 61.2% of respondents had heard of Sat-7, and they watched an average of 13 hours per month of Sat- 7 programming, including an estimated 10.7 hours of kids programming. 22.9% of respondents reported that they had heard of Madrasati (My School), Sat-7’s new educational programme, and that their children watched it. In focus groups, though, none of the respondents had heard of Madrasati.

Internet access is widespread, though far from universal among displaced populations in KRI. In this assessment survey, 65% of respondents reported they have some level of internet connectivity, an in an assessment conducted by an NYU research team in 2015 approximately 60% of Syrian refugees in camps were found to have internet connectivity.11 In contrast, though, in the REACH assessment in 2014, only 35% of Syrian refugees in camps surveyed had Internet at the time. Connectivity is much lower among Muslim and Yezidi IDPs, though, and lowest in informal settlements. In our survey, we found that of those who had Internet, 74.5% accessed the Internet on their phones, 16.1% on devices outside of their homes (usually Internet cafés) and 10.7% on devices in the home (usually laptop computers). Various stakeholders suggested that Syrian refugees are somewhat more likely to own laptops than IDPs.

Mobile phone usage is higher. In the NYU survey, 80% of Syrian refugees used mobile phones, and most of the respondents in this assessment who used the Internet did so on their phones, using apps easily accessed on phones such as Facebook (93.9% of those with internet), YouTube (45.9%), or apps for Chatting like Whatsapp or Viber (45.9%). In an “Area of Origin” research project mid-2015 conducted by Syrian refugees contacting people they knew who were still inside Syria, REACH researchers found that Syrians inside Syria use the Internet quite regularly: 52% with daily use, another 28% with use 3x/week and 14% once/week. 89% of respondents reported that they use Whatsapp and 64% reported using

11 Email from Alexandra Clare, dated 24 February 2016.

18 Facebook Messenger, while 71% reported voice calling. Only 11% of people surveyed in the Area of Origin survey used phone only to contact relatives, instead of using social media.12

Electricity cuts may be the largest deterrent to satellite television viewing, and high data prices may be the largest deterrent to internet access. People cannot reliably access a television show at the same time every day due to unreliable electricity, though some displaced families, when possible, do get generators. While YouTube usage was widespread, people limit their video viewing due to the prohibitive costs of data. In the REACH survey on mass communication in Syrian refugee camps, 50% of respondents pointed to lack of data credit as a reason why they did not use the Internet. Therefore, some stakeholders suggested that the most effective means of delivering television educational content would actually be via CD/DVD, with grants to schools or local associations of televisions/DVD players. Many schools also lack generators.

5- Interfaith Engagement between Churches and Affected Populations This final section outlines some of the dynamics of religious identity and interfaith relations in the KRI, how those have been shaped by recent waves of displacement, and the relationship between churches and affected populations.

Religious Identity in KRG In the KRI, ethno-linguistic identity is a more distinct qualifier than is religious identity. Nonetheless, religion is often connected to ethno-linguistic identity. For example, only Christians speak Syriac, but Yezidis are Kurdish-speaking, and almost all Kurds are Muslim. Language barriers, therefore, enable social barriers, as communication between people of different ethno-religious groups is often not possible. While most Syrian refugees are Muslim, few of the IDPs from the most recent wave of displacement caused by the expansion of Daesh are Muslim; rather, they are mostly Christian and Yezidi. There are also Muslim IDPs from other regions and waves of displacement inside Iraq, though they have been in KRI longer and seem to be less the focus of humanitarian actors. Many stakeholders, especially Christian interviewees, commented on the rise of sectarianism. They recall that, before the 2003 invasion, members of different religions lived side-by-side in peace in Iraq. National identity was promoted as more important than religious identity. One Christian man even commented that, when he lived in Baghdad, he learned Arabic and his Arab Muslim neighbours learned Syriac. In the 1990s, though, when the semi-autonomous Kurdish region was established, many Christian communities were displaced, including the village of Bakhetma where a local church is planning to partner with Served. The people of Bakhetma returned around 2006 and rebuilt their village, but their sense of stability has been shaken. Many Christian stakeholders shared stories of harassment and social discrimination that are happening to them in the KRI, even though they do enjoy freedom of religion and protection from the KRG.

12 REACH. September 2015. “Area of Origin – Communication Channels and Social Media Report.” http://www.reachresourcecentre.info/system/files/resource- documents/reach_syr_social_media_thematic_report_september2015_final.pdf

19 Religious identity has come to the fore in the recent waves of conflict, though, as Christians and Yezidis were displaced from Daesh-controlled lands primarily because of their religion. Though there is no significant Shi’ite population in the KRI, sectarian conflict between Sunni and Shi’a in other parts of Iraq led to the displacement of many Arab Iraqis to the KRI during the past decade. Since 2003, the Christian community has shrunk considerably. There are no reliable estimates on the number of Christians still in Iraq, but it is probably not more than 500,000, whereas prior to 2003, it was estimated to be 1.5 million. Most Christians who have left Iraq have been, or are in the process of being, permanently resettled in other countries, primarily in Europe, America or Australia. They are unlikely to return to Iraq. This has left the Christians who remain feeling exposed and vulnerable, and many of them also hope to emigrate. Other Christians, however, are determined to stay and help rebuild their country. Even diaspora Iraqi Christians have a strong sense of national identity and loyalty to their land.

Relationship between the Church and Affected Populations As discussed above, churches are primarily helping Christian IDPs, though there are also many churches providing assistance to Yezidis who have come to live near their villages and in their neighbourhoods. In some locations, as a result, there is growing integration between Yezidis and Christians, though the cultural differences are significant. Christians have historically had a very negative view of Yezidis, who were described in some interviews as dirty and drunkards, but are learning to adapt to their presence in their midst. To a lesser extent, churches are also assisting Muslims. Though Christians are more likely to approach churches for aid than are people of other religions, there was no evidence that churches turn non-Christian petitioners away, unless the conditions of their grant fund require that they assist only Christians. Local churches have been living under a Kurdish administration for two decades and have generally developed positive relationships with the KRG and with their Kurdish neighbours, however the current crisis situation which is characterized by both massive displacement and economic crisis, has created space for growing tension between the local Kurdish communities and IDPs. When the IDPs are Christians, local churches are caught in between. There have been reports of threats to Christians which were previously rare in KRI. In 2014, a Council of Churches was established in Dohok to coordinate aid from and for Christians. This council made the decision, though, to assist all in need, not just Christians. They coordinate food assistance to all Christian villages surrounding Dohok, but provide food to all displaced families in need in those villages, regardless of their ethno- religious background. The assessment team visited a church in Dohok that has opened a medical clinic and allowed any displaced family to register for free treatment; approximately one-half of beneficiaries are Muslim. The project leader commented that one reason why people come to the church for assistance is because most displaced families speak Arabic better than Kurdish, and the volunteers at the church also speak Arabic. There have been some efforts to engage in inter-faith dialogue, both at the grassroots level and among religious leaders. According to a researcher working in peacebuilding at the University of Dohok, high-level interfaith dialogue has been well- received, and there is an openness amongst youth to interact with one another, but active engagement between youth of different religions is still very limited.

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Recommendations The following are some recommendations that emerge from the findings discussed above. While they are organised according to formal education, non-formal education, education by satellite and partnership with churches, recommendations are likely to be relevant to a variety of types of projects.

Formal education • Education programming should work within an agreed curriculum. Each country, or in the case of Iraq, each region of the country, has its own certified curriculum, and continued educational opportunities often hinge upon children passing the exams and/or achieving a qualification in a specific curriculum. Therefore, the curriculum attached to the qualification most likely to be useful to the students in a programme should always be used. • Provide support to teachers that will help strengthen their capacity to work with trauma-affected students. This should include both training in dealing with trauma in the classroom, as well as psycho-social support for the teachers themselves. • Design formal educational activities that do not require students to do much homework or rely on textbooks, and train teachers in delivering these activities. • Offer moral support, reflection space, and light-touch training for teachers.

Non-formal education • Specialised content and cost-efficient delivery of content at the secondary level is needed. Many secondary-school aged children are still eager to learn, but have lost the hope of achieving a certified degree. Others are attending secondary schools where they are unable to access quality instruction from qualified experts in their fields. • Develop extra-curricular activities and recreational for children, such as sports, music, or art classes, especially for displaced children outside of camps.

Education via Satellite • When providing education programming on satellite television, work with local partners for delivery. These partners may need technological inputs (televisions, dishes and generators, or computers with data, or CDs) in order to screen the programmes. With these tools, their staff or volunteers can ensure students attend regularly and facilitate discussion and reflection on the content presented in the programming. • Provide character development content in educational offerings, including via television. Considering the positive view of Christians in humanitarian response and in education provision, it is likely that character development content can have a distinctly religious flavour and be well-received. • Use television for humanitarian messaging on topics like health, hygiene and nutrition.

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Partnership with Churches • Create spaces for encounters between youth of different ethno-religious and linguistic backgrounds. These encounters should be facilitated and supported with translation when needed, so as to promote positive interaction and dialogue. • Seek ways to work with churches that does not restrict assistance to Christian IDPs. This may entail working in the few areas with significant displaced communities of different ethno-religious backgrounds, but may also entail creating opportunities and a need for Christian aid providers to work in villages and towns that are far away from their churches. While they may not be able to work directly in such localities, they may be able to liaise with other aid providers in those areas.

22 Annex I: List of Stakeholders Interviewed

Government Representatives: 1. Mr. Yosuif Othman Yosuif, Director General of Educational Planning, KRG Ministry of Education; three of his assistants were also present 2. Mr. Fahmi Sliwa Babaka, Director, Department of Education in Ankawa 3. Dr. Nawzad, Deputy Director General of Education, Department of Education, Dohok 4. Mr. Shazry, Head of Planning Department, Department of Education, Dohok

School Directors and Teachers 1. Dr. Salah Zakho Boutros, Director, Day School Ashti 2 Camp (Ankawa) 2. Mr. Khaled, Director, Evening School Ashti 2 Camp (Ankawa) (several teachers were also present in the interview) 3. Mr. Muayed, Director, Bakhetmeh Central Ministry of Education School for IDPs (several teachers were also present in the interview) 4. Mrs. Shamiran, teacher, Bakhetmeh KRG school 5. Mr. Daniel, teachers, Bakhetme KRG school

Humanitarian Partners 1. Mawlid Warfa, UNICEF Director of Office, Erbil 2. Ahmed Ayad, NLG Project Officer, Mercy Corps, Erbil 3. Nahla Bazi, Manager of Vocational Training for IDPs in Evangelical church, and Former Director of Medes School 4. Alex Munoz, NYU Field Project Director, Dohok University 5. Dr. Raba Soran, Director of Refugee and IDP Coordination, Jana Camp (Ankawa) 6. Britton Buckner, Head of Programming, CRS, Dohok

Clergy engaged in Humanitarian work 1. Fr. Emmanuel, Camp Manager, Ashti 2 Camp (Ankawa) 2. Fr. Daniel, Priest, Mar Elia Church, Ankawa; and Assistant Church Camp Coordinator 3. Fr. Afram, Priest, Church of the East, Dohok; and Coordinator of Council of Churches Aid programme 4. Fr. James (Girgis), Priest, Church of the East, Bakhetmeh 5. Fr. Emmanuel Youkhana, Priest, Church of the East; and Director, CAPNI (Christian Aid Program in Northern Iraq) 6. Fr. Rizqallah, Priest, Assyrian Catholic Church, Sarsink

23 Annex II: Semi-Structured Interview Schedule

KII or FGD category: FGD Mothers KII: Religious Partner/Church

FGD Boys KII: Local Government

FGD Girls KII: Educator

KII: Humanitarian Partner KII: Other

1. What are the biggest educational needs of displaced populations in the region? 2. (Key Informants only) How are churches perceived? Do you think they are well-suited to contribute to educational needs? What main challenges will churches face? 3. Describe a typical classroom: What happens during a lesson at school? 4. What are some good things about education in Iraq? 5. What are the biggest problems with the way education is currently done? Why? 6. What advantages and disadvantages may exist with education in Kurdish and Arabic? 7. Why do parents value education? Why do children value education? 8. (Key Informants only) What challenges do educators face when teaching displaced children? 9. (Focus Groups only) Besides access to school, what makes learning difficult for you and/or your children since you have been displaced? 10. Which satellite do most people have? Which satellite do most people watch?

Some further issues to be covered if possible: What do children want to learn? cultural value of memorising, effects of trauma on memorisation, fear of humiliation, interests and aspirations of parents, local culture, youth interests and values, engagement and trust, Reintegration needs

24 Annex III: Household Survey Questionnaire

______اﻟﻤﻜﺎن :Location _____ # اﺳﺘﻘﺼﺎء Questionnaire

ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت أﺳﺎﺳﯿﺔ A. Demographics A.1. Age of respondent (ask for Head of Household if possible) أ.1. ﻋﻤﺮ اﻟﻤﺸﺘﺮك. (آﺳﺂل ﻋﻦ رب اﻵﺳﺮة أﻳ ًﻀﺎ إن ﻛﺎن ﻣﻤﻜ ًﻨﺎ) ذﻛﺮ A.2. Gender M اﻧﺚ F اﻟﺠﻨﺲ أ. ﺳﻮرﻳﺎ A.3. Country of Origin A: Syria ب. ﻋﺮاق B: Iraq ﺑﻠﺪ اﻟﻤﯿﻼد ج. ﻏﯿﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ: ______:C: Other A.4. City of Origin ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﻤﯿﻼد A.5. Religion/ethnic identity (if ascertained) اﻟﺪﻳﻦ/ اﻟﻌﺮﻗﯿﺔ اﻟﮫﻮﻳﺔ A.6. Number of people in household اذﻛﺮﻋﺪد اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺴﻜﻨﻮن اﻟﻤﻨﺰل A.7. Ages of all children under 18 years of age and educational attainment ﻋﺎﻣﺎ وﻛﯿﻒ ﻳﺘﻠﻘﻮن 18اذﻛﺮﻋﺪد اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺒﻠﻐﻮا ﺳﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻤﮫﻢ 1 4 ____ اﻟﻌﻤﺮ:Age ____ اﻟﻌﻤﺮ:Age ذﻛﺮ/أﻧﺜﻰM/F ذﻛﺮ/أﻧﺜﻰM/F ______ﻓﻲ أي ﺻﻒ:Years of Schooling ______ﻓﻲ أي ﺻﻒ:Years of Schooling Currently in School: Formal/NonFormal/None Currently in School: Formal/NonFormal/None ھﻞ ﺗﺬھﺐ اﻟﻰ: ﻣﺪرﺳﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﯿﺔ/ﻏﯿﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﯿﺔ/ﻻ ﺗﺬھﺐ ھﻞ ﺗﺬھﺐ اﻟﻰ: ﻣﺪرﺳﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﯿﺔ/ﻏﯿﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﯿﺔ/ﻻ إطﻼ ًﻗﺎ ﺗﺬھﺐ إطﻼ ًﻗﺎ 5 ____ اﻟﻌﻤﺮ:Age 2 ذﻛﺮ/أﻧﺜﻰM/F ____ اﻟﻌﻤﺮ:Age ______ﻓﻲ أي ﺻﻒ:Years of Schooling ذﻛﺮ/أﻧﺜﻰM/F Currently in School: Formal/NonFormal/None ______ﻓﻲ أي ﺻﻒ:Years of Schooling ھﻞ ﺗﺬھﺐ اﻟﻰ: ﻣﺪرﺳﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﯿﺔ/ﻏﯿﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﯿﺔ/ﻻ ﺗﺬھﺐ Currently in School: Formal/NonFormal/None إطﻼ ًﻗﺎ ھﻞ ﺗﺬھﺐ اﻟﻰ: ﻣﺪرﺳﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﯿﺔ/ﻏﯿﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﯿﺔ/ﻻ 6 ﺗﺬھﺐ إطﻼ ًﻗﺎ ____ اﻟﻌﻤﺮ:Age ذﻛﺮ/أﻧﺜﻰM/F 3 ______ﻓﻲ أي ﺻﻒ:Years of Schooling ____ اﻟﻌﻤﺮ:Age Currently in School: Formal/NonFormal/None ذﻛﺮ/أﻧﺜﻰM/F ھﻞ ﺗﺬھﺐ اﻟﻰ: ﻣﺪرﺳﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﯿﺔ/ﻏﯿﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﯿﺔ/ﻻ ﺗﺬھﺐ ______ﻓﻲ أي ﺻﻒ:Years of Schooling إطﻼ ًﻗﺎ Currently in School: Formal/NonFormal/None ھﻞ ﺗﺬھﺐ اﻟﻰ: ﻣﺪرﺳﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﯿﺔ/ﻏﯿﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﯿﺔ/ﻻ ﺗﺬھﺐ إطﻼ ًﻗﺎ

ﻣﺸﺎھﺪة اﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮن B. Television Practices

25 B.1. Do you have access to satellite TV? A: In your home أ. ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻨﺰل ھﻞ ﻟﺪﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺗﻼﻳﺖ؟ ) ﺻﺤﻦ ﻻﻗﻂ ) B: In the neighbourhood but not home ب. ﻓﻰ اﻟﺤﻲ او ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﺠﯿﺮان C: No ج. ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ إطﻼ ًﻗﺎ أ. ﻧﺎﻳﻞ ﺳﺎت B.2. Which satellites do you have access to? A: NileSat ب. ھﻮﺗﺒﯿﺮد B: Hotbird ﻣﺎ ھﻮ اﻟﻘﻤﺮ اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻲ اﻟﺬي ﺗﺸﺎھﺪه؟ ج. ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺎت C: ArabSat د. ﻏﯿﺮﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ______:D: Other أ. ﻧﺎﻳﻞ ﺳﺎت B.3. Which satellite do you use the most? A: NileSat ب. ھﻮﺗﺒﯿﺮد B: Hotbird ﻣﺎ ھﻮ اﻟﻘﻤﺮ اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻲ اﻟﺬي ﺗﺸﺎھﺪه أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻏﯿﺮه؟ ج. ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺎت C: ArabSat د. ﻏﯿﺮﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ______:D: Other B.4. If you have satellite in your house, how ﻟﻮ ?many hours a day is your TV turned on ﻛﻨﺖ ﺗﻘﺘﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﺗﻼﻳﺖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻨﺰل ﻛﻢ ﺳﺎﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﯿﻮم ﺗﺸﺎھﺪه؟ أ. أﺧﺒﺎر B.5. What show(s) are on the most? (Select up A: News ب. أﻓﻼم to 3) B: Films ج. ﻣﺴﻠﺴﻼت C: Muselselat ﻣﺎ ھﻲ اﻟﺒﺮاﻣﺞ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﺎھﺪھﺎ أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻏﯿﺮھﺎ؟ د. ﻛﺮﺗﻮن D: Cartoonsاﺧﺘﺮ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻛﺜﺮ ه. ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻤﯿﺔ E: Educational programming و. ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ دﻳﻨﯿﺔ F: Religious programming ز. ﻏﯿﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ______:G: Other B.6. Have you heard of SAT-7? Yes/No ﻧﻌﻢ / ﻻ ؟7ھﻞ ﺳﻤﻌﺖ ﻋﻦ ﺳﺎت- ______:B.7. If you have watched S ◌ِ AT-7 in the past All programming اﻟﺒﺮاﻣﺞ ﻛﻞ : :month, estimate the number of hours ______:Kid’s programmes اﻟﺸﮫﺮ اﻟﻤﺎﺿﻲ ﻓﻜﻢ 7ﻟﻮ ﻛﻨﺖ ﻗﺪ ﺷﺎھﺪت ﺳﺎت- اﻷطﻔﺎل ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ : ﺳﺎﻋﺔ ﺷﺎھﺪت ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ؟ Madrasati: ______ﻣﺪراﺳﺘﻲ: B.8. Do you have Internet access? How? A: On phone أ. ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﻟﺘﻠﯿﻔﻮن اﻟﻤﺤﻤﻮل B: On tablet ھﻞ ﻟﺪﻳﻚ ﺗﻮاﺻﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ؟ ﻛﯿﻒ؟ ب. اﻟﻜﻤﺒﯿﻮﺗﺮ اﻟﻠﻮﺣﻲ (ﺗﺎﺑﻠﺖ) C: On other device at home ج. ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺟﮫﺎز آﺧﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﯿﺖ D: On device outside the household د. ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﮫﺎز ﺧﺎرج اﻟﺒﯿﺖ

26 أ. ﻓﺎﻳﺲ ﺑﻮك B.9 What do you use the Internet for? (Select A: Facebook ب. ﺗﻮﻳﺘﺮ up to 3) B: Twitter ج. ﻳﻮﺗﯿﻮب C: YouTube D: Other video ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪم اﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ ل (اﺧﺘﺮ ﺛﻼث إﺟﺎﺑﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻛﺜﺮ) د. ﻣﺸﺎھﺪة ﻓﯿﺪﻳﻮھﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮاﻗﻊ أﺧﺮى E: Chat with friends (WhatsApp, Viber, etc.) ه. ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺪث ﻣﻊ اﻷﺻﺪﻗﺎء(ﻋﻠﻰ واﺗﺲ آب، ﻓﺎﻳﺒﺮ أو ﻏﯿﺮه) F: Email و. اﻟﺒﺮﻳﺪ اﻹﻟﻜﺘﺮوﻧﻲ (إﻳﻤﯿﻞ) G: Browse the Internet for information or interest ز. ﺗﺼﻔﺢ اﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت أو ﻷﻏﺮاض أﺧﺮى ح. أﺳﺒﺎب أﺧﺮى______: H: Other

اﻻﺣﺘﯿﺎﺟﺎت اﻟﺘﻌﻠﯿﻤﯿﺔ/اﻷوﻟﻮﻳﺎت C. Education needs/priorities أ. اﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﯿﺎت C.1. What is the most important A: Good behavior اﻟﺤﺴﻨﺔ ?thing for a child to learn in life ب. ﻛﯿﻒ ﻳﺼﻨﻊ أﺻﺪﻗﺎء Select up to 3) B: How to make friends) ج. ﻣﮫﺎرات اﻟﻌﻤﻞ C: Skills for finding a job D: How to stand up for (defend) him/herself ﻣﺎ ھﻮ أھﻢ ﺷﻲء ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ آن ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻤﻪ د. ﻛﯿﻒ ﻳﺪاﻓﻊ ﻋﻦ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ/ﻧﻔﺴﮫﺎ اﻟﻄﻔﻞ؟ ه. اﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ اﻷﻛﺎدﻳﻤﯿﺔ E: Academic knowledge ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻛﺜﺮ3اﺧﺘﺮ و. اﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﯿﺎت اﻟﺼﺤﯿﺔ F: Good Health practices ﻏﯿﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ . ______:G: Other C.2. Why do you want your A: To learn how to think أ. ﻟﯿﺘﻌﻠﻢ ﻛﯿﻒ ﻳﻔﻜﺮ ?children to get a good education (Select ONE) B: To get a job ب. ﻟﯿﺤﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ وظﯿﻔﺔ ﻟﻤﺎذا ﺗﺮﻳﺪ ﻟﻄﻔﻠﻚ أن ﻳﺤﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ C: To help the family in the future ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ ﺟﯿﺪ؟ ج. ﻟﯿﺴﺎﻋﺪ اﻷﺳﺮة ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ اﺧﺘﺮ إﺟﺎﺑﺔ واﺣﺪة D: To develop character د. ﻟﯿﻄﻮر ﻣﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﯿﺘﻪ E: Other: ______ه. ﻏﯿﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ:______C.3. What are characteristics of a A: Respect for the context and for the child’s family أ. اﺣﺘﺮام اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ وأﺳﺮة اﻟﻄﻔﻞ ?good school (Select up to 3) B: Clean, water supply and overall good infrastructure ﻣﺎ ھﻲ ﺻﻔﺎت اﻟﻤﺪرﺳﺔ اﻟﺠﯿﺪة؟ ب. ﻧﻈﯿﻔﺔ، ﺗﺆﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﯿﺎه واﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت إﺟﺎﺑﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻛﺜﺮ3اﺧﺘﺮ C: Quality teaching ج. ﺗﻘﺪم ﺗﻌﻠﯿ ًﻤﺎ ﺟﯿ ًﺪا D: Offer meals to students د. ﺗﻘﺪم وﺟﺒﺎت ﻟﻸطﻔﺎل E: Good teaching materials ه. ﺗﻘﺪم وﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻤﯿﺔ وﺗﻮﺿﯿﺤﯿﺔ ﺟﯿﺪة F: Games and fun activities as a part of teaching و. ﺗﻘﺪم ﻓﺮص’ ﻟﻠﻌﺐ واﻻﺳﺘﻤﺘﺎع ﻛﺠﺰء ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺠﮫﺎ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﯿﻤﻲ ﻏﯿﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ ______G: Other

27 أ. اﻟﻮاﺟﺒﺎت C.4. What is the first thing you A: Homework اﻟﻤﺪرﺳﯿﺔ ask about when your child ب. ﻛﯿﻒ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻪ returns from school? B: How their teacher treated them ﻣﺪرﺳﻮه (Select ONE) ج. إن ﻛﺎن ﻗﺪ C: If they ate ﻣﺎ ھﻮ أول ﺷﻲء ﺗﺴﺄل طﻔﻠﻚ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺗﻨﺎول طﻌﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺪرﺳﺔ؟ د. ﻋﻦ أﺻﺪﻗﺎﺋﻪ D: Friends ه. ﻣﺎ اﻟﺬي ﺗﻌﻠﻤﻪ E: What they learnedاﺧﺘﺮ إﺟﺎﺑﺔ واﺣﺪة و. إن ﻛﺎن ﺗﺼﺮف F: If they behaved well ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺟﯿﺪة ز. ﻏﯿﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ ______:G: Other أ. اﻟﺘﻌﻠﯿﻢ C.5a. What is the educational A: Primary اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ level you EXPECT your son to ب. اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮي achieve? B: Secondary ج. ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ ﻓﻨﻲ Select ONE) C: Technical/Vocational Qualification) د. ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ وﻣﺎ D: University or beyond ﻣﺎ ھﻮ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺘﻌﻠﯿﻤﻲ اﻟﺬي ﺑﻌﺪه ﺗﺘﻮﻗﻊ أن ﻳﺼﻞ ﻟﻪ اﺑﻨﻚ؟ اﺧﺘﺮ إﺟﺎﺑﺔ واﺣﺪة أ. اﻟﺘﻌﻠﯿﻢ C.5b. What is the educational A: Primary اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ level you EXPECT your daughter ب. اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮي to achieve? B: Secondary ج. ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ ﻓﻨﻲ Select ONE) C: Technical/Vocational Qualification) د. ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ وﻣﺎ D: University or beyond ﻣﺎ ھﻮ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺘﻌﻠﯿﻤﻲ اﻟﺬي ﺑﻌﺪهﺗﺘﻮﻗﻊ أن ﺗﺼﻞ ﻟﻪ اﺑﻨﺘﻚ؟ اﺧﺘﺮ إﺟﺎﺑﺔ واﺣﺪة C.6. What is the biggest A: Health أ. اﻟﺼﺤﺔ challenge that children in the community face, other than B: Safety/Security ب. اﻷﻣﻦ/اﻟﺴﻼﻣﺔ ?education (Select up to 3) C: Water/Sanitation issues ج. اﻟﻤﯿﺎه/أﻣﻮر ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﺎ ھﻮ أﻛﺒﺮ ﺗﺤﺪي ﻳﻮاﺟﻪ اﻷطﻔﺎل ) D: Food ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ؟ (ﻏﯿﺮاﻟﺘﻌﻠﯿﻢ د. اﻟﻄﻌﺎم إﺟﺎﺑﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻛﺜﺮ3اﺧﺘﺮ E: Housing ه. اﻟﻤﺄوى F: Poverty و. اﻟﻔﻘﺮ G: Social Activities ز. اﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯿﺔ H: Other: ______ح. ﻏﯿﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ:______أ. اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻠﯿﺔ C.7. Who is the first A: Local government ب. اﻟﻤﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ آو اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ (person/group you will go to if B: Community Centre (local ج. اﻷﻣﻢ اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪة أو ﻏﯿﺮھﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﻨﻈﻤﺎت you need help for your child? C: UN or INGO د. اﻟﻜﻨﯿﺴﺔ Select ONE) D: Church) ه. اﻟﻤﺴﺠﺪ E: Mosque ﻣﻦ ھﻮ أول ﺷﺨﺺ /ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺳﺘﻠﺠﺄ و. اﻟﻤﺪرﺳﺔ F: School إﻟﯿﻪ/إﻟﯿﮫﺎ إن اﺣﺘﺠﺖ ﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪة ﻣﻊ ز. اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ G: Family طﻔﻠﻚ؟ ح. ﻏﯿﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ ______:H: Other اﺧﺘﺮ إﺟﺎﺑﺔ واﺣﺪة

28 C.8. What change(s) have you A: Trouble sleeping أ. ﻧﻮم ﻣﻀﻄﺮب seen in your child(ren) since you came to Erbil? B: Trouble concentrating at school ب. ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺰ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺪرﺳﺔ (Select up to 3) C: Difficulty making friends ﻣﺎ ھﻲ اﻟﺘﻐﯿﺮات اﻟﺘﻲ ﻻﺣﻈﺘﮫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ج. ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺻﺪاﻗﺎت ﺟﺪﻳﺪة طﻔﻠﻚ/أطﻔﺎﻟﻚ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻣﺠﯿﺌﻚ ﻹرﺑﯿﻞ؟ D: New, better friends إﺟﺎﺑﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻛﺜﺮ3اﺧﺘﺮ د. أﺻﺪﻗﺎء ﺟﺪد وأﻓﻀﻞ E: Poor behaviour ه. ﺗﺼﺮﻓﺎت ﺳﻠﺒﯿﺔ F: Good behaviour و. ﺗﺼﺮﻓﺎت ﺟﯿﺪة G: More religious ز. ﻧﺰﻋﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺪﻳﻦ H: Acts older, takes more responsibility ح. ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺆوﻟﯿﺔ وﺗﺼﺮف ﺑﻨﻀﺞ I: Other: ______ط. ﻏﯿﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ:______ﻗﺼﺺ D. Stories Write here something interesting the respondent told you. اﻛﺘﺐ ھﻨﺎ ﺷﯿ ًﺌﺎ ﻣﻤﯿ ًﺰا أﺧﺒﺮك ﻋﻨﻪ اﻟﻤﺸﺎرك

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