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The Triple P of RuNet Politics: Protest, Political Technology, Public Sphere Revolutionary seasons – Arab Spring and Slavic Winter by Henrike Schmidt, Berlin “ lavic Winter” – this was one of the head- apogee of digital and networked activism. The Slines of the news magazine Spiegel online, focus of the following paper will be according- when political protests against the results ly placed on the analysis of this social media of the parliamentary elections and the poli- component in recent political activities in Rus- tics of the so called Medvedev-Putin tandem sia against the background of a short history drove thousands of Russians onto the streets of politics of RuNet, as the Russian Internet is in Moscow, St. Petersburg and other cities almost tenderly called by its protagonists.3 around the country in December 2011.1 Thus, by giving the movement a symbolic name, an “For Fair Elections”. With Facebook obvious parallel was drawn to the so called against Electoral Fraud ‘Arab spring’ and the ‘Facebook revolutions’. And while the political background behind On December 4th 2011, the elections for the the protests in the Arab countries and in post- Russian parliament, the State Duma [Gosu- communist Russia differs largely2, the impor- darstvennaya Duma], resulted in a decrease tance of new media as a mobilizing power is in support for the ruling party United Rus- indeed characteristic in both cases. This also sia [Edinaya Rossiya], which gained only 49.3 holds true for other mass protest movements percent of the votes, in comparison to 64.1 per- which were different in their intentions, aims cent in the year 2007. With the parliamentary and agents, such as the ‘London riots’, the elections being understood as a test for the protest against the Euro crisis management presidential elections in spring 2012, the loss in Greece or the riots surrounding the ethnic of votes made supporters of the Medvedev- conflicts in Katunica, Bulgaria. Thus, 2011 Putin tandem, and especially the latter in his has good chances to be remembered for this aim to reclaim the position of the President, react nervously. At the same time, the politi- 1 Benjamin Bidder, “Russischer Blogger Warlamow. Aufklärer an allen Fronten” [Russian cal opposition in the country as well as exter- Blogger Varlamov. Enlightment proponent on all fronts], Spiegel Online, 14 December 2011, http:// 3 For possible definitions of the RuNet www.spiegel.de/politik/ausland/0,1518,803244,00. see Karina Alexanyan and Olessia Koltsova html (5 January 2012). (2009). “Blogging in Russia is not Russian 2 Experts underline, for example, the Blogging”. In: Adrienne Russell (Ed.). International different if not opposed demographics of the Arab Blogging: Identity, Politics and Networked Publics. States, which are characterized by a specifically New York: Lang, pp. 65-84; Henrike Schmidt and young population while Russia is constantly Katy Teubener (2006). “‘Our RuNet’? Cultural growing older, see Ayke Süthoff, “Putin Russland Identity and Media Usage”. In: Henrike Schmidt, Wahlbetrug: Interview mit Russland-Experten Katy Teubener and Natalja Konradova (Eds). Hans-Henning Schröder” [Putin Russia Electorial Control + Shift. Public and Private Usages of the Russian Fraud: Interview with Russia expert Hans-Henning Internet. Norderstedt: Books on Demand, pp. 14-20, Schröder], News.de, 12 December 2011, http:// http://www.ruhr-uni-bochum.de/russ-cyb/library/ www.news.de/politik/855252297/putin-russland- (accessed 13 January 2012). wahlbetrug-interview-mit-russland-experten- texts/en/control_shift/Schmidt_Teubener_Identity. hans-henning-schroeder/1/ (5 January 2012). pdf> (30 May 2009). Euxeinos 4 (2012) 5 Henrike Schmidt nal experts witnessed serious violations of the on by that time and election process in favour of the ruling party.4 was one of the ma- Violations were documented by official and jor speakers at the unofficial observers and published on Youtube ‘Christmas’ rally, on the day of the election. has been a promi- As a result of the allegedly manipulated elec- nent figure of the tions, the first protesters met on the Chisto- Russian opposi- prudny square in the centre of the capital on tion throughout December 5th. Although the meeting was the last few years. officially authorized, conflicts occurred be- He demonstrated tween the organizers and the police forces in a particularly high the course of the event and several hundred level of activity protesters were at least shortly imprisoned. and proficiency in Among them was the renowned blogger and digital mobiliza- political activist Aleksey Navalny, who went tion and tactic me- to prison for 15 days. dia usage.5 He has Protest meetings nevertheless kept on grow- the reputation of a ing with two mayor rallies “For fair elections” notorious fighter [Za chestnye vybory], on December 10th at against corruption Bolotnaya square. It attracted between 20,000 within the Russian protesters, as reported by the Moscow Main State institutions Office of the Interior, and 50,000 protesters, as and mayor eco- Fig. 1: More than 53,000 proclaimed by the organizers. There was an- nomic companies. people planned on going other protest on December 24th at Sakharov Thus, he is the cre- to the “Rally for Fair square with 30,000 to 100,000 participants – ative ‘genius’ of Elections”, Facebook group depending on accounts of the public authori- an initiative called (accessed 13 January 2012) ties in Moscow or the organizers of the protest invest-activism, rally. As was the case with the Arab spring, which means buy- Facebook and Twitter played the most impor- ing small shares tant role in organizing these protest meetings, in the stocks of big Russian companies and followed by the ‘home-made’ social network thereby forcing them from the inside to dis- clones Vkontakte [InContact] and Odnoklass- close their management activities and adhere niki [Schoolmates]. to more transparency. Navalny is also the ini- tiator of the website RusPil, a platform gather- Aleksey Navalny, who was released from pris- ing information concerning corruption within the Russian bureaucracy and economy. The 4 Michael Schwirtz and David M. abbreviation means ‘The Russian Saw’, a witty Herszenhorn, “Voters Watch Polls in Russia, play on words which is illustrated by the logo and Fraud Is What They See”, The New York Times, 5 December 2011, http://www.nytimes. 5 See Navalny’s homepage http://navalny. com/2011/12/06/world/europe/russian- ru/, his blog http://navalny.livejournal.com/ and parliamentary-elections-criticized-by-west.html his twitter account https://twitter.com/#!/navalny (accessed 13 January 2012). (accessed 13 January 2012). Euxeinos 4 (2012) 6 Henrike Schmidt White Ribbons on the Internet against Black-Listing on TV While Navalny provokes with clear cut state- Fig. 2: Logo of the Russian Internet platform ments and rude language, another recent cam- against corruption RosPil (Russian Saw http://rospil.info) paign initiated via the Internet presented itself as colourless in the literal sense: the white rib- of the website as well. bon campaign, which was initiated only a few days after the Duma Elections by the writer In his blog, read daily by approximately 40,000 and IT-professional Arsen Revazov. It calls for thousand users, Navalny criticizes the politi- the Russian people to demonstrate their wish cal elite in frank words, referring to the ruling for democratic reform and transparency by party Edinaya Rossiya as a “party of crooks wearing a white ribbon in order to visualize and thieves” [partiya zhulikov i vorov]. This the mass of people in discontent with the cur- rude formulation turned into a popular meme, rent political situation in the country. When a stereotypical formulation dispersed on the protest meetings and oppositional politicians Internet in a virus-like manner. In the follow- are black-listed from the state-owned national ing illustration it is used as a slogan for a ban- TV channels, the otherwise silent mass shall ner to mobilize further protests against elec- be visually present on the streets. The move- tion fraud: “On December 4th I voted against ment steers clear of the harsh political rhetoric the party of crooks and thieves”. of Navalny and other members of the non- It should be noted that Navalny has a quite systemic7 political opposition. It avoids the contradictory reputation among the opposi- terminology of revolution and thus especially tion. For example he was excluded from the attracts members of the rather apolitical mid- liberal party Yabloko for allegedly nationalist dle class, who previously did not join the op- behaviour. A weakness of oppositional forces position. Against this background the choice in Russia throughout the last decade consists of the colour white is even the more symboli- in the fact that a strongly nationalist and a cal as it clearly distinguishes itself from the so more liberal western-oriented wing co-exist, called ‘coloured revolutions’ in the Ukraine or which are united only by the goal of regime Central Asia, which do not enjoy popularity change, but largely differ in their views on the among the Russian population. political future of Russia. The last person to countercheck the potentially nationalist ideol- ogy of the blogger Navalny in the first days of 2012 was the renowned Russian writer of Akunin’s blog, “Razgovor s politikom”, 3 January historic novels, Boris Akunin, who himself 2012, http://borisakunin.livejournal.com/49763. actively participated in the December protest html (accessed 14 January 2012). meetings. Akunin published on his blog three 7 In Russian political vocabulary this interviews with Navalny, evidently subjecting was distinguished from the ‘systemic opposition’ to scrutiny his qualities as a potential leader of [sistemnaya oppoziciya], said to be controlled from the Kremlin within its system of ‘managed the broader oppositional forces.6 democracy’ [upravlyaemaya demokratiya]. 6 ‘Love for History’ [Lyubov k istorii]. Boris Euxeinos 4 (2012) 7 Henrike Schmidt opposition in the rudest and most obscene words8, which would have been more char- acteristic of ex-President and current Prime Minister Vladimir Putin.