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Popular Committees and Independent Trade Unions Giuseppe Acconcia

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Popular Committees and Independent Trade Unions Giuseppe Acconcia The Uprisings in Egypt: Popular Committees and Independent Trade Unions Giuseppe Acconcia Goldsmiths College University of London PhD To Shaimaa al-Sabbagh (1983-2015) 2 “We will topple this regime, created on the back of the protest law” (Mahiennour el-Massry, 2014) 3 Table of Contents Abstract List of Abbreviations Introduction............................................................................................................12 1.1 The Breakdown of Authoritarian Regimes 1.1.1 Islamists and Dissent in Authoritarian Regimes 1.1.2 The “Deep State” and Infitah Policies 1.1.3 The Protests before the 2011 Uprisings 1.1.4 Democracy: Continuity and Change 1.2 Methodology and Ethical Issues 1.2.1 Ethical Issues 1.3 Case Selection and Research Design 1.3.1 Sayeda Zeinab 1.3.2 Mahalla al-Kubra 1.3.3 Research Design and Dissertation Chapter Outline Chapter 2: The Uprisings in Egypt: the Unachieved Coalition..................42 From an Authoritarian Regime to a Military Regime 2.1 Strategies: the “Egyptian Street” 2.1.1 A Definition of Social Movements 2.1.2 Occupation of Public Space 2.1.3 Overlapping Interests and Non-Collective Identities 2.1.4 A Comparative Perspective with the Iranian Revolution 2.2 Applying SM and NSM Literature to the Egyptian Case 2.2.1 The Social Movements and Party Politics 2.2.2 The Muslim Brotherhood and Party Politics 4 Chapter 3: The Uprisings in Egypt: State, Society and the Working Class..........................................................................................................................80 3.1 The Military-Civilian Divide 3.1.1 The Military Junta and Major Unrest 3.1.2 1952-54 vs. 2011-13: a Comparative Perspective 3.1.3 Strategies of Repression during First Waves of Protests (2011-2013) 3.1.4 Strategies of Repression before and after the Military Coup (2013-2015) 3.2 Ideology: “Social Justice” in Egypt 3.2.1 The Heritage of Gamal Abdel Nasser 3.2.2 Strikes and Workers' Movements 3.2.3 The Alleged Neo-Nasserism of the Interim Government 3.2.4 The Crackdown on Left-Wing Activists Chapter 4: Patterns of Mobilisation and Demobilisation of Popular Committees in Egypt (2011-2016)…………………..………………………………….………115 4.1 Popular Committees as Social Movements 4.2 Popular Committees: Patterns of Mobilisation 4.2.1 Popular Committees: Sympathisers and Thugs 4.3 Popular Committees: Patterns of Demobilisation 4.3.1 Popular Committees and the Electoral Process 4.4 The Institutionalisation of the Popular Committees 4.5 Popular Committees and the Military Coup 5 Chapter 5: The Egyptian Federation of Independent Trade Unions (EFITU) in a Peripheral Industrial Area………………………………………………..…….145 5.1 Workers' Movements and the Egyptian Trade Union Federation 5.2 From the ETUF to the EFITU 5.3 Workers and Farmers: Patterns of Mobilisation in Mahalla Al-Kubra 5.4 EFITU in Mahalla al-Kubra and the Elections 5.5 Workers, Farmers and the 2012 Constitution 5.6 Workers' Movements and the Military Coup: Patterns of Demobilisation Chapter 6: Grassroots’ Mobilisation in the MENA Region: A Comparative Perspective.........................................................................172 6.1 The Kobane Canton 6.2 Hierarchy and Organisation 6.2.1 Women as Fighters 6.3 From Popular Committees to Fighting Units 6.3.1 Strategy and Mobilisation 6 6.4 A Comparative Perspective with the Egyptian Popular Committees Chapter 7: Grassroots' Mobilisations in the MENA region: Tunisia and Turkey…………………………………………………………………………..………..…………198 7.1 The UGTT in Tunisia 7.1.1 From the CGTT to the UGTT 7.1.2 The UGTT and the 2011 Uprisings in Tunisia 7.2 The HDP in Turkey Conclusion.............................................................................................................211 Bibliography 7 Abstract By adopting Social Movement Theories (SMT) as a basic framework to analyse the 2011 uprisings in the Middle East, I disentangle the role of alternative networks and other forms of political conflict in reference to the Egyptian case in mobilising and forming a potential revolutionary movement. However, the intervention of the military junta, on the one hand, did not allow the proto-movement to develop into a revolution and, on the other hand, hindered the fulfilment of demands for “Social Justice” coming from the people. This dissertation aims to test the hypothesis of how during the Egyptian 2011 uprisings the encounter in public spaces of more organised political oppositionists with other anti-regime elements demobilised the social movements associated with the so-called “Arab Spring”. Through participatory methods, the research hypothesis of this dissertation will be tested with reference to field work research involving Popular Committees and independent trade unions in two areas of Cairo and Mahalla al-Kubra. Driving factors for the differential impact of state repression and Political Islam on mobilisation will be identified through the analysis of the two in- depth case studies and, in a comparative perspective, with similar forms of political conflict in other Middle Eastern countries. Semi-structured interviews and participatory research will be used in order to conduct the analysis. In this dissertation, I argue that during the 2011 uprisings in Egypt the Muslim Brotherhood monopolised the space of dissent preventing the formation of common identities among the protesters. Especially social actors in the “Egyptian Street” (e.g. independent trade unions and Popular Committees) and other opposition groups (Liberals, Socialists, Leftists, anarchists) did not find any place within the post-uprisings government and finally have been demobilised by the politics and political discourse of a pseudo Neo-Nasserism, implemented by the regime after the 2013 military coup. 8 My case studies will show the effects of political mobilisation and military repression on Egyptian civil society, especially at the levels of workers' movements and Popular Committees. I will try to verify if this derived from a low ideological and structural integration between Islamists and Leftist political groups or from other reasons (state-society relations, army control over economy, youth disengagement, etc.). The final sections of the research broadens the perspective and addresses the implications of the findings on the workings of Popular Committees in other contexts in the Middle East and on the more general question raised in terms of democratisation; more specifically, I discuss to what extent the effectiveness of Political Islam in activating the social proto-movement might be replaced by more organised oppositional forces oriented towards social and workers’ rights. 9 List of Abbreviations AKP Justice and Development Party CGTT Confederation Générale Tunisienne du Travail CTUWS Center for Trade Union and Workers Services ECESR Egyptian Centre for Economic and Social Rights EDLC Egyptian Democratic Labour Council EFITU Egyptian Federation of Independent Trade Unions ELDF Egyptian Life for Development Foundation ERSAP Economic Reform and Structural Adjustment Program ETUF Egyptian Trade Unions Federation EU European Union FJP Freedom and Justice Party FSA Free Syrian Army HDP People's Democratic Party IAEA International Atomic Energy Agency IMF International Monetary Fund ISIS Islamic State KDP Kurdistan Democratic Party KNC Kurdish National Council LGBT Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender LPG Liquefied Petroleum Gas LTDH Tunisian Human Rights League MB Muslim Brotherhood MENA Middle East and North Africa NGC National General Congress NDP National Democratic Party NGO Non-Governmental Organisations NSF National Salvation Front NSM New Social Movements PKK Kurdistan Workers' Party PVT Private Voluntary Organisations 10 PYD Democratic Union Party RCC Revolutionary Command Council RETAU Union of Real Estate Tax Authority Workers RNN Rassd News Network RS Revolutionary Socialists SDF Syrian Democratic Forces SCAF Supreme Council of the Armed Forces SMT Social Movements Theories UGTT Tunisian General Labour Union US United States UTICA Tunisian Confederation of Industry, Trade and Handicrafts YPG People’s Protection Units YPJ Women’s Protection Units 11 1. Introduction The overthrow of the authoritarian regimes in Tunisia and Egypt is the most important achievement of the 2011 Arab Uprisings. At first the media and academic accounts presented the protests as a revolution occurring in a limited space – a Square - and lasting a couple of weeks. Later, some academic works (Achcar, Alexander, and della Porta)1 highlighted that the movement was the result of a longstanding social struggle where ordinary people were a central trigger of the grassroots protests. This dissertation tries to draw upon this approach narrowing the gap between Social Movement Theories (SMT) and the actual flow of events during the 2011 uprisings in the Middle East. As we will discuss in this dissertation, from the Tunisian General Labour Union (UGTT) to the Egyptian workers' movements, from the People's Democratic Party (HDP) in Turkey to the democratic autonomy, theorised by Abdullah Öcalan and put in practice in Syrian Kurdistan, the 2011 uprisings did not only open the Pandora's box of Political Islam in the Middle East but also facilitated many other oppositional movements. This research will be focused on the Egyptian case. Here the Muslim Brotherhood monopolised the public and political space after the 18 days of protests in Tahrir Square. Likewise, the army control over the different oppositional movements had a specific influence on the initial democratic transition.
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