POLITICAL EXTREMISM in DENMARK - a Pre-Investigation for Mapping of Right-Wing and Left-Wing Extremism
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Libertarian Marxism Mao-Spontex Open Marxism Popular Assembly Sovereign Citizen Movement Spontaneism Sui Iuris
Autonomist Marxist Theory and Practice in the Current Crisis Brian Marks1 University of Arizona School of Geography and Development [email protected] Abstract Autonomist Marxism is a political tendency premised on the autonomy of the proletariat. Working class autonomy is manifested in the self-activity of the working class independent of formal organizations and representations, the multiplicity of forms that struggles take, and the role of class composition in shaping the overall balance of power in capitalist societies, not least in the relationship of class struggles to the character of capitalist crises. Class composition analysis is applied here to narrate the recent history of capitalism leading up to the current crisis, giving particular attention to China and the United States. A global wave of struggles in the mid-2000s was constituitive of the kinds of working class responses to the crisis that unfolded in 2008-10. The circulation of those struggles and resultant trends of recomposition and/or decomposition are argued to be important factors in the balance of political forces across the varied geography of the present crisis. The whirlwind of crises and the autonomist perspective The whirlwind of crises (Marks, 2010) that swept the world in 2008, financial panic upon food crisis upon energy shock upon inflationary spiral, receded temporarily only to surge forward again, leaving us in a turbulent world, full of possibility and peril. Is this the end of Neoliberalism or its retrenchment? A new 1 Published under the Creative Commons licence: Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works Autonomist Marxist Theory and Practice in the Current Crisis 468 New Deal or a new Great Depression? The end of American hegemony or the rise of an “imperialism with Chinese characteristics?” Or all of those at once? This paper brings the political tendency known as autonomist Marxism (H. -
Rethinking Antifascism: History, Memory and Politics, 1922 to the Present Hugo Garcia, Mercedes Yusta, Xavier Tabet, Cristina Climaco
Rethinking Antifascism: History, Memory and Politics, 1922 to the Present Hugo Garcia, Mercedes Yusta, Xavier Tabet, Cristina Climaco To cite this version: Hugo Garcia, Mercedes Yusta, Xavier Tabet, Cristina Climaco. Rethinking Antifascism: History, Memory and Politics, 1922 to the Present. Hugo Garcia, Mercedes Yusta Xavier Tabet, Cristina Climaco. France. 2016, Rethinking Antifascism: History, Memory and Politics, 1922 to the Present, 978-1-78533-138-1. hal-01493484 HAL Id: hal-01493484 https://hal-univ-paris8.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01493484 Submitted on 21 Mar 2017 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. • Introduction BEYOND REVISIONISM Rethinking Antifascism in the Twenty-First Century Hugo García, Mercedes Yusta, Xavier Tabet and Cristina Clímaco This book is the outcome of a collective effort by eighteen historians of seven different nationalities, and arose from historiographical question- ings with evident political implications. It has its origins in the realisa- tion, which stems from our research into three Mediterranean countries where antifascism played a leading role in the interwar period (Spain, Italy and Portugal), that the history of this movement, transnational while at the same time located within specific national contexts, has to a great extent yet to be written. -
The Military Police Battalion Is, at a Minimum, Three Companies (Up to 100 Servicemen Each) Plus Operational and Logistic-Support Elements.”
community.apan.org/wg/tradoc-g2/fmso/ Foreign Military Studies Office Volume 9 Issue #5 OEWATCH May 2019 FOREIGN NEWS & PERSPECTIVES OF THE OPERATIONAL ENVIRONMENT EURASIA Officers 3 Russia’s Anti-Trojan Horse Strategy 25 China Pushes Military Education Throughout Academia AFRICA 4 Russian Operational Art, Military Science, and Leadership 26 China Claims Lead in Blockchain Projects 50 Why Moscow Backed Sudan’s Embattled President Signaled From Syria 28 India’s Improvements in Artillery 51 South Sudan: Does Humanitarian Aid Fuel the Conflict? 5 The Rising Profile of Russia’s Military Police 29 Military Delegates to China’s “Two Meetings” Discuss 52 Africa’s Crushing Debt to China 7 Turning Back the Clock: Will Russia Revert from Brigades to Enhancing Joint Training, Interoperability 53 Somalia: Worries Over Withdrawal of Kenyan Military Divisions? 31 Learning Without Fighting: New Developments in PLA 54 Concern after French Military Doctor’s Death in Mali 8 Chief of Manpower Sees No End to Conscription in the Artificial Intelligence War-Gaming 55 Malian Interethnic Massacre: Did Army Focus Too Much on Near Future 32 CETC Offers Unmanned Maritime Sensor System for South Islamists? 9 Blades to the Brigades: Northern Fleet Ground Forces China Sea 56 DRC’s Army and Police: Still Not Ready for Primetime Receive Arctic Bulldozers 33 China Launches New Communications Relay Satellite 57 Muhammadu Buhari Comments on Boko Haram in Nigeria 10 How Much and What is to be Shipped on the Northern Sea 34 New Chinese Remote-Controlled Minesweeper on Display -
Antifa—Background
March 1, 2018 Antifa—Background “Antifa” Gains Prominence in the lack of faith can result in a willingness to engage in Public Realm criminality—taking the law into their own hands—when Some Americans describe themselves and their ideological confronting their foes or expressing their own ideas. outlooks as “antifa,” shorthand for “antifascist.” As “antifa” suggests, followers focus on countering the views of people While few concrete antifa principles exist, U.S. supporters they deem fascist or white supremacist. They see have articulated four “obligations” for all groups. themselves as part of a protest tradition that arcs back to According to a movement text, antifa groups must (1) track opposition groups in Nazi Germany and fascist Italy prior the activity of fascist groups, (2) oppose their public to World War II. A portion of antifa movement members organizing, (3) support antifascist allies attacked by fascists are willing to commit crimes to promote their beliefs. or arrested by police, and (4) not cooperate with law Antifa groups in the United States have gained prominence enforcement. following violent clashes between white supremacists and their opponents in Charlottesville, VA, on August 12, 2017. When it has occurred, interpersonal violence during Also in 2017, according to news reports, antifa protesters demonstrations has ranged from street fights involving scuffled with people they opposed at public protests in groups to “Nazi-punching,” which, as the term suggests, locations such as Portland, OR, and Berkeley, CA. involves an individual assaulting a perceived enemy. A September 2017 incident in the Seattle, WA, area The U.S. antifa movement appears to be decentralized, reportedly began with people using antifa-linked social consisting of independent, radical, like-minded groups and media accounts to post photographs of a man sporting a individuals. -
Militant Antifascism: an Alternative (Historical) Reading
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Teesside University Research Militant Antifascism: An Alternative (Historical) Reading Nigel Copsey Abstract This article offers an alternative historical reading of militant antifascism and argues that application of the “gang” designation is overly reductionist. Whilst there is a historical connection between “gangs” and militant antifascism, and militant antifascists do engage in “gang” behaviors, a “gang” designation pays no attention to the multiplicities of militant antifascism; its transnational evolution and character; and above all, the ideological motivations of the antifascists themselves. Keywords Antifascism; Antifa; Militant antifascists; Anti-Fascist Action; Anti-Racist Action First let me confess that I am not a social scientist, let alone a criminologist. My alternative reading is one of a historian of antifascism, based in the United Kingdom.1 From my perspective antifascism, even its militant form, is far too variegated and ideologically-driven a phenomenon to collapse under a common definition and understanding of “gangs”. This social science 1 My primary works on antifascism are Nigel Copsey, Anti-Fascism in Britain 2nd edit. Abingdon: Routledge, 2017; and Nigel Copsey and Andrzej Olechnowicz (eds.) Varieties of Anti-Fascism: Britain in the Inter-War Period. Basingstoke: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2010. designation strikes me as excessively reductionist. I think we can all agree: Antifa has roots in radical, ideological analysis. Let us not lose sight of the fact that antifa are first and foremost militant antifascists; ideological analysis is central to understanding the reasons why antifa do what they do. When they study antifa, social scientists should embrace methodological empathy. -
Behind the Black Bloc: an Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism
Behind the Black Bloc An Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism Daveed Gartenstein-Ross, Samuel Hodgson, and Austin Blair June 2021 FOUNDATION FOR DEFENSE OF DEMOCRACIES FOUNDATION Behind the Black Bloc An Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism Daveed Gartenstein-Ross Samuel Hodgson Austin Blair June 2021 FDD PRESS A division of the FOUNDATION FOR DEFENSE OF DEMOCRACIES Washington, DC Behind the Black Bloc: An Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism Table of Contents INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................ 7 ORIGINS OF CONTEMPORARY ANARCHISM AND ANTI-FASCISM ....................................... 8 KEY TENETS AND TRENDS OF ANARCHISM AND ANTI-FASCISM ........................................ 10 Anarchism .............................................................................................................................................................10 Anti-Fascism .........................................................................................................................................................11 Related Movements ..............................................................................................................................................13 DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN MILITANT GROUPS ........................................................................ 13 Anti-Fascist Groups .............................................................................................................................................14 -
Trends in Anti-Fascist and Anarchist Recruitment and Mobilization
Trends in Anti-Fascist and Anarchist Recruitment and Mobilization Dr. Ariel Kocha1 aMember, The Middle East Networks Analysis Desk, Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies, Tel Aviv University Abstract Article History For many, the discourse on anarchists' violence belongs to the past, to an era that Received Aug 1, 2017 shocked the world but ended a long time ago. However, this assumption is not accurate Accepted Feb 16, 2018 in the twentieth-first century. It ignores the reality that allows extremists to rise from Published: Mar 30, 2018 the dust, gain popularity and use available tools to promote themselves and their ideas, and thus, to pose a new potential threat. While most of the research on radicalization and political violent extremism focuses on jihadism or the contemporary right-wing extremism, it is important not to ignore the reaction that right-wing extremists created and provoked in the past, which is still relevant in our days: left-wing extremism, which is embodied today in violent anarchists and anti-fascists. This article sheds light on the contemporary left-wing extremism and violent mobilization in Europe and North America, its reflections on the Internet and in music, and its violent activity at home against "fascist" representatives (such as right-wing extremist groups and individuals), and even abroad, against other "fascist" representatives, such as the Islamic State organization. The purpose of the article is to examine this under- researched phenomenon while focusing on popular and recent modes of mobilization and recruitment of this "new revolutionary left", which reflect a threat that is developing in Europe, North America and the Middle East – but not from the jihadi or right-wing aspects, but from anti-fascist and anarchists' militancy aspect. -
CFP (Journal): 100 Years of Anti-Fascism - Between Class Struggle and Social Movement, a Special Issue of "Arbeit - Bewegung - Geschichte
H-German CFP (Journal): 100 Years of Anti-Fascism - Between Class Struggle and Social Movement, A special issue of "Arbeit - Bewegung - Geschichte. Zeitschrift für historische Studien" (Deadline 9 May 2021) Discussion published by Riccardo Altieri on Saturday, February 27, 2021 Type: Call for Papers Date: May 9, 2021 Location: Germany Subject Fields: Contemporary History, German History / Studies, Labor History / Studies, Nationalism History / Studies, Social History / Studies The international strengthening of the authoritarian right is increasingly mobilising its opponents. Whether in Greece, the USA – where Donald Trump even wanted to ban «Antifa» as an alleged «terrorist movement» –, Brazil, Russia, the United Kingdom or Germany, initiatives, alliances or organisations that oppose the right and see themselves explicitly as anti-fascists are increasingly in the public eye due to their practices. In some countries, a new generation of the radical left is politicising itself under the label «Antifa» – similar to the situation in Germany in the 1990s and 2000s. In their actions, forms of organisation and symbolism, today's activists almost always refer to historical models, which, however, differ greatly from one country to another. One hundred years after proletarian self-protection groups in Italy called themselves «antifascisti» for the first time in 1921 and defended themselves against the fascist Blackshirts («camicie nere»), it is high time to take a comprehensive look at the history of anti-fascism. In fact, (historical-)scientific considerations of anti-fascism are experiencing a small renaissance in the English-speaking world. The revival of «antifa» in the United States is reflected in the publication of practice-oriented readers or handbooks and has also resulted in an increased historiographical engagement with its origins. -
Extreme Right Transnationalism: International Networking and Cross-Border Exchanges
Gale Primary Sources Start at the source. Extreme Right Transnationalism: International Networking and Cross-Border Exchanges Paul Jackson Senior Lecturer in History, University of Northampton Various source media, Political Extremism and Radicalism in the Twentieth Century EMPOWER™ RESEARCH While many historians have devoted themselves to forms of anti-fascism: divisions within the left. The examining the dynamics of fascist movements and Italian Communist Party was also formed at this time, regimes, the topic of ‘anti-fascism’ has traditionally and while initially supportive of the Arditi del Popolo, been neglected. However, historians and other later it instructed its members to withdraw their academics are now starting to take greater interest in engagement. The Arditi del Popolo was shut down by the study of those who opposed nationalist and racist the Italian state by 1924, while the Italian Communist extremists, and are developing new approaches to Party was itself banned from 1926. Splits within the understanding these complex cultures. Some, such as left have often been a characteristic of anti-fascist Nigel Copsey, have been concerned with developing politics, and in Italy during the 1920s such anti- sober, empirical accounts, exploring left-wing, centre fascists were driven by competing ideas on how to and even right-wing forms of anti-fascism, presenting develop an anti-capitalist revolution. In this case, the it as a heterogeneous politicised identity. Others, such issue helped to foster discord between a more as Mark Bray, have been more concerned with eclectic and anarchist variant of anti-fascism and a developing unapologetically partisan readings of the more centralised Communist version. -
Anti-Fascism in a Global Perspective
ANTI-FASCISM IN A GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE Transnational Networks, Exile Communities, and Radical Internationalism Edited by Kasper Braskén, Nigel Copsey and David Featherstone First published 2021 ISBN: 978-1-138-35218-6 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-138-35219-3 (pbk) ISBN: 978-0-429-05835-6 (ebk) Chapter 5 ‘Make Scandinavia a bulwark against fascism!’: Hitler’s seizure of power and the transnational anti-fascist movement in the Nordic countries Kasper Braskén (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) This OA chapter is funded by the Academy of Finland (project number 309624) 5 ‘MAKE SCANDINAVIA A BULWARK AGAINST FASCISM!’ Hitler’s seizure of power and the transnational anti-fascist movement in the Nordic countries Kasper Braskén On a global scale, Hitler’s seizure of power on 30 January 1933 provided urgent impetus for transnational anti-fascist conferences and rallies. One of the first Eur- opean, but almost completely overlooked major conferences was organised in Copenhagen in mid-April 1933 in the form of a Scandinavian Anti-Fascist Con- ference. This formed a transnational meeting point of European and especially Scandinavian workers and intellectuals that provided an important first response to developments in Germany. The chapter will use the Scandinavian conference as a prism to look back at anti-fascist activism in the Nordic countries during the preceding years, and to then follow its transformation after 1933. It will contribute to the global analysis of the transition period of communist-led anti-fascism from the sectarian class-against-class line to the inception of the popular front period in 1935. What were these largely overlooked, first anti-fascist articulations in Europe, and how were they connected to the rising transnational and global anti-fascist mobi- lisation coordinated in Paris and London? As we shall see, on the one hand Hitler’s seizure of power vitalised anti-fascism in Scandinavia but paradoxically, on the other, it further sharpened the communist critique of reformist social democracy and empowered social democratic anti-communism. -
Pro-Violence and Anti-Democratic
Foreword The standard media image of violent extremism may seem to be far from the ordinary work of the Swedish Media Council. While extremism is often described in dramatic terms of terrorism, attacks and riots, the Council’s work concerns more everyday things, such as age limits for cinema films and media awareness teaching in pre-school. But no person is born to be a perpetrator of violence for political or religious purposes. Being recruited to and radicalised within the framework of pro- violence and anti-democratic extremist groups is a question of adopting, more or less uncritically, an image of the world where hate is the driving force and violence the legitimate means. In today’s information society, the Internet has become, to an ever increasing extent, the tool for spreading anti-democratic messages for the purpose of recruiting new members. This fact places great demands on people young and old to retain a critical view of information and sometime sharply angled messages that we come across in both traditional and digital media. In October 2011, the Government mandated the Swedish Media Council to describe the presence of anti-democratic messages on the Internet and in social media. The focus is on messages aimed at young persons, and that encourage violence for political or ideological reasons. The aim is to create broader knowledge about extremist Internet milieux, their content, and how recruitment strategies are formulated and communicated. The overall purpose is to strengthen young persons in preparation for encounters with such messages. To carry out the work, the Swedish Media Council has employed three researchers, each of whom has contributed one constituent study about three different extremist Internet milieux. -
Violence and Restraint Within Antifa: a View from the United States by Nigel Copsey and Samuel Merrill
PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 14, Issue 6 Violence and Restraint within Antifa: A View from the United States by Nigel Copsey and Samuel Merrill Abstract In recent months recurrent calls have been made by conservative right-wing politicians to designate Antifa a “domestic terrorist organization” in the United States. Fixated on the spectacle of its Black Bloc tactics they have equated Antifa, what is essentially an ad-hoc, non-hierarchical, geographically dispersed social movement comprised of local autonomous activist groups, with organized violent extremists. And yet, the evidence for such an equation has been mostly limited to a handful of instances that usually bare the hallmarks of political exaggeration or are alternatively attributable to individuals loosely associated with the Antifa movement. Why is this so? How do militant anti-fascists in the US understand violence and exercise restraint in their use of it? This article seeks an answer to these questions based on interviews with activists from Portland’s Rose City Antifa, one of the United States’ most well-known Antifa groups, and an analysis of a collection of the group’s Tweets. It reveals that Antifa exercises considerable restraint, internally and externally, with regards to both the literal and rhetorical use of violence within its street and digital activism. In turn it calls upon others to exercise reciprocal levels of restraint by ceasing their labelling of Antifa as a “domestic terrorist” organization. Keywords: Antifa, anti-fascism, restraint, violence, terrorism, street activism, digital activism I would say if we describe violence as being like, you know, a Richard Spencer face punch, I would say based on simply being a fascist, all fascists deserve, at a minimum, a Richard Spencer face punch.[1] I don’t think that people necessarily will go off the handle.