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2007 Gender Representations in BET's 106 & Park and Sucker Free on MTV: A Content Analysis Kiva Latouché

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THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY

COLLEGE OF COMMUNICATION

GENDER REPRESENTATIONS IN

BET’S 106 & PARK AND SUCKER FREE ON MTV:

A CONTENT ANALYSIS

By

KIVA LaTOUCHÉ

A thesis submitted to the College of Communication in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science

Degree Awarded: Summer Semester, 2007

Copyright © 2007 Kiva LaTouché All Rights Reserved

The members of the Committee approve the thesis of Kiva LaTouché on May 14, 2007.

______Arthur Raney Professor Directing Thesis

______Donnalyn Pompper Committee Member

______Felecia Jordan-Jackson Committee Member

Approved:

______Stephen D. McDowell, Chair, Department of Communication

______John K. Mayo, Dean, College of Communication

The Office of Graduate Studies has verified and approved the above named committee members.

ii

This thesis is dedicated to all those who have helped me become the person I currently am, especially those who are no longer here to share in my achievement. Marian Withers, Lashonta Kebreau, and Norvella Phillips, you are deeply missed. Also, to my mother, who taught me that you should always use optimism and action in the face of adversity.

iii ACKNOWLEDGMENT

Thank You to (in no specific order): Yolanda Durant and Family, Leopold Myrie, Monica Esquibel, Halima Mohammed, Daniel Williamson, Evan Lane, Robert Reid, Sally Bishai, Joshua Montgomery, Jason McKahan, Madhurima Sarkar, Kristin Carlton, Fayona Salmon, Sally Bishai, John “Jack” Tyndall, Charles Fleeman, and Gabrielle Lovett.

Thanks Mom, Dad, Jassaan, and Ayana for never judging me or making me feel weird about being different from so many people my age. For you to trust in me and my actions to the extent you do must be difficult, the support you give me could only be described as courageous.

iv TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES...... VI

ABSTRACT ...... VII

INTRODUCTION ...... 1

LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 5

METHODS...... 14

RESULTS...... 20

DISCUSSION...... 31

APPENDIX A...... 35

REFERENCES ...... 40

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH...... 44

v LIST OF TABLES

TABLE 1 INTERCODER RELIABILITY ...... 17 TABLE 2 FEMALE/MALE OBJECTIFICATION WITHOUT FACE PAIRED SAMPLES STATISTICS...... 20 TABLE 3 FEMALE/MALE OBJECTIFICATION WITHOUT FACE PAIRED SAMPLES TEST ...... 20 TABLE 4 FEMALE/MALE OBJECTIFICATION WITH GAZE PAIRED SAMPLES STATISTICS ...... 21 TABLE 5 FEMALE/MALE OBJECTIFICATION WITH GAZE PAIRED SAMPLES TEST...... 21 TABLE 6 IMPLICIT SEXUALITY SHOWN BY MALE/FEMALE ACTORS PAIRED SAMPLES STATISTICS...... 22 TABLE 7 IMPLICIT SEXUALITY SHOWN BY MALE/FEMALE ACTORS PAIRED SAMPLES TEST ...... 22 TABLE 8 IMPLICIT SEXUALITY WITH FEMALE/MALE RECIPIENT PAIRED SAMPLES STATISTICS...... 23 TABLE 9 IMPLICIT SEXUALITY WITH FEMALE/MALE RECIPIENT PAIRED SAMPLES TEST ...... 23 TABLE 10 EXPLICIT SEXUALITY WITH FEMALE/MALE ACTOR PAIRED SAMPLES STATISTICS...... 24 TABLE 11 EXPLICIT SEXUALITY WITH FEMALE/MALE ACTOR PAIRED SAMPLES TEST ...... 24 TABLE 12 EXPLICIT SEXUALITY WITH MALE/FEMALE RECIPIENT PAIRED SAMPLES STATISTICS ...... 25 TABLE 13 EXPLICIT SEXUALITY WITH MALE/FEMALE RECIPIENT PAIRED SAMPLES TEST...... 25 TABLE 14 DOMINANCE/SUBSERVIENCE PAIRED SAMPLES STATISTICS ...... 26 TABLE 15 DOMINANCE/SUBSERVIENCE PAIRED SAMPLES TEST ...... 26 TABLE 16 IMPLICIT SEXUALITY WITH MALE RECIPIENT BY ARTIST GROUP STATISTICS ...... 27 TABLE 17 IMPLICIT SEXUALITY WITH MALE RECIPIENT BY ARTIST INDEPENDENT SAMPLES TEST ...... 27 TABLE 18 GROUP STATISTICS...... 27 TABLE 19 INDEPENDENT SAMPLES TEST...... 34 TABLE 20 MALE/FEMALE OBJECTIFICATION WITHOUT FACE GROUP STATISTICS...... 29 TABLE 21 MALE/FEMALE OBJECTIFICATION WITHOUT FACE INDEPENDENT SAMPLES TEST...... 30 TABLE 22 MALE/FEMALE OBJECTIFICATION WITH GAZE INDEPENDENT GROUP STATISTICS...... 30 TABLE 23 MALE/FEMALE OBJECTIFICATION WITH GAZE INDEPENDENT SAMPLES TEST...... 30

vi ABSTRACT

A content analysis was conducted on the shows 106 & Park and Sucker Free on MTV for the time period of July 1st to August 31st 2006. Of the 92 videos shown, 43 were selected via random sample to create two ‘composite weeks’ for the viewing period of these shows. Coders were graduate and doctoral students in Florida State University College of Communication and only four had familiarity with the genre of music video coded. The frequency of dominance/subservience, implicit aggression, explicit aggression, aggression with sexuality, objectification (without showing face), objectification (showing face), implicit and explicit sexuality, wearing revealing clothing, sexual pursuit and being sexually pursued were counted. Intercoder reliability was conducted using PRAM software. The averages for all measures of intercoder reliability were: Percent Agreement (.798), Scott’s Pi (.006), Cohen’s Kappa (.17), and Holsti’s Coefficient of Reliability (.798). The findings show that females are objectified significantly more often than males with and without the camera showing the face of the individual. Female displays of implicit sexuality occur significantly more often than male displays in music videos and male artists are significantly more likely to be the recipient of these displays of sexuality.

vii INTRODUCTION

On August 1, 1981 the worlds of radio and film became bonded on the station we now know only as MTV or Music Television. When it was first launched, MTV delivered music videos 24 hours a day into 252 cable systems in 2.1 million American homes. Now under the ownership of Viacom, MTV has expanded not only to other countries and channels, but also to other forms of entertainment such as reality television and awards shows. And its popularity seems to only continue to grow. However, it still provides and is relied on to provide a healthy amount of music videos from the newest and most popular artists available to the public. When MTV was introduced to the viewing public it signaled a change in not only the way record companies advertised and marketed their product (i.e, the artist), but it also changed the way that that generation conceived of music entertainment. MTV proposed a format of entertainment that blended the narrative, performance, and abstract visual entertainment with the popular music of the day. When MTV became successful and music videos were found to be a fruitful investment, broadcast television adopted shows that would pick up on the music video trend to accommodate those consumers who did not have cable television. Later other cable channels, described by Sherman and Dominick (1986) as “a host of imitators,” (p. 81), came into being with the intention to fill other voids created by MTV. It would be safe to assume that those individuals who had both cable and broadcast television had the opportunity to increase their consumption of music videos and the frequency with which they see these videos. However, this new entertainment format was not universally accepted. The popularity of these music videos caused a controversy related to the amount of sex, violence, and gender and ethnic portrayals in these music videos and it still does. Researchers responded by analyzing the content of this new media form. For example, in 1986 Sherman and Dominick conducted a content analysis of music videos from MTV, Night Tracks and Friday Night Videos; the latter two shows were available via broadcast television. The analysis was done on 166 concept videos. The researchers collected demographic information on whether the video featured a single artist or group, the artist’ gender, the settings and locations portrayed, the portrayal of the characters and the depictions of violence, and the presentation of physical or sexual intimacy. Music television was found to be a predominantly White male world, where men outnumbered women two to one and the ratio of Whites to

1 nonwhites was more than four to one. These results were similar to the Baxter, DeRiemer, Landini, Leslie, and Singletary (1985) content analysis in which 96% of the adult males in music videos on MTV were White. Physical, violent acts of aggression were also present but the act was found to often stop short of coming to fruition. Contrary to the complaints of the National Coalition on Television Violence, Women Against Pornography and others (Swan, 1985) the rate of sexual acts per music video at that time was actually found to be less than that of regular network television, though the repeated airing of each music video was not considered in the study. Frequency of play is an important factor to consider when studying music videos because music videos have a repetitive, formulaic nature and also tend to be repeated numerous times over a weekly, monthly and sometimes yearly period. This repeated exposure may lead to the possibility of increased effects on viewers. Overall, early music video research demonstrated high levels of sex (Baxter et al, 1985; Kalof 1999; Brown, L’engle, Pardun, Guo, Kenneavy, & Jackson, 2006), violence (Johnson, Jackson, & Gatto 1995), consumption imagery (Martin & Collins, 2002; DuRant et al. 1997), sex with violence (Sherman & Dominick 1986), and various forms of stereotyping including gender-role stereotyping (Gow 1990; Sommers-Flanagan, Sommers-Flanagan, & Davis, 1993; Seidman 1992;1999). These studies have relied upon social learning theory and cultivation analysis for identifying the possible negative effects of consuming these portrayals. However, many of these studies were done at a point in MTV’s history when the genre of music videos played was very limited; therefore, the subject matter studied was limited to MTV’s specific genres of music video. More specifically, early music video research focused on pop/rock music videos, the ones that were predominantly shown on MTV. A content analysis of a television or movie format is only as good as the variety of images shown on the screen, and as that medium evolves so should the research studying that media. Therefore, the genre of the music videos played on MTV should be addressed. In the case of the research and experiments done on MTV, genre becomes important because it can be linked to the demographics of individuals who consume certain genres of music. Christenson and Peterson (1988) indicated that the race of a musician can be a important organizing principle with regard to the genre of music video an individual chooses to consume. It would be naïve of us to assume that those who listened to, for example, hardcore rap on the radio in the 1980s would have turned to MTV to watch videos, when MTV was known for having very

2 few or no Black musicians. It was only with the creation of Yo! MTV Raps! in 1988 that hip- hop/urban music videos had a regular, reliable stage on which to promote their music. BET (Black Entertainment Television) attempted to fill the void created by MTV’s failure to play Black music videos during the early years of its launch. With the introduction of its show Video Soul on June 26, 1983, despite the relatively early introduction, BET and more broadly “Black” music videos have been largely overlooked by researchers. BET attempted to close the rift that existed between Black music videos and the availability of these music videos to its target audience. This thesis addresses this oversight by analyzing the content of two current shows that air urban/hip-hop contemporary music videos. As was the case with several early studies on rock videos, the primary concern of this study will be the ways that males and females are stereotypically portrayed in the videos. According to Nielsen Media Research, more than 70% of the homes in this country subscribe to cable television. Cable television brings lots of educational and informational programming along with widespread access to music videos, with a variety of music video based networks such as BET, MTV, VH1 (Video Hits-One), and CMT (Country Music Television). A recent report from the Annenberg Public Policy Center (1998) reveals that more than 52% of individuals between the ages of 10-17 watch MTV. In comparison to MTV consumption during the period of 1996-1998, viewership by individuals in this age range appears to be holding steady. As noted above, urban music has been clearly neglected by the scholars who have studied music videos in various past studies. For BET’s 106 and Park – the network’s primary music video program - Nielsen Research indicates that 75% of individuals age 18-24 who view the show are African-American. With such high population penetration, one would wonder why there have not been as many analyses done on hip-hop music videos as there have been done on the content and possible effects of MTV’s rock music videos. As mentioned earlier, certain genres are not only linked to different demographics but they are also linked to different cultures. I hope to expand our knowledge of sex and gender-role portrayals in hip-hop/urban contemporary music videos and consider the possible implications of viewing these music videos as shown on MTV and BET. Specifically, I intend to provide an understanding of the gender-role imagery being portrayed through the actions of the characters in the scenes of urban music videos as an entertainment medium.

3 Considered a musical genre defined by rhythm-and-blues or soul artists with broad crossover or pop appeal, urban contemporary music began as a radio format designed to appeal to advertisers who felt that “Black radio” would not reach a wide enough audience. As its commercial popularity grew urban music developed to claim a place on both BET and MTV in the form of its own video based programming. As a multimedia commodity, music videos have the ability to communicate through the ideas portrayed visually by the musicians, actors and directors, as well as through the verbal lyrics of the song. For the purpose of this analysis I will be analyzing only the visuals. This type of analysis was chosen because there are scenes and situations that are specific to the gender of certain characters that are repeated throughout many urban music videos. I will find out how many sexual portrayals there are in the average urban music video, how often they occur, and using cultivation analysis, will discuss the possible implications of high levels of consumption of this form of media.

4 LITERATURE REVIEW

Music videos have become one of the mainstays of our society. Consumed by teenagers and young adults worldwide, the universal appeal of this music and movie blend is unquestionable. Heavy consumption and the popularity of music videos in early music video history led many scholars to wonder what the effects could be from this media formula. Through cultivation analysis, researchers have been asking: What are the implications of heavy consumption of these music videos? Although there are other topics concerning music videos that have been covered, such as consumption and similarities and differences in music videos from different countries, studies done on music videos tend to examine three major categories of content: sex, violence, and the portrayals of gender characteristics. Many of these studies have attempted to identify the behavioral effects of viewing, such as sexual aggression against women (Baronogan & Nagayama Hall, 1995) and adolescent sexual practices (Brown et. al, 2006). Other scholars have attempted to find and measure how much music video consumption can affect our other daily behavior. Bleich, Zillmann, and Weaver (1991) found that even though rebellious youths seemed to have difficulty relating to romantic and non-rebellious themes in non-defiant music those rebellious students did not alternatively engross themselves in defiant rock music. Based on the assumption that rock music will sell better if it is made more exciting with good visuals, Zillmann and Mundorf (1987) conducted a study that confirmed the notion that the visuals of sex and violence in rock music videos can significantly influence the appreciation of rock music. Excitation transfer and attribution theory failed to account for the absence of an effect that occurred when there was a combination of violent and sexual imagery, perhaps indicating that the audience preference would be one or the other but a combination of sex and violence should be shown only in moderation. Concerning education, Roe and Lofrens’ (1988) study on 15-16 year old Swedish students’ in a working-class city found that students with a weaker commitment to school and lower school achievement used and enjoyed music videos more than their counterparts. They also found that music videos were used as a topic to discuss with their peers and that music videos were used in different ways by different groups of people.

5 Christine Hall Hansen’s research (1989) examined sex-role stereotypic events in music videos and those events’ priming effects on “impression favorability, trait inferences, and recall of a subsequent male-female interaction” (p. 371). Through using “boy-meets-girl” and “boy- dumps-girl” as “sex-role stereotypic event schemas,” Hansen found that these schemas were indeed more memorable when primed by rock music videos. In complement, Hansen and Krygowski (1994) also found that exposure to sexual imagery in music videos may lead to adverse sexual beliefs, gender role stereotyping and rape myth acceptance. To test to what degree sex sells the appeal of a music video, Hansen and Hansen (1990) conducted an experiment on sex, violence and the appeal of rock music videos which found that the more sex involved in the music videos the higher appeal the music video has. In the experiment five music videos were chosen based on high, low and moderate levels of sex in the music video. Two-hundred thirteen female and 174 male undergraduates were exposed to the music videos, and the findings showed that visual sex enhanced the appeal of low and moderately violent videos but decreased the appeal of highly violent music videos. This seems to indicate that sex is more important to music video appeal than violence, and that sex does sell, for music videos at least. Similar to Zillmann and Mundorf (1987), the study also found that the introduction of sex with highly violent images decreased the appeal of that music video. But the research in this area is not unanimous in its conclusions. Baxter et al. (1985) found that sexual content in music videos was understated and mainly relied on innuendo through clothing, suggestiveness, and light physical contact rather than overt displays of sexuality. Gow (1990) further concluded that violence and sexual images have little effect on the popularity of a rock video. Violence in music videos was studied as recently as 2002 when Stacy L. Smith and Aaron R. Boyson examined the prevalence and context of physical aggression in music videos. In their study, Smith and Boyson stated that there tended to be three trends in analysis of violent content done previous to them. They state “the amount of violence in music videos seems to vary by channel type…[which] seems to influence the types of perpetrators and targets portrayed in music videos [and]…there is some evidence that genres influence the amount and presentation of violence” (p. 64). Smith and Boyson imply that scholarship would be better served if what is being measured has a clear and indicated channel, an analysis of those individuals independent of others, and a certain genre for increased generalizability.

6 Johnson, Jackson, and Gatto (1995) found that exposure to violent rap music videos has an effect on the perceptions of young African-American males. In their experiment where they exposed young African-American males to violent and nonviolent music videos with a control group, the accessibility of constructs related to violence seemed to increase, which lead to the subjects having greater acceptance of and engagement in acts of violence. If these results can be manifested from violent music videos then it is also conceivable that these effects could be manifested in the areas of sex and gender role specific music videos, especially if the schemas remain consistent and the music videos are viewed frequently. With regard to gender portrayals in music videos, Hansen and Hansen (1989) studied the priming effect of rock music videos on the appraisal of observed social interactions. They hypothesized that mass media stereotypic depiction of women and men (in rock music videos) prime sex-role stereotypic schemas and have the ability to distort the appraisal of subsequently observed men and women. In this experiment in which rock music videos were modified to have either sex role stereotypic depiction, the researchers found that viewing sex-role stereotypic schemas (such as the role shown in a music video) can affect how an individual may perceive an interaction since interactions between individuals affect how we evaluate social situations. Music videos by Black female rap artists that depicted and spoke about “devoted love” and “sexual enticement” were shown as having an effect on how the viewers perceived and stereotyped Black women (Gan, Zillmann, & Mitrook 1997). Similar to Christenson and Peterson’s research (1988), the ethnicity of the artist was found to be very important as a defining factor for artists. It was also shown that music influenced the evaluation of Black women in general, not only those women who were portrayed in the video. Interestingly, music video consumption was shown to have no effect on the evaluation of White women. Apparently while viewing the music videos, the participants in this study made no attempt to compare the images shown in the experiment to reality. From a theoretical perspective, cultivation theory is referenced in many content analytic studies. Cultivation theory is based on George Gerbner’s work at the University of Pennsylvania’s Annenberg School of Communication. The theory began with Gerbner’s Cultural Indicators Project whose intention was to find a link between media consumption and individual action. According to Morgan and Signorelli (1990) the project is a “historically driven, theoretically guided, and empirically supported attempt to understand the consequences of living

7 in a mass-produced symbolic and cultural environment dominated by television” (p. 23). The concept of an “environment dominated by television” or the fear that our world could become controlled by television is closely related to the period in which the research was born. This project was launched during the late 1960s: a time in history where a lot of social change took place. That change was a reflection of, among other things, the amount of information people had access to, the widespread use of television, and the expansion of television production. This expansion caused many people to wonder what effect the media was having on society and how it related to the social uprisings that were taking place. The term “cultural indicator” was coined by Gerbner (1969) and refers to the segments of messages that reflect the culture we are in. Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, Signorelli and Shanahan (2002) described the Cultural Indicators project as an attempt to “track the central streams of television’s prime-time and weekend-daytime dramatic content and to explore the consequences of growing up and living in a cultural environment dominated by television” (p. 43). To do this, the project had a three-pronged research strategy: First was “institutional process analysis,” which was intended to investigate the production process and the policies that controlled the production of mediated messages. Second was “message system analysis” or content analysis, which involved examining weeklong samples of network television in order to figure out the trends and repetitions that occur in the world that television presented to its viewers. Third was “cultivation analysis,” which could best be described as the relationship developed between television messages and the attitudes and actions of audience members. Institutional process analysis is the analysis of the restrictions and information that people in the media industry have to follow to do their job and keep it. It refers to things such as corporate interests, FCC restrictions, and any other laws, codes, policies or positions that have an effect on the creation of the content that is disseminated by the media. This analysis must cover all major powers, roles, and relationships that have an effect on how messages are selected, formulated, and transmitted (Gerbner, 1969). The relationships between people and the roles that they take on for one another in an organization affects what information is emphasized and what information is not mentioned at all. In this power-structured environment, individuals seem to have an obligation to individuals instead of to the information they intend on disseminating. Gerbner (1969) states, “Power and its application become relevant to this scheme as they affect what is being communicated to mass media publics” (p. 559).

8 The material for message system analysis is provided by the media content that is chosen from the massive flow of information that is shown on television. Content analysis of television content falls into this area of research and helps identify what constitutes the “television view” of reality. Message system analysis is closely associated with cultivation analysis, which is the third prong in the cultural indicators project. Cultivation analysis involves the possible effects that can result from heavy consumption of media. According to Morgan and Signorielli (1990) cultivation is not just a simple way to describe the effects that media consumption may have on an individual, but it is “the steady entrenchment of mainstream orientations in most cases and the systematic but almost imperceptible modification of previous orientations in others; in other words, affirmation for the believers and indoctrination for the deviants” (p. 19). Cultivation analysis “examine[s] the responses given to questions about social reality among those with varying amount of exposure to the world of television” (Gerbner, 1969). This is done in order to determine whether people who watch more television are more likely to perceive the world in a more TV-like manner than those who watch less television, when other characteristics are controlled. Cultivation is based on the premise that there are heavy and light consumers of media content and that heavy consumers will estimate their world to be more similar to the world that is on television than light consumers when asked about certain social/societal issues. Cultivation theory allows us to consider the implications of the heavy consumption of different forms of media based on an analysis of the media consumed. “The basic hypothesis is that heavy viewers will be more likely to perceive the real world in ways that reflect the most stable and recurrent patterns of portrayals in the television world” (Morgan & Signorelli, 1990, 9-10). To find these patterns we conduct a content analysis. In this way, message system analysis is essential to cultivation analysis because in order to compare the “real world” and “television world” answers we must first know what the television answers are and then, through other research means, figure out what deviance there is between those two perceptions. Cultivation of a particular perception relies on viewership, personal interaction, and direct experience. Simply put, for cultivation of a perception or view to occur, the individual must view the media, be engaged by it, and consume that media frequently (Morgan & Signorielli, 17). Cultivation analysis tends to focus on television because “of the medium’s uniquely repetitive and pervasive message characteristics and its dominance among other media in the

9 United States [and abroad]” (Morgan & Signorielli, 1990, 16). Therefore, television viewing becomes the evidence that the creation and maintenance of beliefs and opinions “can be traced to steady, cumulative exposure to the world of television” and cultivation is expected if the exposure is consistent and repetitive (Morgan & Signorielli, 1990, 18, 20). Direct experience also affects the viewer’s perceptions of the real world. Resonance and mainstreaming are two ways that the individual media consumers’ experiences can affect their perceptions. In the most basic terms, resonance is when the world on television is a more accurate reflection of the society you live in. In such a case, we would expect greater cultivation effects from heavy television viewing. Mainstreaming is described as the process that is “an indicator of differential vulnerability and as a general, consistent pattern representing one of the most profound consequences of living with television” (Morgan & Signorielli,1990, 22). Heavy viewing of media results in an overriding of differences in behaviors and perspectives among consumers of television content. So when issues that were once controversial are normalized within society because of television coverage, that issue is said to have been mainstreamed. Nancy Signorielli has used cultivation to analyze the effects of media on gender perceptions and portrayals. Her findings indicate that not only is there presence of stereotypical and traditional male and female images in television programming, but these characteristics are also in most primetime shows. Others have found similar representations in music videos (Seidman 1992; 1999; Gan, Zillmann, & Mitrook, 1997). In fact, heavy consumers of music videos may experience unique effects because music videos are genre- and audience-specific. Music videos in their genre-specific formats create a “collective context” in which people of similar characteristics with similar interests interact. However, to learn more about the collective contexts a content analysis must be conducted. Content analyses of music videos over the past two decades have given us plenty of information, enabling us to develop expectations about music videos but, as with any research, the analyses have not covered all available ground. Previous content analyses have investigated consumption imagery (Martin & Collins, 2000), violence (Baxter et al, 1985), sex roles (Seidman 1992; 1999), gender roles (Sommers-Flanagan, Sommers-Flanagan, & Davis, 1993) and tobacco and alcohol use (DuRant et al, 1997). By identifying what is shown, in music videos and how often those images or behaviors are shown this research helps clarify what information our adolescents and young adults are getting from the media they consume. An essential part of

10 the cultivation process, message system (content) analyses allow us to know what is within the media so we can then infer what the effects of heavy consumption of this media may be. These findings can then lead us to the social implications of music videos and the effects that the portrayals may have on the individual media consumer’s life. In studying consumption imagery, Englis, Solomon and Olofsson’s (1993) analyzed music videos from the United States and Sweden and found that there was an absence of drugs, weapons, and alcohol in the Swedish sample of music videos. But, in an analysis of MTV, BET, VH1, and CMT music videos for tobacco and alcohol use, DuRant et al. (1997) found that MTV music videos were most likely to show use of tobacco and alcohol. In fact, the data indicated that “even modest levels of viewing [music videos] may result in substantial exposure to glamorized depictions of alcohol use coupled with sexuality” (p. 1134). Some content analyses have looked for the use of tobacco and alcohol in a positive light and the sexuality or eroticism associated with that consumption. Out of MTV, BET, VH1, and CMT, MTV had the highest percentage of videos containing smoking-related behaviors, while BET had the highest percentage of actual smoking (Durant et al, 1997). The highest proportion of videos with smoking and alcohol portrayals were rap music videos. With regard to violence in music videos, Martin and Collins (2002) found that 93% of music videos in their content analysis had no acts of violence present, but a limiting fact of this study is that the majority of the videos sampled were from New Zealand. Several studies have covered the sex and gender-roles that are portrayed in music videos. Seidman conducted two investigations into the sex-roles of women in music videos (1992; 1999). Specifically, he studied the individual characters and their occupations as well as their behaviors and, finding that some things changed in the seven years between the two studies while other things remained constant. In the two studies, males were found to be more aggressive, domineering, violent, and victimized than were female characters, while females were more affectionate, sadder, more nurturing, and dependent than non-White males. In terms of sexual pursuit, it was found that non-White males pursued others sexually more frequently than did non-White females. In the first study, the White females pursued others sexually more than White men. One consistency is that women were shown in skimpy clothing much more frequently than were men, with percentages about the same for both sexes in 1987 and 1993.

11 It would also be beneficial to mention that Seidman’s 1992 study examined the content of MTV before it began to play fewer rock music videos (Denisoff, 1988) and more rap music videos (DeCurtis, 1990). For example, in early 1987, Run-DMC and The Beastie Boys were the only featured rap artists on MTV, but by late 1988 there was a plethora of Black artists on MTV. Due to this change, there were fewer Whites in the second study, as well as an increase in the number of police patrol and security personnel present in the second study (Seidman, 1999). More importantly, females in the second study were less dependent and fearful, but women were still shown as sex objects. Unfortunately, Seidman (1999) is the most recent update of analyses of sex-roles in music videos. Furthermore, as noted above, no study currently exists that examines the gender- roles of individuals in urban contemporary music videos. This thesis seeks to fill in that gap in the literature by broadly examining the representations of the sexes in urban contemporary music videos. This study falls into the broad category of gender portrayals and is informed by the content analyses that have been previously done primarily with rock videos, most of which were conducted more than a decade ago. This study will provide complementary information for literature on music videos by reviewing the gender-role representations in hip-hop/urban music videos from shows featuring music videos specific to that format. Such a study is important due to the potential for music videos to cultivate inappropriate or unrealistic perceptions of reality in the viewers of these music videos. As a part of this more general analysis, the previous research does provide guidance in a few content areas. Specifically, Seidman (1999) identified and coded characters as “sex objects” as does Sommers-Flanagan et al. (1993). This term can mean several things, and sexual objectification can be represented in several ways. This study will focus on two specific camera/production techniques that result in a character being displayed without any personal subjectivity (in an objectified manner). First, characters can be portrayed as sexual objects when the camera focuses on an isolated body part, allowing the audience to view the person as a fragmented being. A second way that characters can be portrayed as sexual objects is when they are shown but are implicated as the subject of a gaze and their dress is sexually suggestive. Given Seidman’s (1999) findings, and given the formulaic nature of music videos as noted above. I expect to find women in urban contemporary music videos being portrayed as sexual objects. Specifically, I expect: H1: According to objectification through disembodiment,

12 females are objectified more than males in Urban contemporary music videos and H2: According to objectification through gaze, females are more objectified than males in Urban contemporary music videos. Furthermore, Baxter et al., (1985) found most of MTV’s sexual content to rely on sexual innuendoes shown through clothing, suggestiveness and light physical contact from women rather than overt displays of sexuality. This leads me to posit that: H3: Females will display more implicitly sexual actions in Urban contemporary music videos than males. Similarly, Sommers- Flanagan, Sommers-Flanagan and Davis (1993) found that music videos frequently contain implicitly sexual acts. In the context of that study, results seemed to reinforce the image of the male as a dominating and aggressive, while women were depicted as sexually receptive and subservient. Furthermore, in their comparison of race portrayals, Brown and Campbell (1986) found that more than 75% of the videos shown on MTV featured White male singers or bands led by White males, while on Video Soul on BET, 54% of the leads were Black males. In terms of the primary characters in the videos Black males and females were more likely to be engaged in prosocial and sexual behavior then their White counterparts. This complements Christenson and Peterson’s (1988) study which found that the race of a musician is a powerful organizing principle for music videos. It also indicated that popular music could contribute to the maintenance of restrictive gender role socialization. Based on previous research, predict that: H1: According to objectification through disembodiment, females are objectified more than males in Urban contemporary music videos H2: According to objectification through gaze, females are more objectified than males in Urban contemporary music videos. Because artist type has not been explicitly examined with regard to gender stereotyping, I pose the following research questions: RQ1: What is the relationship between the biological sex of the artist and the portrayals of recipiency in Urban contemporary music videos? RQ2: What is the relationship between the biological sex of the artist and the frequency of objectification in Urban contemporary music videos?

13 METHODS

This study analyzed the content of urban contemporary music videos while having the coders count the number of times certain acts occur regarding gender representations. When conducting a content analysis of music videos, there are several things one should consider: the number of music videos analyzed, the genres of music the video from which the videos were chosen, and the time frame from which these music videos were taken, since the target audience of these shows have more leisure time during the summer than compared to other season. The number of videos examined course affects the generalizability of the study, especially since music videos have a lifespan per channel per type of music video show. For example, a music video that is debuted on a channel’s “top ten” show of can be retired from that show only to be reborn on another show specific to the genre of the song or the theme of the video. Genre is important in reference to the effects that the heavy consumption of the music videos may have on certain consumers. Through each genre of music videos themes evolve so that regular consumers develop expectations about each music video in that genre. Additionally, the race of the musician (which at times is highly correlated with genre) has been found to be an important organizing principle for music video consumers. Finally, the time frame is very important because the main audience of these music videos are individuals in the developmental range of adolescence to young adulthood. This time frame of life is closely associated with schooling, which takes out a lot of time that this audience would be watching music videos. During the summer months, it is safe to assume that these individuals would be more likely to consume more of these music videos as well as other forms of media. This could have a direct relationship to the effects that may manifest themselves through the heavy consumption of these music videos. With this is mind, music videos for the current study recorded during the period of July 1st to August 31st 2006 on both VHS and DVD for the shows 106 and Park on BET and Sucker Free on MTV. These shows were chosen because they show music videos that stick to the Urban contemporary music format exclusively and are very popular among the 12-24 demographic. The total population for the nine weeks of recording was 92 videos. The nine weeks of episodes were randomly sampled and a composite two weeks of music video television was created from this sample. A total of 43 music videos were in the two-week composite sample.

14 The coders were all graduate school students; there were 6 female and 6 male coders. To orient them to the study, the coders were trained on the definitions and were tested using three music videos. While watching the videos during the actual coding, coders were allowed to request the videotape or DVD be paused or rewound but not allowed to review the whole music video again. The videos were shown to the coders in the order of date aired. This led to a variety of music videos being chosen in length as well as first date aired. On many episodes of the shows, only a portion of a video was shown. Frequencies of occurrences were coded only for videos lasting longer than one minute. The gender of the individuals performing these behaviors was coded. Coders were given charts (see appendix A) where they were able to mark the gender of the actor and recipient of each action portrayed, with the exception of objectification where only the recipient was coded. If it was unclear who the actor and recipient was but an action was clearly indicated, then the individual was marked as an actor and recipient of the act. The characteristics and behaviors coded were those behaviors and manifestations of characteristics associated with gender roles as measured by Sommers- Flanagan, Sommers-Flanagan and Davis (1993) and Seidman (1992). The coded characteristics were as follows: Dominance/Subservience. This set of behaviors was coded only when one person was clearly in the position of being dominated by another; this was not by physical force, but rather natural-order implications were suggested. The power differential was portrayed as “the way things are supposed to be.” The subservient person was part of a situation over which another held control or power. Implicit Aggression. This set of behaviors was coded only when instances do not directly portray violence but suggest aggression, portray themes of aggression, or depict the threat of inflicting pain or injury. Examples included, “before” or “after” scenes of violence such as an individual crying when it was implied that a rape had just taken place, or a broken bottle next to an unconscious individual’s head. The coding did not include lyrical content or verbal aggression; therefore the threat must be physically depicted. Explicit Aggression. This set of behaviors was coded only when instances of actual acts intended to inflict pain or injury (e.g., slapping, shoving, kicking, verbal assault, and rape) occurred. This category also include scenes where someone establishes dominance over another by using forceful means.

15 Aggression with Sexuality. This set of behaviors was coded only when there were situations or encounters that were primarily either sexual or aggressive in nature but also included overtones of the other element. For example, scenes of aggression in which the receiver of the aggression was portrayed as enjoying the aggression to some extent by responding to the perpetrator in a sexual way were coded. This did not require physical contact, but there must have been themes of sexual attraction along with the aggression. This also included scenes that were primarily sexual in nature that also included themes of aggression or threatening nature. Objectification through Disembodiment. This set of behaviors was coded only when the camera focuses in on an isolated part of the body. Any portrayal of a person being primarily one body part or a set of body parts rather than a whole, complete human was considered objectification. Examples included shots of bare stomachs, cleavage, lips, genital areas, butts, thighs, etc. Camera shots of the top half of a person, or merely showing his/her whole face as a close-up were not considered objectification. For this study, silhouettes and any other image that showed the frame of the body as distinct from the detail of the whole individual were included. Objectification through Gaze. This set of behaviors was coded only for scenes in which a single actor was on screen alone, dressed suggestively, or was explicitly or implicitly portrayed as the object of one or many persons’ gaze; this also included the artist if they were not performing the song at the time. Implicit Sexuality. This set of behaviors was coded only when themes of sexual attraction are predominant or serve as a concurrent focus with another theme. Scenes that suggest or seem to elicit sexual arousal and/or appeals to the erotic such as pelvic thrusts, long lip licking, stroking, etc were coded. Anything short of explicit sexual activity but suggestive of sexuality was considered implicit sexuality. Explicit Sexuality. This set of behaviors was coded only when themes of sexual action were predominant. Scenes in which genitalia or breasts are being touched or bodies were touching and moving together in ways suggestive of intercourse (Sommers-Flanagan et al.1993). Each separate action was coded. If there is a “fluid act” (e.g. hand from breast to hip) in one scene, then it was one act. If the same action is in two separate scenes, then they were two separate acts. Wearing Revealing Clothing. This set of behaviors was coded only when the majority of the body was revealed in detail or the clothing was extremely small, in relation to the whole body

16 part attempted to be covered. Examples included women in bikinis or lingerie and men in Speedo’s. Sexual Pursuit. This set of behaviors was coded only when one person was clearly in the position of pursuing another with the intention or manifestation of sexual contact. Examples included a copulatory gaze and bodies sharing extremely intimate space. Being Sexually Pursued. This set of behaviors was coded only when one person was clearly in the position of being pursued with the intention or manifestation of sexual contact upon their person. Intercoder Reliability. Intercoder reliability was determined by comparing the responses between two coders for each item. The reliability represents the likelihood of the coders to find the same frequency of occurrences for each description in each music video. Lead coders were determined based on the coder familiarity with content analyses. Only lead coders data was used for analyses. Four common measures for intercoder reliability were conducted using PRAM software. The average for all measures of intercoder reliability were percent agreement (.798), Scott’s pi (.006), Cohen’s kappa (.17), and Holsti’s coefficient of reliability (.798). The individual measures when available for each variable are listed in Table 1.

Table 1.

Intercoder Reliability

Percent Holsti’s Cohen's Variable Agreement Coefficient Scott's Pi Kappa Male wearing revealing clothing 1 0* 0* Female wearing revealing clothing 0 -0.5 0 Androgynous wearing revealing clothing 0.667 -0.2 0 Male Objectification 0.667 0.333 0.4 Female Objectification 0.667 0.538 0.571 Androgynous Objectification 0.667 -0.2 0 Male Objectification with gaze 1 0* 0* Female Objectification with Gaze 0.667 0.333 0.4 Androgynous Objectification with Gaze 1 0* 0* Implicit Aggression Male Actor 0.333 0.077 0.25

17 Table 1 Continued. Implicit Aggression Male Recipient 0.667 0.333 0.4 Implicit Aggression Female Actor 0.333 0 0.143 Implicit Aggression Female Recipient 0.667 0.333 0.4 Implicit Aggression Androgynous Actor 1 0* 0* Implicit Aggression Androgynous Recipient 0.333 -0.333 0 Implicit Aggression Inanimate Recipient 1 0* 0* Explicit Aggression Male Actor 1 0* 0* Explicit Aggression Male Recipient 0.667 0.333 0.4 Explicit Aggression Female Actor 0.667 0.333 0.4 Explicit Aggression Female Recipient 0.667 -0.2 0 Explicit Aggression Androgynous Actor 1 0* 0* Explicit Aggression Androgynous Recipient 1 0* 0* Explicit Aggression Inanimate Recipient 1 0* 0* Implicit Sexuality Male Actor 0.667 -0.2 0 Implicit Sexuality Male Recipient 0.667 -0.2 0 Implicit Sexuality Female Actor 0.333 0.143 0.25 Implicit Sexuality Female Recipient 0.667 -0.2 0 Implicit Sexuality Androgynous Actor 1 0* 0* Implicit Sexuality Androgynous Recipient 1 0* 0* Implicit Sexuality Inanimate Recipient 1 0* 0* Explicit Sexuality Male Actor 0.667 -0.2 0 Explicit Sexuality Male Recipient 1 0* 0* Explicit Sexuality Female Actor 0.667 -0.2 0 Explicit Sexuality Female Recipient 1 0* 0* Explicit Sexuality Androgynous Actor 1 0* 0* Explicit Sexuality Androgynous Recipient 1 0* 0* Explicit Sexuality Inanimate Recipient 1 0* 0* Dominance Male 0.667 0.333 0.4 Dominance Female 0.667 -0.2 0 Dominance Androgynous 1 0* 0* Subservience Male 0.667 -0.2 0 Subservience Female 0.667 0.333 0.4 Subservience Androgynous 1 0* 0* Pursuing Male 0.333 -0.091 0 Pursuing Female 1 0* 0* Pursuing Androgynous 1 0* 0* Being Pursued Male 1 0* 0* Being Pursued Female 0.333 -0.333 0 Being Pursued Androgynous 1 0* 0* Sexual Aggression Male Actor 1 0* 0* Sexual Aggression Male Recipient 1 0* 0*

18 Table 1 Continued. Sexual Aggression Female Actor 1 0* 0* Sexual Aggression Female Recipient 1 0* 0* Sexual Aggression Androgynous Actor 1 0* 0* Sexual Aggression Androgynous Recipient 1 0* 0* Sexual Aggression Inanimate Recipient 1 0* 0*

Average 0.798 0.798 0.006 0.17

19 RESULTS

The results of the content analysis are as follows: Hypothesis 1: Objectification with Disembodiment Across All Videos. The first hypotheses proposed that females would be objectified more than males in urban contemporary music videos, as has been demonstrated in content analyses of other genres of music videos. The reader is reminded that objectification with disembodiment included instances in which the camera focuses on an isolated part of the body. To test this hypothesis, a paired sample t-test procedure was employed on the difference between the average number of times female objectification was shown and the average number of times male objectification was shown in forty-three music videos. Females were found to be objectified an average of 7.72 times per music video while men were objectified an average 1.20 times per music video. The results of this t-test suggested that in Urban contemporary music videos females are objectified significantly more often than males without the camera showing the face of the individual. (t(42)= 4.730, p= <.0001) (see Table 2 and Table 3).

Table 2.

Female/Male Objectification without Face Paired Samples Statistics Std. Std. Mean N Error Deviation Mean Female objectification 7.7209 43 8.70229 1.32709 without showing Face Male objectification 1.2093 43 3.08266 .47010 without showing Face

Table 3.

Female/Male Objectification without Face Paired Samples Test

Paired Differences Std. Std. Error Mean t df Sig. (2-tailed) Deviation Mean Female objectification without showing Face - Pair 1 6.51163 9.02740 1.37667 4.730 42 .000 Male objectification without showing Face

20 Hypothesis 2: Objectification with Gaze Across All Videos. The second hypothesis stated that females would be objectified more than males in urban contemporary music videos. The reader is reminded that objectification with gaze included instances in which there was a single individual on screen alone, dressed suggestively, and was implicitly or explicitly portrayed as the object of one or more persons’ gaze. To test this hypothesis, a paired sample t-test procedure was employed on the difference between the average number of times female objectification was shown with an implied gaze and the average number of times male objectification was shown through 42 music videos. Due to missing data, all forty-three music videos were not used. Females were found to be objectified an average of 6.83 times per music video, while men were objectified an average .09 times per music video. The results of this t-test showed that in urban contemporary music videos females are objectified significantly more often than males. (t (41)= 4.881, p= <.0001) (see Table 4 and Table 5).

Table 4.

Female/Male Objectification with Gaze Paired Samples Statistics Std. Std. Mean N Error Deviation Mean Female objectification Pair 1 6.8333 42 8.91673 1.37588 with Gaze Male objectification with .0952 42 .48437 .07474 Gaze

Table 5.

Female/Male Objectification with Gaze Paired Samples Test Paired Differences Std. Std. Error Sig. (2- Mean Deviation Mean t df tailed) Pair Female objectification with Gaze – Male 1 objectification with Gaze 6.73810 8.94716 1.38058 4.881 41 .000

Hypothesis 3: Female Implicit Sexuality Across All Videos. The third hypotheses proposed that females would be portrayed as the actors of implicitly sexual behaviors more often than males in urban contemporary music videos. Implicit sexuality included scenes in which themes of sexual attraction were predominant or served as a concurrent focus with another

21 theme. Anything short of explicit sexual activity but still suggestive of sexuality was considered implicit sexuality. To test this hypothesis, a paired sample t-test procedure was employed comparing the difference between the average number of times implicit sexuality was shown by a female actor to the average number of times implicit sexuality was shown by a male actor. Implicit sexuality was shown with a female actor an average of 9.76 times per music video while implicit sexuality was shown by men an average of 1.48 times per music video. The results of this t-test suggest that females display implicit sexuality significantly more often than males in urban contemporary music videos. (t (42)= 4.462, p= <.0001) (see Table 6 and Table 7).

Table 6.

Implicit Sexuality shown by Male/Female Actors Paired Samples Statistics Std. Std. Mean N Error Deviation Mean Implicit Sexuality with a Pair 1 9.7674 43 13.31994 2.03127 Female Actor Implicit Sexuality with a 1.4884 43 2.98705 .45552 Male Actor

Table 7.

Implicit Sexuality shown by Male/Female Actors Paired Samples Test Paired Differences Std. Std. Error Sig. (2- Mean t df Deviation Mean tailed) Implicit Sexuality with a Female Actor - Implicit Pair 1 8.27907 12.16616 1.85532 4.462 42 .000 Sexuality with a Male Actor

Follow-Up Analysis. Beyond my research hypothesis and research questions, I have conducted several follow-up analyses based on the research done by Seidman (1992;1999) and Sommers-Flanagan, Sommers-Flanagan and Davis (1993) in an effort to gather more information about gender representations in Urban contemporary music videos. To determine whether males are more likely to be the recipients of implicit sexual behaviors, a paired sample t-test procedure was employed comparing the difference between the average number of times implicit sexuality was shown with a female recipient to the average number of times implicit sexuality was shown

22 with a male recipient. Implicit sexuality was shown with a female recipient an average of 1.18 times per music video, while implicit sexuality was shown by men an average of 3.00 times per music video. The results of this test show that males, across all videos, were more frequently shown as the recipients of implicitly sexual acts significantly more than females. (t (42)= -4.768, p= .001) (see Table 8 and Table 9).

Table 8.

Implicit Sexuality with Female/Male Recipient Paired Samples Statistics Std. Std. Error Mean N Deviation Mean Pair 1 Implicit Sexuality with Female Recipient 1.1860 43 2.45198 .37392 Implicit Sexuality with Male Recipient 3.0000 43 3.94003 .60085

Table 9.

Implicit Sexuality with Female/Male Recipient Paired Samples Test Paired Differences Std. Std. Mean Error t df Sig. (2-tailed) Deviation Mean Implicit Sexuality with Female Recipient - Pair 1 -1.81395 3.15667 .48139 -3.768 42 .001 Implicit Sexuality with Male Recipient

Baxter et al. (1985) found MTV’s that most music videos contained a lot of sexual content, but most of it relied on sexual innuendoes shown through clothing. As a result, I wanted to see if there were significant differences between the explicit sexuality as shown by males and females. To determine whether females are more likely to be the actors of explicit sexual behavior a paired sample t-test was conducted. The reader is reminded that explicit sexuality was defined as scenes in which themes of sexual action were predominant. For example, scenes in which genitalia or breasts were being touched or bodies were touching and moving together in ways suggestive of intercourse were coded as explicit sexuality. Explicit sexuality was shown with a female actor an average of 2.93 times per music video, while explicit sexuality with a male actor was shown an average of 2.69 times per music video. The results of this test showed

23 that no significant difference exists between the frequency of explicitly sexual acts of males and females in urban contemporary music videos. (t (43)= .777, p= .441) (see Table 10 and Table 11).

Table 10.

Explicit Sexuality with Female/Male Actor Paired Samples Statistics Std. Std. Mean N Error Deviation Mean Explicit Sexuality Pair 1 2.9302 43 5.82031 .88759 with Female Actor Explicit Sexuality 2.6977 43 5.07344 .77369 with Male Actor

Table 11.

Explicit Sexuality with Female/Male Actor Paired Samples Test

Paired Differences Std. Std. Error Mean Deviation Mean t df Sig. (2-tailed) Pair 1 Explicit Sexuality with Female Actor - Explicit .23256 1.96199 .29920 .777 42 .441 Sexuality with Male Actor

To complement the question on explicitly sexual actors, I conducted a paired sample t- test to determine who is more likely to be the recipient of explicit sexual behavior. The results of this test showed no significant difference between the frequency of males and females as the recipient of explicitly sexual acts in Urban contemporary music videos. (t (42)= .547, p= .587) (see Table 12 and Table 13).

24 Table 12.

Explicit Sexuality with Male/Female Recipient Paired Samples Statistics Std. Std. Mean N Error Deviation Mean Explicit Sexuality with Pair 1 1.0000 43 2.73426 .41697 Male Recipient Explicit Sexuality with .8372 43 1.71728 .26188 Female Recipient

Table 13.

Explicit Sexuality with Male/Female Recipient Paired Samples Test Paired Differences Std. Std. Error Mean Deviation Mean t df Sig. (2-tailed) Pair 1 Explicit Sexuality with Male Recipient. - .16279 1.95095 .29752 .547 42 .587 Explicit Sexuality with Female Recipient

Based on Seidman’s (1992;1999) finding that males were found to be more aggressive, domineering, violent, and victimized than female characters, I wanted to see if there were significant differences between dominant and subservient behaviors shown by males and females. To determine the dominant and subservient behaviors, a paired sample t-test was conducted. The reader is reminded that dominance/subservience was described as when one person is clearly in the position of dominating or being dominated by another, not by physical force, but rather showing are natural order implications. The subservient person is part of a situation over which another holds control or power. Male dominance was shown an average of 2.97 times per video, while female dominance was shown an average of .9535 times per video, while Female subservience was shown on average 2.97 times per music video, and male subservience was shown 1.06 on average. The results show that there is a significant difference between the dominance and subservience shown by males and females in music videos., thereby indicating that females are significantly more likely to be subservient in music videos and males are significantly more likely to be dominant. Female Dominance/Male Dominance (t (42)= 3.904, p= <.0001); Female Subservience/Male Subservience (t (42)= 3.813, p= <.0001) (see Table 14 and Table 15).

25 Table 14.

Dominance/Subservience Paired Samples Statistics Std. Std. Error Mean N Deviation Mean Pair 1 Female Dominance .9535 43 1.81204 .27633 Male Dominance 2.9767 43 3.43295 .52352 Pair 2 Female Subservience 2.9767 43 3.57563 .54528 Male Subservience 1.0698 43 2.09756 .31988

Table 15.

Dominance/Subservience Paired Samples Test

Paired Differences Std. Std. Error Mean Deviation Mean t df Sig. (2-tailed) Pair 1 Female Dominance - Male Dominance -2.02326 3.39810 .51820 -3.904 42 .000 Pair 2 Female Subservience - 1.90698 3.27918 .50007 3.813 42 .000 Male Subservience

Research Question 1: Artist Gender and Passivity Across All Videos. Research Question One inquires about the relationship between the gender of the artist and the portrayals of passivity of the genders in Urban contemporary music videos. This question examines on whether there is a significant difference between the representations of males and females as either active (actors) or passive (recipients) of acts in music videos in conjunction with the gender of the artist, which is an area that researchers have not addresses. To address this research question, independent samples t-tests were performed. The results of the tests found significant differences between artist gender and implicit sexuality with male recipient (see Table 16 and Table 17). Implicit sexuality with a male recipient was shown in videos by male artists an average of 3.86 per video, while implicit sexuality with male recipient was shown an average of 1.21 times in videos by female artists. This indicates that male artists are likely to have representations of implicit sexuality with a male recipient significantly more than female artists. All other differences between artist gender and other portrayals were not found to be significant, thus indicating that males and females are equally as likely to be shown as the recipient of a behavior in music videos regardless of the sex of the artist. (see Table 18 and Table 19).

26 Table 16.

Implicit Sexuality with Male Recipient by Artist Group Statistics Std. Std. Error Artist Type N Mean Deviation Mean Implicit Sexuality with Male Artist 29 3.8621 4.43786 .82409 Male Recipient Female Artist 14 1.2143 1.62569 .43448

Table 17.

Implicit Sexuality with Male Recipient by Artist Independent Samples Test Levene's Test for Equality of Variances t-test for Equality of Means Mean Std. Error F Sig. t df Sig. (2-tailed) Difference Difference Implicit Sexuality Equal variances with Male Recipient assumed 6.790 .013 2.152 41 .037 2.64778 1.23014 Equal variances not assumed 2.842 39.205 .007 2.64778 .93161

Table 18.

Group Statistics Std. Std. Error Artist Type N Mean Deviation Mean Female being Pursued Male Artist 29 1.6552 2.10909 .39165 Female Artist 14 1.5000 2.40992 .64408 Male being Pursued Male Artist 29 .7241 1.16179 .21574

Female Artist 14 .9286 1.94004 .51850

Explicit Aggression w/ Male Artist 28 .0000 .00000 .00000 Female Recipient Female Artist 14 .2143 .57893 .15473 Explicit Aggression w/ Male Artist 28 .3571 1.19301 .22546 Male Recipient Female Artist 14 .2143 .80178 .21429 Explicit Sex w/ Female Male Artist 29 .9310 1.94442 .36107 Recipient Female Artist 14 .6429 1.15073 .30755 Explicit Sex w/ Male Male Artist 29 1.3103 3.21940 .59783 Recipient Female Artist 14 .3571 1.08182 .28913 Implicit Aggression w/ Male Artist 28 .4286 1.42539 .26937 Female Recipient Female Artist 14 .6429 1.39268 .37221 Implicit Aggression w/ Male Artist 28 .6429 1.28277 .24242 Male Recipient Female Artist 14 1.5000 2.90225 .77566 Implicit Sexuality w/ Male Artist 29 1.4483 2.82320 .52425 Female Recipient

27 Table 18 Continued. Female Artist 14 .6429 1.33631 .35714 Sexual Aggression Male Artist 29 .0000 .00000 .00000 Female Recipient Female Artist 14 .2143 .80178 .21429 Sexual Aggression Male Male Artist 29 .0000 .00000 .00000 Recipient Female Artist 14 .2143 .80178 .21429

Table 19.

Independent Samples Test Levene's Test for Equality of t-test for Equality of Means Variances Sig. (2- Mean Std. Error F Sig. t df tailed) Difference Difference Equal variances Female being Pursued .125 .725 .216 41 .830 .15517 .71887 assumed Equal variances .206 22.935 .839 .15517 .75381 not assumed Equal variances Male being Pursued 3.273 .078 -.432 41 .668 -.20443 .47331 assumed Equal variances -.364 17.645 .720 -.20443 .56159 not assumed Explicit Aggression w/ Equal variances 20.413 .000 -1.984 40 .054 -.21429 .10803 Female Recipient assumed Equal variances -1.385 13.000 .189 -.21429 .15473 not assumed Explicit Aggression w/ Equal variances .647 .426 .404 40 .689 .14286 .35400 Male Recipient assumed Equal variances .459 36.297 .649 .14286 .31105 not assumed Explicit Sex w/ Female Equal variances 1.234 .273 .511 41 .612 .28818 .56385 Recipient assumed Equal variances .608 39.072 .547 .28818 .47430 not assumed Explicit Sex w/ Male Equal variances 2.820 .101 1.073 41 .289 .95320 .88824 Recipient. assumed Equal variances 1.435 38.136 .159 .95320 .66407 not assumed Implicit Aggression w/ Equal variances .237 .629 -.463 40 .646 -.21429 .46312 Female Recipient assumed Equal variances -.466 26.662 .645 -.21429 .45946 not assumed Implicit Aggression w/ Equal variances 8.478 .006 -1.335 40 .189 -.85714 .64211 Male Recipient. assumed Equal variances -1.055 15.592 .308 -.85714 .81266 not assumed Implicit Sexuality w/ Equal variances 2.294 .138 1.010 41 .319 .80542 .79779 Female Recipient assumed Equal variances 1.270 41.000 .211 .80542 .63435 not assumed

28 Table 19 Continued. Sexual Aggression Equal variances 9.985 .003 -1.458 41 .152 -.21429 .14693 Female Recipient assumed Equal variances -1.000 13.000 .336 -.21429 .21429 not assumed Sexually Aggression Equal variances 9.985 .003 -1.458 41 .152 -.21429 .14693 Male Recipient assumed Equal variances -1.000 13.000 .336 -.21429 .21429 not assumed

Research Question 2: Artist Gender and Objectification. Research Question Two inquires about the relationship between the gender of the artist and the objectification of individuals without their face being shown and with the face being shown in urban contemporary music videos. This question examines whether there is a significant difference between the sex of the artist and the objectification that takes place in music videos. To address this research question, independent samples t-tests were performed. The results of the tests found no significant differences between artist gender and objectifications in music videos. This indicates that there is no significant difference between the gender of the artist and the objectification of the individuals in the music videos. (see Table 20, Table 21, Table 22, and Table 23).

Table 20.

Male/Female Objectification without Face Group Statistics Std. Error Artist Type N Mean Std. Deviation Mean Male objectification Male Artist 29 1.1724 3.34951 .62199 without face Female Artist 14 1.2857 2.55489 .68282 Female objectification Male Artist 29 9.0690 8.90799 1.65417 without face

Female Artist 14 4.9286 7.82957 2.09254

29 Table 21.

Male/Female Objectification without Face Independent Samples Test Levene's Test for Equality of Variances t-test for Equality of Means Mean Std. Error F Sig. t df Sig. (2-tailed) Difference Difference Male Equal variances objectification assumed .002 .967 -.112 41 .912 -.11330 1.01523 without face Equal variances not assumed -.123 32.981 .903 -.11330 .92364 Female Equal variances objectification assumed .130 .720 1.483 41 .146 4.14039 2.79252 without face Equal variances not assumed 1.552 29.056 .131 4.14039 2.66740

Table 22.

Male/Female Objectification with Gaze Independent Group Statistics Std. Error Artist Type N Mean Std. Deviation Mean Male objectification with Male Artist 28 .0000 .00000 .00000 face Female Artist 14 .2857 .82542 .22060 Female objectification with Male Artist 28 7.8571 9.80444 1.85286 face

Female Artist 14 4.7857 6.65847 1.77955

Table 23.

Male/Female Objectification with Gaze Independent Samples Test Levene's Test for Equality of Variances t-test for Equality of Means Sig. (2- Mean Std. Error F Sig. t df tailed) Difference Difference Male Equal variances objectification assumed 16.288 .000 -1.855 40 .071 -.28571 .15403 with face Equal variances not assumed -1.295 13.000 .218 -.28571 .22060 Female Equal variances objectification assumed 1.190 .282 1.054 40 .298 3.07143 2.91476 with face Equal variances not assumed 1.196 36.060 .240 3.07143 2.56903

30 DISCUSSION

The purpose of this thesis was to examine the gender representations shown in urban contemporary music videos. This is intended to serve as a complement to previous content analyses that have been conducted on music videos irrespective of the video genre. The intention was to apply the methods of Sommers-Flanagan, Sommers-Flanagan and Davis (1993) and Seidman (1992; 1999) to one specific genre of music videos for the analysis of the gender representations in the videos. Hypotheses 1 and 2, which state that females are objectified significantly more frequently than males without the camera showing the face of the individual and are also objectified significantly more that males with a gaze implied, were both supported. These results are similar to the findings of Sommers-Flanagan, Sommers-Flanagan and Davis (1993) in which one of the most frequently shown images in music videos were those of objectification and implicit sexuality and they may result in the high consumers of these music videos objectifying themselves on a daily basis. According to Aubrey (2006) exposure to sexually objectifying television shows are associated with an increase in viewers definitions of their physical selves in terms of externally perceivable traits rather than internal traits leading her to state that “if exposure to sexual objectification in television continuously activates self-objectification, then the overall picture of a college student’s life is chronic, trait-like self objectification” (381). If we are to assume that the objectification in music videos is at least equal to or greater than that objectification found in television shows then it would be logical to expect that self- objectification in high consumers of music videos may be occurring on a similar or larger scale than those participants in Aubrey’s study. Hypothesis 3, which stated that female displays of implicit sexuality occur significantly more frequently than male displays of implicit sexuality, was also supported. My follow up analysis stating that males are significantly more frequently shown as the recipients of implicitly sexual acts than females finishes the picture. The normal activities for females in music videos are to be objectified with the showing of body parts that may have an implied or explicitly shown gaze and to perform implicitly sexual acts upon a male. Follow-up analysis also found a significance between male and female dominance and subservience in these music videos. Specifically, males are portrayed as more dominant and the females as subservient. These findings are similar to the findings from Seidman (1992). Interestingly enough, the analysis for

31 explicit sexuality revealed no significant difference between males and females performing and being the recipient of explicitly sexual acts. The tests that were run analyzing artist gender and passivity found only one significant relationship. The only representation related to artist gender was the representation of males as recipients of implicit sexuality. Research Question Two, which asked about artist sex and objectification, showed no significant relationship between the sex of the artist and the objectification shown in the music videos. The findings also suggest that implicit sexuality (including themes of sexual attraction) is predominant in urban contemporary music videos. Since implicit sexuality and objectification of females are evident in a significant proportion of music videos, and the sex of the artist has no significant effect on the sexuality or objectifications shown in the music video, it would be only appropriate to infer that this sexual imagery could have an effect. Because cultivation analysis refers to individuals’ attitudes about and feelings toward images in television programming, it would be logical to assume that there could be an effect on the individuals who consume these music videos in large amounts on a regular basis. In Kalof’s (1999) study of the effects of music videos on sexual attitudes, the researcher indicated that exposure to a video with traditional sexual imagery had an effect on adversarial sexual beliefs of the participants, while Gan, Zillman, and Mitrook’s (1997) findings state that exposure to sexually enticing rap music by female artists can “foster perceptions of diminished positive traits and stronger negative traits for Black women but not for White women” (p. 396). The possible effects of viewing these music videos are similar to the findings of Brown et al. (2006) in which 12-14 year-olds who had a heavy sexual media diet were found to be more likely than their light-viewing counterparts to have engaged in sexual activity two years later. Furthermore there can be several potential effects from consuming such sexuality laden media. Considering the audience consists of teenagers to young adults, their perceptions of appropriate, adequate, and normal sexual activities or their age may be affected. They may find themselves involved in sexual activities and situations at a younger age than they normally would. Also, the interactions between the male and female consumers of these music videos may be a reflection of the actions of those in the music videos. As previously mentioned, self- objectification may be higher in this audience than in other audiences, which may have a direct impact on the self-esteem, self-value, and self-worth of the individuals in the music videos. This should especially be a concern of the female consumer of these videos since they are

32 significantly portrayed as highly sexual beings and the women shown in these videos are portrayed as representatives of ideal female attractiveness. Limitations. There were several limitations to this content analysis. The coding was done with the coders in either small groups or individually, but the coders were never forced to come to a consensus with regard to each coded behavior. As a result, the intercoder reliability of the analysis was lower than desired for some variables. Also, urban contemporary music videos tend to use extremely quick camera cuts as a stylistic device, making some of the characteristics difficult to count. Furthermore, even though most of the coders were unfamiliar with the music videos of this genre, four coders were more familiar with the genre of the music videos and the type of images shown in these music videos than the others. Even though they were instructed to adhere strictly to the definitions given to them, I cannot account for the effect of their previous exposure and familiarity with the images on my data. Also, a manipulation check may be conducted to see the difference between the coders perception of the content. Further Research Should someone intend on replicating this study, I recommend having the coders achieve higher intercoder reliability by allowing the coders to view the videos one time without coding and then a second time allowing them to code as a group. This would allow the coders to have a familiarity with the style of the video to combat any reactions to the style or images in the video the coder may have upon first viewing. The researcher may also consider having more coders with the coder having fewer viewings of the videos that are being coded. Although urban contemporary is a radio term used to describe this music genre, the majority of the videos shown are unmistakably referred to as hip-hop music videos. The shows 106 and Park and Sucker Free on MTV are both primary cultural texts for the hip-hop community and referenced as being outlets for hip-hop videos. The Nielsen ratings clearly indicate just how many people are viewing these images and the characterizations shown in these music videos. If hip-hop asserts itself as a genuine culture (as it typically does) and was indeed determined to be a distinct worldwide culture recognized by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in 2001, then it is safe to say that this culture needs to be studied more in depth and scientifically than it currently is. This visibility also lends to this culture and its purveyors having a great influence over those who consume this culture.

33 Considering the information given in this thesis the appropriate question to this culture and its purveyors should be, how do we change these representations? In order to learn the effects that this culture has on individuals, future researchers may conduct a study on the effects that may be caused by the consumption of these music videos on male and female self-esteem and on the worldwide culture of hip-hop. Since hip-hop music videos have styles and formats distinct to that genre of music, it would be interesting to see how various countries have adopted the hip-hop culture and to study the similarities and differences between the American version of hip-hop and another country’s translation and adoption of that culture. As globalization continues, the study of worldwide cultures may provide a great knowledge base for how individuals are adapting to the changes made in such a fast paced world and hip-hop could indeed be an interesting territory to study. Also, since objectification was found to be significantly prevalent in music videos it would be interesting for someone to see the true effects of self-objectification on heavy consumers of hip-hop music videos. Considering that hip-hop has evolved to include many other types of art and has acquired a diverse audience of individuals who live the hip-hop culture, the purveyors of this culture should act to create a community where the cultural representations are accurate. However, if there is a resonance between the representations in music videos and the lives of those individuals who ascribe to the hip-hop culture, acknowledgment of the deleterious effects of consuming this imagery should be acknowledged and actions should be taken to portray the individuals in these music videos in a way that will not damage their community.

34 APPENDIX A

Coder #______

Music Video # ______

Dominance / Subservience

One person is clearly in the position of being dominated by another; this is not by physical force, but rather there are natural order implications. The power differential is portrayed as “the way things are supposed to be.” The subservient person is part of a situation over which another holds control or power.

Male Actor Female Actor Androgynous Actor Inanimate Actor

Male Recipient Female Recipient Androgynous Recipient Inanimate Recipient

Coder #______

Music Video # ______

Implicit Aggression

(Does not include lyrical content or verbal aggression. The threat must be physically depicted.) Instances that do not directly portray violence but suggest aggression, portray themes of aggression, or depict the threat of inflicting pain or injury. Examples include “before” or “after” scenes of violence such as an individual crying when it is implied that a rapes has just taken place, or a broken bottle next to an unconscious individual’s head.

Male Actor Female Actor Androgynous Actor Inanimate Actor

Male Recipient Female Recipient Androgynous Recipient Inanimate Recipient

35 Coder #______

Music Video # ______

Explicit Aggression

Instances of actual acts intended to inflict pain or injury (e.g., slapping, shoving, kicking, verbal assault, and rape). This category also includes scenes where someone establishes dominance over another by using forceful means.

Male Actor Female Actor Androgynous Actor Inanimate Actor

Male Recipient Female Recipient Androgynous Recipient Inanimate Recipient

Coder #______

Music Video # ______

Objectification without Face

Instances in which the camera focuses in on an isolated part of the body. Any portrayal of a person being primarily one body part of a set of body parts rather than a whole, complete human is considered objectification. Examples would be bare stomachs, cleavage, lips, genital areas, butts, thighs, etc. Camera shots of the top half of a person, or merely showing his/her whole face as a close-up is not considered objectification. For this study, it will include silhouettes and any other image that shows the frame of the body as distinct from the detail of the whole individual.

Male Recipient Female Recipient Androgynous Recipient

36 Coder #______

Music Video # ______

Implicit Sexuality

Instances in which themes of sexual attraction are predominant or serve as a concurrent focus with another theme. Scenes that suggest or seem to elicit sexual arousal and/or appeals to the erotic such as pelvic thrusts, long lip licking, stroking, etc. Anything short of explicit sexual activity but suggestive of sexuality will be considered implicit sexuality.

Male Actor Female Actor Androgynous Actor Inanimate Actor

Male Recipient Female Recipient Androgynous Recipient Inanimate Recipient

Coder #______

Music Video # ______

Explicit Sexuality

Instances in which themes of sexual action are predominant. Scenes in which genitalia or breasts are being touched or bodies are touching and moving together in ways suggestive of intercourse. (Each separate action is coded. If there is a “fluid act” e.g. hand from breast to hip in one scene then it is one act. If the same action is in 2 separate scenes then they are two separate acts.)

Male Actor Female Actor Androgynous Actor Inanimate Actor

Male Recipient Female Recipient Androgynous Recipient Inanimate Recipient

37 Coder #______

Music Video # ______

Aggression with Sexuality

Situation or encounters that are primarily either sexual or aggressive in nature but also include overtones of the other element. For example, scenes of aggression in which the receiver of the aggression is portrayed as enjoying the aggression to some extent by responding to the perpetrator in a sexual way. This does not require physical contact, but there must be themes of sexual attraction along with the aggression. This also includes scenes that are primarily sexual in nature that also include themes of aggression or threatening nature. (Is coded independently from implicit or explicit aggression. The coder for Aggression with Sexuality must verbally indicate said scene as such to prevent multiple coding.)

Male Actor Female Actor Androgynous Actor Inanimate Actor

Male Recipient Female Recipient Androgynous Recipient Inanimate Recipient

Coder #______

Music Video # ______

Wearing Revealing Clothing

Instances in which majority of the body is revealed in detail or the clothing is extremely small in relation to the whole body part attempted to be covered. Examples would be women in bikinis or lingerie and men in Speedo’s.

Male Recipient Female Recipient Androgynous Recipient

38

Coder #______

Music Video # ______

Sexual Pursuit/ Being Sexually Pursued

One person is clearly in the position of pursuing another with the intention or manifestation of sexual contact. Examples would be a copulatory gaze and body’s sharing extremely intimate space etc. One person is clearly in the position of being pursued with the intention or manifestation of sexual contact upon their person.

Male Actor Female Actor Androgynous Actor Inanimate Actor

Male Recipient Female Recipient Androgynous Recipient Inanimate Recipient

Coder #______

Music Video # ______

Objectification with Gaze

Scenes in which a single actor is on screen alone, dressed suggestively and are explicitly or implicitly portrayed as the object of one or many persons gaze; this can also include the artist if they are not performing the song at the time.

Male Actor Female Actor Androgynous Actor

Male Recipient Female Recipient Androgynous Recipient

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43 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Kiva was born and raised in the Bronx, New York and graduated from Pace University with Bachelor Degrees in Communication Studies and Women and Gender Studies. This work is a result of her interest into the basic question of why do nightclubs seem like music videos? Her inspiration is brought to you by many years of not having cable followed by many years of the cable being on and then cut off again. It is also inspired by watching lots of episodes of In the Heat of the Night with her Grandmother combined with her nightly dates with her Godmommy to watch Jeopardy and the weekends she spent with Shonta watching music videos and getting into all sorts of other fun. These three media events shaped her in ways she never thought possible at those moments but now she sees the impact these events have had on her life.

Other opinions of Kiva and her character are…

Affectionate and caring…unique...honest, blunt… [and] funny ~Suehay

Her Character - exuberant, trustworthy, extremely empathetic, genuine Her Life - Kiva takes education and school very serious so these past couple of years Kiva's life has been saturated with her quest to achieve educationally. Throughout her life she has been known to go after a goal and achieve it. She has never been a quitter and me being one of her best friends, I have always admired that about her. Kiva's life has been an accomplishment because she continued her education because of her own ambition and determination. I love her, it’s that simple. If I have to put it in more professional terms she is simply "A valuable asset to my life". ~Danny

A well thought individual that is on a constant quest for knowledge and understanding. ~Gabby

For Kiva LaTouche, the major characteristics are determination, enthusiasm and love.

Determination is broken down into several aspects. First, is gaining or understanding both weak and strong points of a situation. Second is investigating the aspects of the points and weighing

44 out the value of each point. Finally, reaching the right decision that would carry out a valuable resolution and outcome.

Her last two characteristics are somewhat weaved together. Her enthusiasm drives her to what she wants to become. While her love shows a true value of strength to someone or any given situation; with an outspoken tone, Kiva says what is on her mind and explains what is available for her and others in the near future with the outcome created from the choices made in a given situation.

Regardless of what characteristics she obtains; motivation is all she needs to push the passion and desire she contains within herself. ~Leopold Myrie Jr.

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