END IMPUNITY Identify, Expose and Hold Accountable Those Responsible for Past Crimes to Prevent Future Crimes and Protect Journalists in the Region
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Interaction Between Citizen Media and the Mainstream Media Media Organisation in Egypt During 2011, 2012 & 2013
BIRMINGHAM CITY UNIVERSITY The Interaction Between Citizen Media and the Mainstream Media Media Organisation in Egypt during 2011, 2012 & 2013 77,000 Words Noha Atef Supervisors: Prof. Tim Wall Dr. Dima Saber Submitted to the Faculty of Art, Design and Media at Birmingham City University in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy I declare that this is a true copy of the examined manuscript of my PhD thesis in 17th January, 2017, which was further submitted on 10th March, 2017 with minor changes approved by the examiners. 1 Abstract THE INTERACTION BETWEEN CITIZEN MEDIA AND THE MAINSTREAM MEDIA Media Organisation of Egypt during 2011, 2012 & 2013 This research explores the mutual influences between citizen media and the mainstream media, through studying two phenomena occurred in Egypt during the years 2011, 2012 and 2013; which are the institutionalisation of citizen journalism and the employment of a number of citizen journalists in the mainstream media. The thesis answers the question: What is the nature of interaction between citizen media and the mainstream media? I argue that the citizen media -mainstream media interaction is driven by the medium, which is the social media, the media organizer; or the individuals who control the media outlet, either by having editorial authority, such as Editors-in-chief, or owning it. In addition, the mass media are another driver of the interaction between citizen media and the mainstream media. Plus, the relationship between the citizens of the state and the political regime too, it influence the convergence and divergence of citizen media and the mainstream media. -
Citizen Journalists and Mass Self-Communication in Egypt
Citizen Journalists and Mass Self-Communication in Egypt The Use of New Media as Counter Power During the Egyptian Revolution Author MSc Thesis Adriëtte Sneep 860502 780020 International Development Studies Supervisors Dr. R. Lie Communication Sciences Dr. Ir. O. Hospes Public Administration and Policy Group Wageningen University February 2013 Wageningen University – Department of Social Sciences Law and Governance Group February 2013 Citizen Journalists and Mass Self-Communication in Egypt The Use of New Media as Counter Power During the Egyptian Revolution Thesis submitted to the Law and Governance Group in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Master of Science degree in International Development Studies Adriëtte Sneep Registration Number: 860502 780020 Course Code: LAW-80433 Supervised by Dr. R. Lie Communication Sciences Dr. Ir. O. Hospes Public Administration and Policy Group ii iii Abstract During the first months of 2011 mass demonstrations in the Arab world was front page news. In January and February 2011 Egyptians demonstrated 18 days and ultimately Mubarak was forced to resign. Revolutions happened before, so there is really nothing new under the sun, but what was remarkable about the reporting on the demonstrations was the attention for new media, such as Facebook and Twitter, which was predominantly used by young people during the demonstrations. Some people even called it a Facebook revolution, which illustrates the importance of new media during the Egyptian revolution. Since revolutions happened before Facebook was invented, this thesis explores the role of new media during the Egyptian revolution. This research aims to find out how people used it, what type of new media they used, when and how they felt about this. -
CITY in SCENES Beirut City Center S C C S O L M E I P D O I E E B M I O R E I E E R P U N
r e t 2011 n e C y t i C t u r i e B MOMENTUM OF PLACE, PEOPLE IN MOTION: S E N CITY E C S N I IN Y T I C SCEN ES Beirut City Center T R O P E R L A U N N A E R E D I L O S 1 1 0 2 SOLIDERE ANNUAL REPORT Cities are made of scenes. Scenes that reflect how people move, congregate, pause, and adopt behaviors in the urban environment. These are the patterns that inspire our cityscapes. *** MOMENTUM OF PLACE, PEOPLE IN MOTION: CITY IN SCENES * SOLIDERE ANNUAL REPORT 2 0 1 1 * Foreword Characters make entrances and exits from the stage of reality just as cities trace the contours of civilizations through time. The currents of trade, conquest, and knowledge have, for millennia, propelled the history of the Mediterranean Basin. The people, architecture, and urban landscapes of its eastern port Beirut refract, like a prism, the stories that have accrued on this land throughout the centuries. Meditative and introspective, the Solidere Annual Report 2011 observes how people inhabit the spaces of Beirut city center. Just as the photography and text shed light on the trajectory of the built environment – its recon- struction, development, and future, so too does the Annual Report contemplate character and how individuals con- stitute architecture and place. Seasoned photojournalist Ziyah Gafic captures the latent dialogue between people and architecture. His camera turns quietly around the corner to eavesdrop on soft chatter in a garden. He peers up an outdoor staircase to follow the clacking of heels. -
An-Nahar, One of Lebanon's Most Influential Daily Newspapers
Four Generations of Tuenis at the Helm • Gebran Tueni founded An-Nahar in 1933. An-Nahar • Ghassan Tueni took over in 1947, when his father died. An-Nahar became the most authoritative and credible paper in the Arab region. Where History Lives • Gebran Tueni served as editor-in-chief from 2003 to 2005, when his life was cut short. His father Ghassan took over again until his death in 2012. n-Nahar, one of Lebanon’s most influential daily newspapers, • Nayla Tueni is the current deputy general manager of An-Nahar. Nayla A is 85 years old. It is considered Lebanon’s “paper of record.” American- is a journalist and a member of the Lebanese Parliament, like her late British author and journalist Charles Glass, who specializes in the Middle father Gebran had been. East, called An-Nahar “Lebanon’s New York Times.” Its archives’ tagline is: “The memory of Lebanon and the Arab world since 1933. What many don’t know is that the newspaper's offices themselves are a living memorial to its martyrs and a museum of its history. At the same time, it is still an active newsroom, where journalists report both for the paper and for annahar.com, the online version launched in 2012. Inside the tall glass tower at the northwest corner of Beirut’s Downtown, known as the An-Nahar building, Gebran Tueni’s On the desk is frozen morning in time. A slip of Dec. 12, of paper with Ghassan Tueni handwritten received the notes, a news that his business card only surviving and a small son was stack of books murdered. -
Beirut 1 Electoral District
The 2018 Lebanese Parliamentary Elections: What Do the Numbers Say? Beirut 1 Electoral Report District Georgia Dagher +"/ Beirut 1 Founded in 1989, the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies is a Beirut-based independent, non-partisan think tank whose mission is to produce and advocate policies that improve good governance in fields such as oil and gas, economic development, public finance, and decentralization. This report is published in partnership with HIVOS through the Women Empowered for Leadership (WE4L) programme, funded by the Netherlands Foreign Ministry FLOW fund. Copyright© 2021 The Lebanese Center for Policy Studies Designed by Polypod Executed by Dolly Harouny Sadat Tower, Tenth Floor P.O.B 55-215, Leon Street, Ras Beirut, Lebanon T: + 961 1 79 93 01 F: + 961 1 79 93 02 [email protected] www.lcps-lebanon.org The 2018 Lebanese Parliamentary Elections: What Do the Numbers Say? Beirut 1 Electoral District Georgia Dagher Georgia Dagher is a researcher at the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies. Her research focuses on parliamentary representation, namely electoral behavior and electoral reform. She has also previously contributed to LCPS’s work on international donors conferences and reform programs. She holds a degree in Politics and Quantitative Methods from the University of Edinburgh. The author would like to thank Sami Atallah, Daniel Garrote Sanchez, Ayman Makarem, and Micheline Tobia for their contribution to this report. 2 LCPS Report Executive Summary Lebanese citizens were finally given the opportunity to renew their political representation in 2018—nine years after the previous parliamentary elections. Despite this, voters in Beirut 1 were weakly mobilized, and the district had the lowest turnout rate across the country. -
The Case of Hezbollah in Lebanon by Mohamad Ibrahim BA, Lebanese
Survival through restrained institutionalization: The case of Hezbollah in Lebanon by Mohamad Ibrahim B.A., Lebanese American University, 2017 A THESIS submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree MASTER OF ARTS Department of Security Studies College of Arts and Sciences KANSAS STATE UNIVERSITY Manhattan, Kansas 2019 Approved by: Major Professor Dr. Carla Martinez-Machain Copyright © Mohamad Ibrahim 2019. Abstract This thesis is an in-depth exploration of the evolving nature of domestic strategies adopted by Lebanon’s Hezbollah since its foundation in 1985 until the contemporary time. Based on Joel Migdal’s contributions to the literature on state-society relations, and Samuel Huntington’s understanding of institutionalization, it seeks to highlight and explain important transformations in Hezbollah’s political program, its sustained acquisition of arms, its social mobilization strategy, and its sensitive relationship with a de jure sovereign yet de facto weak Lebanese consociational system. The study proposes an explanation that combines Hezbollah’s ability to take advantage of the segmental autonomy that characterizes the power-sharing arrangements governing the Lebanese political system, and the overall existing political opportunity structure. The core argument is that Hezbollah has been able to become a powerful non-state actor through a process of restrained institutionalization which takes into consideration the need to sustain popular support on one hand, and the sensitive intricacies of Lebanon’s consociational system on the other hand. In other words, Hezbollah has invested its capacities in a way that maximizes its power in the existing political system, while remaining institutionally autonomous to a relative extent from it, and therefore becoming able to pursue its independent interests. -
Remaking Beirut: Contesting Memory, Space, and the Urban Imaginary of Lebanese Youth
Remaking Beirut: Contesting Memory, Space, and the Urban Imaginary of Lebanese Youth Craig Larkin∗ University of Exeter Throughout the centuries Beirut has had an endless capacity for reinvention and transformation, a consequence of migration, conquest, trade, and internal conflict. The last three decades have witnessed the city center’s violent self-destruction, its commercial resurrection, and most recently its national contestation, as opposi- tional political forces have sought to mobilize mass demonstrations and occupy strategic space. While research has been directed to the transformative processes and the principal actors involved, little attention has been given to how the next generation of Lebanese are negotiating Beirut’s rehabilitation. This article seeks to address this lacuna, by exploring how postwar youth remember, imagine, and spatially encounter their city. How does Beirut’s rebuilt urban landscape, with its remnants of war, sites of displacement, and transformed environs, affect and in- form identity, social interaction, and perceptions of the past? Drawing on Henri Lefebvre’s analysis of the social construction of space (perceived, conceived, and lived) and probing the inherent tensions within postwar youths’ encounters with history, memory, and heritage, the article presents a dynamic and complex urban imaginary of Beirut. An examination of key urban sites (Solidere’s` Down Town) and significant temporal moments (Independence Intifada) reveals three recur- ring tensions evident in Lebanese youth’s engagement with their city: dislocation and liberation, spectacle and participant, pluralism and fracture. This article seeks to encourage wider discussion on the nature of postwar recovery and the construc- tion of rehabilitated public space, amidst the backdrop of global consumerism and heritage campaigns. -
The Hariri Assassination and the Making of a Usable Past for Lebanon
LOCKED IN TIME ?: THE HARIRI ASSASSINATION AND THE MAKING OF A USABLE PAST FOR LEBANON Jonathan Herny van Melle A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS May 2009 Committee: Dr. Sridevi Menon, Advisor Dr. Neil A. Englehart ii ABSTRACT Dr. Sridevi Menon, Advisor Why is it that on one hand Lebanon is represented as the “Switzerland of the Middle East,” a progressive and prosperous country, and its capital Beirut as the “Paris of the Middle East,” while on the other hand, Lebanon and Beirut are represented as sites of violence, danger, and state failure? Furthermore, why is it that the latter representation is currently the pervasive image of Lebanon? This thesis examines these competing images of Lebanon by focusing on Lebanon’s past and the ways in which various “pasts” have been used to explain the realities confronting Lebanon. To understand the contexts that frame the two different representations of Lebanon I analyze several key periods and events in Lebanon’s history that have contributed to these representations. I examine the ways in which the representation of Lebanon and Beirut as sites of violence have been shaped by the long period of civil war (1975-1990) whereas an alternate image of a cosmopolitan Lebanon emerges during the period of reconstruction and economic revival as well as relative peace between 1990 and 2005. In juxtaposing the civil war and the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafic Hariri in Beirut on February 14, 2005, I point to the resilience of Lebanon’s civil war past in shaping both Lebanese and Western memories and understandings of the Lebanese state. -
Tueni, Kassir, and Chidiac… Ten Years Passed with No Progress in Investigations
Maharat Foundation rd Beirut on November 3P ,P 2015 Communiqué on the occasion of Impunity day: Tueni, Kassir, and Chidiac… Ten years passed with no progress in investigations The International Day to End Impunity for Crimes against Journalists comes ten years after the assassination of the two journalists Gebran Tueni and Samir Kassir and the attempt of assassination of the journalist May Chidiac in 2005, without bringing to justice or revealing the perpetrators, and until now no official progress in investigation has been made in their cases. Chidiac In the case of attempt of assassination of the journalist May Chidiac, she said during an interview with Maharat Foundation that she is waiting the Special Tribunal for Lebanon to find a link between her case and that of the assassination of the former prime minister Rafic Hariri so the tribunal can take over the case. Chidiac also considered that the “Lebanese authorities promote impunity through keeping the anonymity of the perpetrators despite the fact that those responsible for the 2005 assassinations are well known”. Tueni The same thing applies to the case of the journalist Gebran Tueni as emphasized by his daughter Michele Tueni to Maharat Foundation, who ensured that impunity contributed in the assassination of the victims where the perpetrators know that they will go unpunished. Tueni considered the consequences of impunity are dangerous especially that it urges journalists to put limits for their writings and to practice self censorship to protect their lives. Kassir The executive director of Samir Kassir Foundation Ayman Mhanna pointed that the case of Samir Kassir was transferred from the Lebanese and French judiciary to the Special Tribunal for Lebanon, and they are now waiting to link it to the case of assassination of Rafic Hariri. -
Lebanon's Legacy of Political Violence
LEBANON Lebanon’s Legacy of Political Violence A Mapping of Serious Violations of International Human Rights and Humanitarian Law in Lebanon, 1975–2008 September 2013 International Center Lebanon’s Legacy of Political Violence for Transitional Justice Acknowledgments The Lebanon Mapping Team comprised Lynn Maalouf, senior researcher at the Memory Interdisciplinary Research Unit of the Center for the Study of the Modern Arab World (CEMAM); Luc Coté, expert on mapping projects and fact-finding commissions; Théo Boudruche, international human rights and humanitarian law consultant; and researchers Wajih Abi Azar, Hassan Abbas, Samar Abou Zeid, Nassib Khoury, Romy Nasr, and Tarek Zeineddine. The team would like to thank the committee members who reviewed the report on behalf of the university: Christophe Varin, CEMAM director, who led the process of setting up and coordinating the committee’s work; Annie Tabet, professor of sociology; Carla Eddé, head of the history and international relations department; Liliane Kfoury, head of UIR; and Marie-Claude Najm, professor of law and political science. The team extends its special thanks to Dima de Clerck, who generously shared the results of her fieldwork from her PhD thesis, “Mémoires en conflit dans le Liban d’après-guerre: le cas des druzes et des chrétiens du Sud du Mont-Liban.” The team further owes its warm gratitude to the ICTJ Beirut office team, particularly Carmen Abou Hassoun Jaoudé, Head of the Lebanon Program. ICTJ thanks the European Union for their support which made this project possible. International Center for Transitional Justice The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ) works to redress and prevent the most severe violations of human rights by confronting legacies of mass abuse. -
THE POLITICS and LIBERATION of LEBANON by Etienne Sakr (Abu Arz)*
THE POLITICS AND LIBERATION OF LEBANON By Etienne Sakr (Abu Arz)* For 30 years, political events in Lebanon were dominated by Syrian occupation until 2005, when the Syrian army withdrew under international pressure. Yet the national future of Lebanon remains clouded in doubt and tension, as acts of terror against anti-Syrian elements continue, the March "Cedar Revolution" is stymied, and the country totters between freedom and political paralysis and breakdown. Events in Lebanon in the first half of 2005 Lebanese/Maronite-Palestinian fighting in altered the political state of affairs Beirut and Mount Lebanon.3 concerning Syria's long occupation of that By June 1976, Syria also sent its own country. Yet the outcome of these events is army into Lebanon to dominate the country still unclear and fluid. This article analyzes and subdue it to the will of Damascus. the history of the Lebanon issue and Manipulating the complex fighting scenario prospects for creating a new, more in Lebanon, Syrian-Palestinian cooperation equitable and stable order given the against the Christian community became dramatic changes which have taken place. the major motif. For example, in February 1980, the Syrians turned over the western STAGES AND METHODS IN SYRIAN area from Damur to the Zahrani to the PLA, OCCUPATION OF LEBANON along with heavy military equipment.4 On The hegemonic notion of Greater Syria July 20, 1976, following the launching of provides the ideological and historic Syria's direct military intervention in underpinnings for Damascus's drive to Lebanon, Hafiz al-Asad gave an historic eliminate Lebanese independence.1 Among speech in which he declared that its tools in realizing this goal was the "[throughout] history, Syria and Lebanon Saiqah Palestinian faction established in have been one country and one people"--a 1968. -
Egypt: News Websites and DEFENDING FREEDOM of EXPRESSION and INFORMATION Alternative Voices
Fulleer Egypt: News websites and DEFENDING FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND INFORMATION alternative voices ARTICLE 19 Free Word Centre 60 Farringdon Road London EC1R 3GA T: +44 20 7324 2500 F: +44 20 7490 0566 E: [email protected] W: www.article19.org 2014 Tw: @article19org Fb: facebook.com/article19org © ARTICLE 19 ARTICLE 19 Free Word Centre 60 Farringdon Road London EC1R 3GA United Kingdom T: +44 20 7324 2500 F: +44 20 7490 0566 E: [email protected] W: www.article19.org Tw: @article19org Fb: facebook.com/article19org ISBN: 978-1-906586-98-0 © ARTICLE 19, 2014 This report is a joint publication between ARTICLE 19: Global Campaign for Free Expression and the Heliopolis Institute in Cairo. The interviews and drafting of the report were carried out by Mohamed El Dahshan and Rayna Stamboliyska from the Heliopolis Institute. Staff from the ARTICLE 19 MENA Programme contributed desk-research and edited the final draft. It was reviewed by the Director of Programmes of ARTICLE 19 and the Senior Legal Officer of ARTICLE 19. The report’s design was coordinated by the Communications Officer of ARTICLE 19. This work is provided under the Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-ShareAlike 2.5 licence. You are free to copy, distribute and display this work and to make derivative works, except for the images which are specifically licensed from other organisations, provided you: 1. give credit to ARTICLE 19 2. do not use this work for commercial purposes 3. distribute any works derived from this publication under a licence identical to this one. To access the full legal text of this licence, please visit: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by-nc-sa/2.5/legalcode.