The Earliest Known Greek Papyrus (Piraeus Museum, MΠ 7449, 8517-8523): Text and Contexts

The earliest known Greek papyrus (Piraeus Museum, MΠ 7449, 8517-8523): Text and Contexts

Ioanna Karamanou

in Proceedings of the 28th Congress of Papyrology Barcelona 1-6 August 2016

Edited by Alberto Nodar & Sofía Torallas Tovar Coedited by María Jesús Albarrán Martínez, Raquel Martín Hernández, Irene Pajón Leyra, José-Domingo Rodríguez Martín & Marco Antonio Santamaría

Scripta Orientalia 3 Barcelona, 2019 Coordinación y edición: Alberto Nodar – Sofía Torallas Tovar Coedición: María Jesús Albarrán Martínez, Raquel Martín Hernández, Irene Pajón Leyra, José Domingo Rodríguez Martín, Marco Antonio Santamaría Diseño de cubierta: Sergio Carro Martín

Primera edición, junio 2019 © los editores y los autores 2019 La propiedad de esta edición es de Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat Ausiàs Marc 92-98 – 08013 Barcelona

ISBN 978-84-9191-079-4 (Pamsa) ISBN 978-84-88042-89-7 (UPF) Edición digital http://hdl.handle.net/10230/41902

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Foreword i

Program of the congress vi

Photograph of participants xxi

PART I: Papyrology: methods and instruments 1 Archives for the History of Papyrology

ANDREA JÖRDENS, Die Papyrologie in einer Welt der Umbrüche 3-14 ROBERTA MAZZA, Papyrology and Ethics 15-27 PETER ARZT-GRABNER, How to Abbreviate a Papyrological Volume? Principles, 28-55 Inconsistencies, and Solutions PAOLA BOFFULA, Memorie dal sottosuolo di Tebtynis a ... Roma e a Venezia! 56-67 ELISABETH R. O’CONNELL, Greek and Coptic manuscripts from First Millennium 68-80 CE Egypt (still) in the British Museum NATASCIA PELLÉ, Lettere di B. P. Grenfell e A. S. Hunt a J. G. Smyly 81-89

PART II: Literary Papyri 91

IOANNA KARAMANOU, The earliest known Greek papyrus (Archaeological 93-104 Museum of Piraeus, MΠ 7449, 8517-8523): Text and Contexts FRANZISKA NAETHER, Wise Men and Women in Literary Papyri 105-113 MAROULA SALEMENOU, State Letters and Decrees in P.Haun. I 5 and P.Oxy. 114-123 XLII 3009: an Evaluation of Authenticity MARIA PAZ LOPEZ, Greek Personal Names, Unnamed Characters and Pseudonyms 124-134 in the Ninos Novel MASSIMO MAGNANI, The ancient manuscript tradition of the Euripidean 135-143 hypotheses MARIA KONSTANTINIDOU, Festal Letters: Fragments of a Genre 144-152 MARCO STROPPA, Papiri cristiani della collezione PSI: storia recente e prospettive 153-161 future ANASTASIA MARAVELA, Scriptural Literacy Only? Rhetoric in Early Christian 162-177 Papyrus Letters

PART III: Herculaneum 179

GIOVANNI INDELLI - FRANCESCA LONGO AURICCHIO, Le opere greche della 181-190 Biblioteca ercolanese: un aggiornamento GIANLUCA DEL MASTRO, Su alcuni pezzi editi e inediti della collezione ercolanese 191-194 STEFANO NAPOLITANO, Falsificazioni nei disegni di alcuni Papiri Ercolanesi 195-206 ANGELICA DE GIANNI, Osservazioni su alcuni disegni dei Papiri Ercolanesi 207-218 GAIA BARBIERI, Studi preliminari sul PHercul. 1289 219-230

VALERIA PIANO, P.Hercul. 1067 Reconsidered: Latest Results and Prospective 231-240 Researches DANIEL DELATTRE - ANNICK MONET La Calomnie de Philodème (PHerc.Paris.2), 241-249 colonnes E-F-G. Une nouvelle référence à Hésiode MARIACRISTINA FIMIANI, On Several Unpublished Fragments of Book 4 of the 250-254 Rhetoric of Philodemus of Gadara FEDERICA NICOLARDI, I papiri del libro 1 del De rhetorica di Filodemo. Dati 255-262 generali e novità CHRISTIAN VASSALLO, Analecta Xenophanea. 263-273 GIULIANA LEONE - SERGIO CARRELLI, Per l’edizione di Epicuro, Sulla natura, libro 274-288 incerto (P.Hercul. 1811/335)

PART IV: Paraliterary texts- School, Magic and astrology 289

RAFFAELLA CRIBIORE, Schools and School Exercises Again 291-297 JULIA LOUGOVAYA, Literary Ostraca: Choice of Material and Interpretation of 298-309 Text PANAGIOTA SARISCHOULI, Key episodes of the Osirian myth in Plutarch’s De Iside 310-324 et Osiride and in Greek and Demotic Magical Papyri: How do the sources complement each other? ELENI CHRONOPOULOU, The authorship of PGM VI (P.Lond. I 47) + II (P.Berol. 325-332 Inv. 5026) EMILIO SUÁREZ, The flight of passion. Remarks on a formulaic motif of erotic 333-341 spells JOHANNES THOMANN, From katarchai to ikhtiyārāt: The Emergence of a New 342-354 Arabic Document Type Combining Ephemerides and Almanacs

PART V: Scribal practice and book production 355

MARIE-HÉLÈNE MARGANNE, Les rouleaux composites répertoriés dans le 357-365 Catalogue des papyrus littéraires grecs et latins du CEDOPAL NATHAN CARLIG, Les rouleaux littéraires grecs composites profanes et chrétiens 366-373 (début du IIIe – troisième quart du VIe siècle) GIOVANNA MENCI, Organizzazione dello spazio negli scholia minora a Omero e 374-381 nuove letture in P.Dura 3 PIERRE LUC ANGLES, Le grec tracé avec un pinceau comme méthode 382-398 d’identification des scripteurs digraphes: généalogie, limites, redéfinition du critère ANTONIO PARISI, Citazioni e meccanismi di citazione nei papiri di Demetrio 399-404 Lacone ANTONIO RICCIARDETTO, Comparaison entre le système d’abréviations de 405-416 l’Anonyme de Londres et ceux de la Constitution d’Athènes et des autres textes littéraires du Brit.Libr. inv. 131 YASMINE AMORY, Considérations autour du π épistolaire: une contamination entre 417-421 les ordres et la lettre antique tardive ? BENJAMIN R. OVERCASH, Sacred Signs in Human Script(ure)s: Nomina Sacra as 422-428 Social Semiosis in Early Christian Material Culture

PART VI: Documentary papyri 429

Ptolemaic documents CARLA BALCONI, Due ordini di comparizione di età tolemaica nella collezione 431-436 dell’Università Cattolica di Milano STÉPHANIE WACKENIER, Quatre documents inédits des archives de Haryôtês, 437-447 basilicogrammate de l’Hérakléopolite BIANCA BORRELLI, Primi risultati di un rinnovato studio del secondo rotolo del 448-455 P.Rev.Laws CLAUDIA TIREL CENA, Alcune considerazioni su due papiri con cessione e affitto 456-464 di ἡµέραι ἁγνευτικαί

Roman and Byzantine documents EL-SAYED GAD, ἀντίδοσις in Roman Egypt: A Sign of Continuity or a Revival of 465-474 an Ancient Institution? MARIANNA THOMA, The law of succession in Roman Egypt: Siblings and non- 475-483 siblings disputes over inheritance JOSÉ DOMINGO RODRÍGUEZ MARTÍN, Avoiding the Judge: the Exclusion of the 484-493 δίκη in Contractual Clauses FABIAN REITER, Daddy finger, where are you? Zu den Fingerbezeichnungen in den 494-509 Signalements der römischen Kaiserzeit DOROTA DZIERZBICKA, Wine dealers and their networks in Roman and Byzantine 510-524 Egypt. Some remarks. ADAM BULOW-JACOBSEN, The Ostraca from Umm Balad. 525-533 CLEMENTINA CAPUTO, Dati preliminari derivanti dallo studio degli ostraca di 534-539 Berlino (O. Dime) da Soknopaiou Nesos SERENA PERRONE, Banking Transactions On The Recto Of A Letter From Nero To 540-550 The Alexandrians (P.Genova I 10)? NAHUM COHEN, P.Berol. inv. no. 25141 – Sale of a Donkey, a Case of Tax 551-556 Evasion in Roman Egypt? ANDREA BERNINI, New evidence for Colonia Aelia Capitolina (P.Mich. VII 445 + 557-562 inv. 3888c + inv. 3944k) JENS MANGERUD, Who was the wife of Pompeius Niger? 563-570

Late Roman and Islamic documents JEAN-LUC FOURNET, Anatomie d’un genre en mutation: la pétition de l’Antiquité 571-590 tardive ELIZABETH BUCHANAN, Rural Collective Action in Byzantine Egypt (400-700 CE) 591-599 JANNEKE DE JONG, A summary tax assessment from eighth century Aphrodito 600-608 STEFANIE SCHMIDT, Adopting and Adapting – Zur Kopfsteuer im frühislamischen 609-616 Ägypten

PART VII: Latin papyri 617

MARIACHIARA SCAPPATICCIO, Papyri and LAtin Texts: INsights and Updated 619-627 Methodologies. Towards a philological, literary, and historical approach to Latin papyri SERENA AMMIRATI, New developments on Latin legal papyri: the ERC project 628-637 REDHIS and the membra disiecta of a lost legal manuscript GIULIO IOVINE, Preliminary inquiries on some unpublished Latin documentary 638-643

papyri (P.Vindob. inv. L 74 recto; 98 verso; 169 recto) ORNELLA SALATI, Accounting in the Roman Army. Some Remarks on PSI II 119r 644-653 + Ch.L.A. IV 264 DARIO INTERNULLO, Latin Documents Written on Papyrus in the Late Antique and 654-663 Early Medieval West (5th-11th century): an Overview

PART VIII: Linguistics and Lexicography 665

CHRISTOPH WEILBACH, The new Fachwörterbuch (nFWB). Introduction and a 667-673 lexicographic case: The meaning of βασιλικά in the papyri NADINE QUENOUILLE, Hypomnema und seine verschiedenen Bedeutungen 674-682 ISABELLA BONATI, Medicalia Online: a lexical database of technical terms in 683-689 medical papyri JOANNE V. STOLK, Itacism from Zenon to Dioscorus: scribal corrections of <ι> and 690-697 <ει> in Greek documentary papyri AGNES MIHÁLYKÓ, The persistence of Greek and the rise of Coptic in the early 698-705 Christian liturgy in Egypt ISABELLE MARTHOT-SANTANIELLO, Noms de personne ou noms de lieu ? La 706-713 délicate question des ‘toponymes discriminants’ à la lumière des papyrus d’Aphroditê (VIe -VIIIe siècle)

PART IX: Archaeology 715

ROGER S. BAGNALL - PAOLA DAVOLI, Papyrology, Stratigraphy, and Excavation 717-724 Methods ANNEMARIE LUIJENDIJK, On Discarding Papyri in Roman and Late Antique Egypt. 725-736 Archaeology and Ancient Perspectives MARIO CAPASSO, L’enigma Della Provenienza Dei Manoscritti Freer E Dei Codici 737-745 Cristiani Viennesi Alla Luce Dei Nuovi Scavi A Soknopaiou Nesos

PART X: Papyri and realia 747

INES BOGENSPERGER - AIKATERINI KOROLI, Signs of Use, Techniques, Patterns and 749-760 Materials of Textiles: A Joint Investigation on Textile Production of Late Antique Egypt VALERIE SCHRAM, Ἐρίκινον ξύλον, de la bruyère en Égypte? 761-770

PART XI: Conservation and Restoration 771

IRA RABIN - MYRIAM KRUTZSCH, The Writing Surface Papyrus and its Materials 773-781 1. Can the writing material papyrus tell us where it was produced? 2. Material study of the inks MARIEKA KAYE, Exploring New Glass Technology for the Glazing of Papyri 782-793 CRISTINA IBÁÑEZ, A Proposal for the Unified Definition of Damages to Papyri 794-804 EMILY RAMOS The Preservation of the Tebtunis Papyri at the University of 805-827 California Berkeley EVE MENEI - LAURENCE CAYLUX, Conservation of the Louvre medical papyrus: 828-840 cautions, research, process PART XII: Digitizing papyrus texts 841

NICOLA REGGIANI, The Corpus of Greek Medical Papyri Online and the digital 843-856 edition of ancient documents FRANCESCA BERTONAZZI, Digital edition of P.Strasb. inv. 1187: between the 857-871 papyrus and the indirect tradition

Proceedings of the 28th International Congress of Papyrology, Barcelona 2016 Universitat Pompeu Fabra (Barcelona 2019) 93-104

The earliest known Greek papyrus (Piraeus Museum, MΠ 7449, 8517-8523): Text and Contexts*

Ioanna Karamanou University of the Peloponnese [email protected]

This paper aims to communicate the results of the research conducted so far on the earliest known Greek papyrus, which provides the second case of a roll unearthed in Greek territory, following the discovery of the Derveni papyrus in 1962. In what follows, I shall present the amount of text which has been recovered and attempt to evaluate its literary and cultural significance, as well as the overall importance of this finding for papyrological research. On 13 and 14 May 1981 an emergency excavation in Daphne, Attica (53 Olgas Street), where the cemetery of the ancient deme of Alopeke was probably situated, brought to light two tombs in the form of cist-graves. Tombs I and II lie at the same depth, very close to one another and have exactly the same construction, material and dimensions, which entails that they were most probably constructed and used at the same period of time. They form a singular ensemble and could have been a family burial.1 The first tomb contained the skeleton of a person estimated to have died in his or her forties2 and four lekythoi dated between 430 and 425 BCE.3 In the second tomb a papyrus roll was unearthed along with further writing material (four wooden writing tablets and fragments of a fifth, a writing case, a bronze ink pot, a chisel and a bronze stylus), musical instruments (fragments of a harp, of a tortoise shell, which must have been the soundbox of a lyre, and a wooden aulos tube with mouthpiece), a saw made of iron and nine knucklebones. The papyrus roll seems to have been put in a leather bag inside a small wooden box for safekeeping.4 The condition of the skeleton discovered in this tomb, which became known as ‘the Musician’s tomb’, indicates that the deceased must have been a young person in his or her early twenties.5 The findings of both tombs were taken to the National Archaeological Museum for restoration in 1981 and were transferred to the Archaeological Museum of Piraeus in 1996. Considering that the lekythoi in the first tomb are dated to 430/425 BCE and that the two tombs are most likely to belong to the same period, then we can deduce that the papyrus roll could be dated some time earlier than 430/425 BCE (having been written before the death of the person buried in the tomb).6 Therefore, it constitutes the earliest Greek papyrus discovered so far. The same holds true of the five wooden tablets, three of which are of

* I am most grateful to Prof. Egert Pöhlmann and to Dr Eutychia Lygouri-Tolia for discussing with me details pointing to the contemporary dating of the two tombs. This paper is an abridged and updated version of Karamanou (2014) and (2016). 1 See Liangouras (1981); Pöhlmann / West (2012) 9; Pöhlmann (2013) 8; Lygouri-Tolia (2014) 10-11. 2 Pöhlmann / West (2012) 2-3; Pöhlmann (2013) 12. 3 Simon / Wehgartner (2013) 64. 4 Cf. Alexopoulou / Kaminari / Panagopoulos / Pöhlmann (2013) 1243. 5 See Pöhlmann (2013) 13. On the findings of Tomb II: Pöhlmann / West (2012) 2-3; Pöhlmann (2013) 12-14; Psaroudakēs (2013); Terzēs (2013); Lygouri-Tolia (2014) 7-10. 6 Pöhlmann / West (2012) 3, 9. The date of the harp, which belongs to the ‘spindle harp’ type, could be consistent with but not conclusive for the dating of the findings of Tomb II, since literary sources attest that this type of harp was used from the early fifth to the second century BCE; see recently Laywine (2014) 160 challenging Terzēs’ dating of the harp between 430 and 410 BCE (Terzēs [2013] 126). I. Karamanou matching size having holes bored on one of the long sides, which suggests that they formed a polyptychon.7 From 1981 to 2010 the papyrus from the ‘Musician’s Tomb’ remained unpublished, despite the initial excitement instigated by its discovery. In 2011 Prof. Egert Pöhlmann and late Prof. Martin West were granted permission by the Hellenic Ministry of Culture to study the findings of the two Daphne tombs; research teams were organized (in the fields of Archaeology, Papyrology, Musicology, Archaeometry and Anthropology) to delve into and provide a holistic approach to this material.8 The publication of the research output began in 2012 and has continued regularly since then.9 The Daphne roll, whose original size is estimated to have reached 12 cm in height and 3 cm in diameter, was described upon its discovery as «a shapeless, flattened mass» comprising several layers pasted together, in consequence of the unfavourable conditions of high humidity in the grave (see fig. 1).10 It was transferred to the chemical department of the National Archaeological Museum, where it was kept under high humidity approximating the conditions in the tomb, so that further disintegration would be avoided. No expert in papyrus restoration could be found in the Museum, in the Archaeological Service or in the National Library, and this task was assigned by the Ministry of Culture to the painter and restorer Antonios Glinos. The fragments were glued on a silk fabric between two sheets of glass kept 0.5 cm apart, so that even the slightest touch of the papyrus with the glasses would be avoided, as this could cause further disintegration of the fragments. Glinos mounted the fragments in eight frames and tried to keep joins where possible, without always being able to preserve their original relative position and to separate the compacted layers.11 Frames 1 (=MΠ 7449), 4 (=MΠ 8519) and 7 (=MΠ 8522) include several hundreds of tiny fragments arranged in 15-20 rows in each frame and preserving one or two letters at best. Frame 3 (=MΠ 8518) contains a particularly compact piece (9 cm x 4.5 cm) consisting of multiple layers pasted together. Frame 5 (=ΜΠ 8520) comprises forty-four fragments, some of which are medium sized containing remnants of lines of text coming from several layers. Frame 8 (=ΜΠ 8523) includes a larger piece (3 cm x 4 cm), which was detached upon the discovery of the roll and also consists of several layers. Frames 2 (=MΠ 8517) and 6 (=ΜΠ 8521) contain several hundreds of small fragments arranged in eight and nine rows respectively, some of which preserve four to seven letters per line.12 It thus becomes evident that the legible material does not comprise a continuous text, but it consists of letter- sequences of five to nine letters per line in the largest fragments. The legibility of the fragments of the Daphne roll has been attained through imaging documentation, which was undertaken by Prof. Athena Alexopoulou (Technological Educational Institute of Athens), who kindly granted me permission to republish her photographs in this article. Multispectral imaging demonstrated that the ink-traces discerned between the lines of the text of the fragments placed in frames 5 and 8 are not musical

7 Pöhlmann (2013) 13; West (2013) 74. 8 See Pöhlmann (2013) 11-12. 9 Pöhlmann / West (2012); Pöhlmann (2013); West (2013); Simon / Wehgartner (2013); Psaroudakēs (2013); Terzēs (2013); Alexopoulou / Kaminari (2013); Alexopoulou / Kaminari / Panagopoulos / Pöhlmann (2013); Hagel (2013); Lygouri-Tolia (2014); Alexopoulou (2014); Karamanou (2014); (2016); Najock (2015). 10 See Modiano (1981); Pöhlmann (2013) 10. 11 For more detail about the restoration process, Pöhlmann (2013) 9-11; Alexopoulou / Kaminari (2013) 29-30. 12 Pöhlmann / West (2012) 6; West (2013) 79-80; Karamanou (2014) 39, 43, 47. 94

The earliest known Greek papyrus notation, as suggested in the inventory of the Archaeological Museum of Piraeus, but lines of permeated text from lower layers.13 Α selection of fragments of the Daphne roll (coming from frames 5 and 8) was edited by late Prof. Martin West, who assigned me to edit the rest of the fragments, so that an overview of the legible material could be obtained (West 2013, Karamanou 2014). The text of the papyrus, as well as that of the tablets, is written in the Ionic alphabet often used in Athens from mid-fifth century BCE onwards, before being officially adopted in 403 BCE.14 The damaged state of these findings naturally calls for due caution in the process of deciphering the legible material, not least because the papyrus fragments preserved especially in frames 3, 5 and 8 consist of multiple layers. Though speculation is inevitable, every plausible supplement attested in literature until 430 BCE (i.e. the terminus ante quem of the writing of these texts) has been explored and different kinds of word-division have been investigated. For the purposes of this article, I am drawing attention to those readings which are most suggestive of the possible character of this papyrus text. The large piece of Frame 8 (=ΜΠ 8523) consists of more than five layers and is partly legible only through multispectral imaging (see fig. 2). In l. 3 of the fifth layer West read ]π̣ολυ ἰδα[-, which may involve the epithet ἰδαῖος or the name of the Trojan herald Ἰδαῖος (Il. 3.248, 7.276, 278, 416).15 In the former case, the adjective may denote s.o./sth. coming from Mount Ida in the region of Troy (A. A. 311; attached to Paris in E. Andr. 706, Hel. 29, Or. 1364, IA 1289) or in Crete, where Zeus was nurtured (Pi. O. 5.18; A. Niobe fr. 162.3 R.; E. Cretans fr. 472.10 K.). Frame 5 (=MΠ 8520) comprises 44 fragments, most of which consist of several layers legible only through infrared photography; of these West edited frs. 1, 3, 4, 5 and 8. Fr. 3 (lower layer, l. 5: ]αρκηε.c̣ε[) seems to include an adjective in -αρκης,16 which, I suggest, could hint at ποδάρκης (a formulaic epithet of Achilles: Il. 1.121, 2.688, 20.413) or the proper name Ποδάρκης (Il. 2.704, 13.693, Hes. fr. 199.5 M.-W.) or adjectives such as ἐξαρκής (A. Pers. 237) or πανταρκής (A. Pers. 855). In fr. 4 (l. 6: ]τοκυδε̣.[) I would observe that the only possible word-division seems to preserve the form κύδε̣ϊ̣, which up until that period occurs exclusively in Homer and, as West noted, could also be a sign of dactylic rhythm.17 I would note here for the first time that this letter-sequence might conceivably hint at epic formulaic phrasing, as for instance καθέζε]το κύδε̣ϊ̣ [γαίων, which regularly occurs in the Iliad (1.405, 5.906, 8.51, 11.81). Fr. 5 (upper layer, l. 6: -]ρανιδηϲ) hints at a poetic patronymic, such as Tευθ]ρανίδης or Οὐ]ρανίδης attached to Cronus, or perhaps -]ραν Ἴδης.18 My edition has comprised the rest of the legible papyrus fragments, including frame 5, frs. 2, 9-11, frame 2, frs. 1-4 and frame 6, fr. 1. In Frame 5, fr. 2 (fourth layer, l. 2: ]κ̣λε̣ω[) one may recognize an adverb such as εὐ]κ̣λε̣ῶ[ς or ἀ]κ̣λε̣ῶ[ς or the adjective εὐ]κ̣λέ̣ω[ν (see fig. 3). Line 3 of this layer provides the letter-sequence ].ργαλ̣[ ; if the ascending oblique before P

13 See West (2013) 80, 83; cf. Inventory (9º Ευρετήριο Αρχαιολογικού Μουσείου Πειραιά) 182. On the imaging documentation techniques applied, see Alexopoulou / Kaminari (2013) 27-28; Alexopoulou / Kaminari / Panagopoulos / Pöhlmann (2013) 1244-1249; Alexopoulou (2014) 29-30. 14 West (2013) 76, 80. See Threatte (1980) I 27-34. 15 West (2013) 83-84; Alexopoulou / Kaminari (2013) Plate II 8a-b. 16 West (2013) 78-79; Alexopoulou / Kaminari (2013) Plate II 5a. 17 The reading κύδεϊ̣̣ may seem likelier than κυδε̣ε̣[c proposed by West (2013) 82, since, as he admitted, a compound epithet ending with ]τοκυδεεc is unattested. 18 West (2013) 82, Alexopoulou / Kaminari (2013) Plate II 6a-b. 95

I. Karamanou comes from the same layer, it could belong to an A, thus being suggestive of the poetic word ἀ̣ργαλ̣[έος (‘painful’: Il. 1.589; Hes. Th. 718; Sol. fr. 13.61 W.).19 In fr. 10 (lower layer, l. 1: ]φ̣ρα[) a form of φράζω or the Ionic poetic conjunction ὄ]φ̣ρα could be detected. Line 3 of the same fragment (].οκ̣λοc[) could provide the ending of a proper name, such as Πάτ]ρ̣οκ̣λος, Ἵπ]π̣οκ̣λος or Ἐτ]έ̣οκ̣λος, which would be suggestive of a mythical or poetic theme. In fr. 11 (lower layer, l. 2: ].β̣ιεµ̣ν.[) the letter-sequence could hint at ὄ]λ̣β̣ιε regularly employed in invocations (Od. 24.36; Hes. fr. 211.7 M.-W.; Sapph. fr. 112.1 Voigt) or the vocative Ταλθ]̣ύ̣βιε of the name of the Iliadic herald.20 The fragments of Frames 2 (=ΜΠ 8517) and 6 (=ΜΠ 8521) are legible through high resolution photomacrography enabling the detection of letter-sequences on the surface and underneath. In Frame 2, fr. 1 (lower layer, l. 3: ].οφυδ̣[) the rare combination of letters could be suggestive of the Homeric word ὀ]λ̣οφυδ̣[νός (‘lamenting’: Il. 5.683, 23.102, Od. 19.362). The letter-sequence in l. 3 of the upper layer (]κλεα̣[) may hint at κλέα̣ and its compounds (e.g. εὐ]κλέα̣, ἀ]κλέα̣, δυσ]κλέα̣), also occurring in fr. 2.2 of Frame 5, or might belong to a proper name ending in -κλεα, e.g. Ἡρα]κλέα̣, Ἰφι]κλέα̣, Ἐτεο]κλέα̣ (see fig. 4). Heracles’ name may also be read in tablet A2.3 after a possible Hesiodic quotation coming from the Wedding of Keyx (fr. 264 M.-W.): αὐτόµατοι δ’ ἀγαθοὶ ἀγαθῶν ἐπὶ δαῖτας ἵενται (see fig. 5). This saying was delivered by Heracles, when he arrived uninvited at the wedding feast.21 In fr. 3.1 (see fig. 6 on the left) the combination of letters might hint at the poetic and mainly epic form ἔ̣µµο̣̣ρ̣ε (‘to obtain one’s due share’: Il. 1.278, Hes. Th. 414). If the letter-sequence in l. 2 (]ηνορ̣εc[) belongs to one word, it could provide the second component of epithets, such as ἀγ]ήνορ̣ες (‘courageous’, ‘arrogant’), εὐ]ήνορ̣ες (‘glorious’), φθισ]ήνορ̣ες, ὀλεσ]ήνορ̣ες (‘man-destroying’), which are poetic and mostly epic (Il. 2.833, Od. 2.235, 4.622; Hes. Op. 7; Thgn. 399). The reading ]ηνορ̣εc[ could provide a further case of dactylic rhythm, as in the aforementioned fr. 4.6 of Frame 5. Fr. 4.2 (see fig. 6 on the right) seems to read ]..φορεδ̣[; the vocative -φόρε of a compound adjective in -φόρος could be detected (e.g. βουληφόρoς, Θεσµοφόρος, ἀεθλοφόρoς, πυροφόρoς, τελεσφόρoς). These adjectives mainly occur in poetry until that period (Il. 5.180, Od. 4.86; Hes. Op. 549; Pi. fr. 37.1 Maehl.).22 In Frame 6, fr. 1.3 reads ]ιδηρεοc̣[ (see fig. 7). The letter-sequence suggests σ]ιδήρεος̣, which is an Ionic and epic type (see e.g. Il. 5.723, 22.357, Od. 1.204; Hes. Th. 764).23 The legible fragments of the Daphne roll thus display signs of poetic diction. It is worth pointing out that the possible readings seem to derive first and foremost from epic poetry, especially from the Iliad, and in certain cases from lyric poets as well; poetic themes (mythological proper names or patronymics) and ideas (e.g. kleos) also appear to be represented. The tablets similarly provide hints at the use of poetic style, as West observed, the most striking of which is the aforementioned possible Hesiodic quotation from the Wedding of Keyx. The use of poetic diction in this papyrus text would be consistent with the fact that Greek literary production until 430 BCE was mainly poetic, with the exception of the Ionian logographers, Herodotus, certain pre-Socratic philosophers and Hippocratic treatises.24 Furthermore, the artistic activity emerging from the musical instruments would

19 See Karamanou (2014) 44, photograph in Alexopoulou (2014) fig. 9. 20 Karamanou (2014) 46-47; Alexopoulou (2014) figs. 10-11. 21 See West (2013) 77. 22 Karamanou (2014) 39-42; Alexopoulou (2014) figs. 16-17. 23 Karamanou (2014) 48; Alexopoulou (2014) fig. 18. 24 See e.g. Goldhill (2002) 1-9. 96

The earliest known Greek papyrus also suggest that at least a part of the text of the Daphne roll was written in poetry rather than prose. From a papyrological viewpoint, it is worth exploring the circumstances of preservation and the particular features of the Daphne roll in comparison with the two other early papyri, that is, the Derveni and the Timotheus papyrus. Unlike the notably humid environment in which the Daphne roll was discovered, the Derveni papyrus was found carbonized among the ashes of a funeral pyre in a rich cemetery close to the ancient town of Lete, about twelve km north of Thessalonica. Its carbonization saved the roll from putrefaction, as the fire evaporated the humidity from the papyrus fibres. Twenty-six columns have been reconstructed in the editio princeps, leaving 113 fragmenta incertae sedis.25 The text comprises an allegorical interpretation of a cosmogonical poem attributed to Orpheus, which provides the earliest exegetical commentary in the Greek scholarly tradition.26 The eschatological implications of the initiatory ritual described in this text would suit a funerary context. Moreover, the proximity of the tomb to the shrine of Demeter and Persephone, who was revered in Orphic mysteries as the mother of Bacchus (Dionysus), might suggest that the deceased could have been an initiate.27 The challenging task of unrolling the Derveni papyrus was undertaken by Anton Fackelmann, an expert in the treatment of the charred scrolls of Herculaneum. Fackelmann decreased the friability of the carbonized roll by applying fresh papyrus juice and managed to separate the layers through the application of static electricity. The fragments were placed between nine glass plates, and their original position was established only after high quality photographs were taken.28 Hence, the Derveni papyrus was preserved thanks to its carbonization, protecting it from rotting like the Daphne roll, and thanks to the significant expertise provided in the restoration process, due to Fackelmann’s previous unrolling of the Herculaneum papyri. Conversely, the particularity of the preservation of the Daphne papyrus in a very humid environment and the absence of a precedent case, which could have guided the restoration process, considerably decreased the effectiveness of its restoration and, in turn, the legibility of its text. Unlike the two papyri discovered in Greece under unusual circumstances, the papyrus of Timotheus’ Persae was preserved in a good condition thanks to the dry climate of Egypt protecting organic material from decay. The papyrus was found to the north of a wooden anthropoid sarcophagus at Abusir in 1902 along with remains of a sponge, of an iron scraper, of a leather bag and a wooden object.29 The sponge may not necessarily suggest that the deceased was a scribe, since no further writing implements were discovered, and sponges were also employed to prepare corpses for burial.30 The leather bag is another interesting finding, in that it may be paralleled to the leather pouch in which the Daphne papyrus appears to have been kept. The text consists of six irregular columns preserving more than 250 lines of Timotheus’ nomos written without division into kola, which is typical of pre-Alexandrian

25 See Kouremenos / Parássoglou / Tsantsanoglou (2006) 62-125 and plates 1-30; Janko (2016); Kotwick (2017) 68-103. 26 See Laks (1997) 121-142; Janko (2001) 2-3; Obbink (2003) 177-188; Betegh (2004) 92-135; Kouremenos in Kouremenos / Parássoglou / Tsantsanoglou (2006) 19-59, 143-272; Bernabé (2007) 99-130; Piano (2016) passim. 27 See Tsantsanoglou (1997) 110-117; Most (1997) 131-134; Tsantsanoglou in Kouremenos / Parássoglou / Tsantsanoglou (2006) 4. For the initiatory character of the Derveni text, Obbink (1997) 40-54; Calame (1997) 74-80; Betegh (2004) 349-359; Graf (2014) 75-84; Piano (2016) 5-58. 28 See Kapsomenos (1964) 3-6; Fackelmann (1970) esp. 145; Betegh (2004) 59-60; Tsantsanoglou in Kouremenos / Parássoglou / Tsantsanoglou (2006) 4-7. 29 Borchardt (1902) 47; Hordern (2002) 64 and n. 170. 30 See Von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff (1903) 4; Hordern (2002) 64-65. 97

I. Karamanou papyri.31 In both the Timotheus and the Derveni papyrus paragraphoi are employed to signpost a new section and the quotation of the Orphic poem respectively. The hand in all three papyri is upright and bilinear. It resembles the style of epigraphic writing, to judge especially from the square E, the epigraphic form of Z and Ω and the four- barred Σ. Τhe script in the Daphne papyrus is small and well-formed indicating a skilled hand (see the alphabet provided by West 2013 in fig. 8). The height of the letters is about 2 mm. Similarly, the writing style in the Derveni roll is elegant, unlike that in the Timotheus papyrus, which is less elaborate.32 The contents of a papyrus and the contexts of its discovery (i.e. location, accompanying objects, etc.) might shed light on the qualities of the person who owned it. In the case of the Daphne findings, the rich collection of musical instruments and writing implements could yield insight into the activity of the person buried with these objects. Our evidence suggests that this young person was well acquainted with music and poetry. The vocabulary which seems to have been used in this papyrus text mainly derives from Homer –pre-eminently from the Iliad, as I observed above– and in certain cases also from Hesiod and the lyric poets, namely from those very poems which formed the ‘canon’ of the ‘old’ Athenian education. We know that mousikē (‘music with poetry’, that is, poetry, singing and playing a musical instrument), which along with gymnastikē (‘physical training’) constituted the two branches of the ‘old’ Athenian education, involved a close interaction between music and literacy: the pupils were taught to read and write, to memorize poems and to set poetry into music, to mention but a few sources, such as the Aristophanic passages from the Clouds (964-968) and the Banqueters (frs. 232-233.1-2 K.-A.).33 This interplay between music and poetry in the ‘old’ Athenian education is well attested in the iconography from 500 to 430 BCE presenting papyrus texts used for the musical recitation of poetry in educational contexts. It is noteworthy that in the school scenes of the well-known Douris cup (Berlin F2285) almost all of the writing implements and musical instruments discovered in the ‘Musician’s Tomb’ are depicted, with the exception of the harp.34 The same writing implements along with a lyre are depicted in the earlier Spina kylix of the Adria Painter (Museo Archeologico di Ferrara, inv. nr. 19108), whereas in a cup fragment attributed to Onesimus a youth is seated holding a papyrus roll, which evidently contains a poem of Stesichorus played on the aulos by a bearded man (Oxford, Ashmolean Museum G 138.3,5,11).35 Due to space limits I focused on the papyrus, but it is worth stressing that the tablets, which also display signs of poetic diction, are similarly written in a small, elegant and skilled hand (see the letter-forms drawn by West 2013 in fig. 9). The Hesiodic line possibly occurring in tablet A2 was widely quoted by authors acknowledging its proverbial validity (see B. fr. 423 Sn.; Cratin. Pylaia fr. 182 K.-A. and Pl. Smp. 174b) or for parodic purposes (see Eup. Chrysoun Genos fr. 315 K.-A.). Likewise, it is worth raising the question whether the poetic, especially the Homeric vocabulary, which appears to have been employed in the papyrus,

31 For the text and interpretation of the Persae, see Janssen (1989); Hordern (2002). On the preservation of this papyrus, Janssen (1989) 9-13; Hordern (2002) 62-73; Roemer (2007) 88-89. 32 On the letter-forms in the Daphne papyrus, see Pöhlmann / West (2012) 6-7 and West (2013) 80; for those in the Derveni roll as compared to the Timotheus papyrus, Kapsomenos (1964) 7-9; Turner in Kapsomenos (1964) 15; Turner / Parsons (19872) 92. 33 See Marrou (1956) 41-43; Beck (1964) 117-122; Robb (1994) 183-192; Morgan (1998) esp. 47-50, 53-54; Ford (2003) 24-27; Carr (2005) ch. 5. 34 Cf. West (2013) 75; Lygouri-Tolia (2014) 19-21. 35 See Immerwahr (1964) 18-20; Booth (1985) 275-280; Pöhlmann (2009) 43-46. For further iconographic evidence, Immerwahr (1964) 18-26, 37-43; Beck (1975) esp. 14-22 and pl. 9-15; Pöhlmann (2009) 39-48. 98

The earliest known Greek papyrus derives from a poetic composition adopting epic style or comprising Homeric quotations. The latter practice was at times applied by poets up until that period; for instance, Simonides (fr. 19.1-2 W.) stresses the authority of Il. 6.146, but also brings forward his own position towards a piece of traditional wisdom.36 This kind of reception could bear cultural significance, being a yardstick for the evaluation of the author’s education and ideology. In conclusion, the importance of the Daphne roll emerges from its prominence as the earliest known Greek papyrus, in conjunction with its probable poetic character and notable circumstances of preservation. Moreover, the papyrus alongside its companion writing implements and musical instruments could offer further evidence for the intrinsic relation between poetry and music in the third quarter of the fifth century BCE, thereby forming indicators of the Athenian educational and cultural milieu.

Bibliography Alexopoulou, A.Α. / Kaminari, A.A. (2013), “Multispectral Imaging Documentation of the Findings of Tomb I and II at Daphne”, Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1, 25-60. Alexopoulou, A.A. / Kaminari, A.A. / Panagopoulos, A. / Pöhlmann, E. (2013), “Multispectral Documentation and Image Processing Analysis of the Papyrus of Tomb II at Daphne, Greece”, Journal of Archaeological Science 40, 1242-1249. Alexopoulou, A.A. (2014), “Techniques applied for Imaging Documentation”, in Alexopoulou, A.A. / Karamanou, I. “The Papyrus from the ‘Musician’s Tomb’ in Daphne: ΜΠ 7449, 8517-8523 (Archaeological Museum of Piraeus)”, Greek and Roman Musical Studies 2, 24-37. Beck, F.A.G. (1964), Greek Education: 450-350 BC (London). Beck, F.A.G. (1975), Album of Greek Education (Sydney). Betegh, G. (2004), The Derveni Papyrus: Cosmology, Theology and Interpretation (Cambridge). Bernabé, A. (2007), “The Derveni Theogony: Many Questions and Some Answers”, HSPh 103, 99-133. Booth, A.D. (1985), “Douris Cup and the Stages of Schooling in Classical Athens”, EMC 19, 275-280. Borchardt, L. (1902), “Ausgrabungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft bei Abusir im Winter 1901/2”, Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 14, 1-59. Bowie, E. (1997), “The Theognidea: A Step towards a Collection of Fragments?” in Most, G. (ed.), Collecting Fragments (Göttingen) 53-66. Calame, C. (1997), “Figures of Sexuality and Initiatory Transition in the Derveni Theogony and its Commentary” in Laks / Most (eds.), 65-80. Carr, D.M. (2005), Writing on the Tablet of the Heart: Origins of Scripture and Literature (Oxford). Cockle, W.E.H. (1983), “Restoring and Conserving Papyri”, BICS 30, 147-165. Fackelmann, A. (1970), “The Restoration of the Herculaneum Papyri and Other Recent Finds”, BICS 17, 144- 147. Ford, A. (2003), “From Letters to Literature: Reading the ‘Song Culture’ of Classical Greece”, in Yunis, H. (ed.), Written Texts and the Rise of Literate Culture in Ancient Greece (Cambridge) 15-37. Goldhill, S. (2002), The Invention of Prose (Cambridge). Graf, F. (2014), “Derveni and Ritual” in Papadopoulou, I. / Muellner, L. (eds.), Poetry as Initiation, CHS Symposium on the Derveni Papyrus (Cambridge Mass.-London) 67-88. Hordern, J.H. (2002), The Fragments of Timotheus of Miletus (Oxford). Immerwahr, H.R. (1964), Book Rolls on Attic Vases (Rome). Immerwahr, H.R. (1973), “More Book Rolls on Attic Vases”, AK 16, 143-147. Janko, R. (2001), “The Derveni Papyrus (Diagoras of Melos, Apopyrgizontes Logoi?): A New Translation”, CPh 96, 1-32. Janko, R. (2016), “Parmenides in the Derveni Papyrus: New Images for a New Edition”, ZPE 200, 3-23. Janssen, T.H. (1989), Timotheus. Persae: A Commentary (Amsterdam). Kapsomenos, S.G. (1964), “The Orphic Papyrus Roll of Thessalonica”, BASP 2, 3-22. Karamanou, I. (2014), “Towards an Edition of the Legible Fragments of the Earliest Greek Papyrus (ΜΠ 8517, frr. 1-4, ΜΠ 8520, frr. 2, 9-11, ΜΠ 8521, fr. 1)”, in Alexopoulou, A.A. / Karamanou, I. “The Papyrus from the ‘Musician’s Tomb’ in Daphne: ΜΠ 7449, 8517-8523 (Archaeological Museum of Piraeus)”, Greek and Roman Musical Studies 2, 38-49.

36 See further Bowie (1997) 58-61. 99

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Karamanou, I. (2016), “The Papyrus from the ‘Musician’s Tomb’ in Daphne: Contextualizing the Evidence”, GRMS 4, 51-70. Kotwick, M.E. (2017), Der Papyrus von Derveni (Berlin-Boston). Kouremenos, Th. / Parássoglou, G.M. / Tsantsanoglou, K. (2006), The Derveni Papyrus (Firenze). Laks, A. (1997), “Between Religion and Philosophy: The Function of Allegory in the Derveni Papyrus”, Phronesis 42, 121-142. Laks, A. / Most, G. (eds.) (1997), Studies on the Derveni Papyrus (Oxford). Laywine, A. (2014), “Review of GRMS 1”, Aestimatio 11, 145-167. Liangouras, A. (1981), “Daphne, Odos Olgas 53”, AD 36, 47. Lygouri-Tolia, E. (2014), “Two Burials of 430 BC in Daphne, Athens: Their Topography and the Profession of the So-Called ‘Poet’ in Tomb 2”, Greek and Roman Musical Studies 2, 3-22. Marrou, H.I. (1956), A History of Education in Antiquity, tr. G. Lamb (Madison). Modiano, M. (1981), “Greek Artist’s Grave yields Rare Papyrus”, The Times 25/5/1981. Morgan, T.J. (1998), Literate Education in the Hellenistic and Roman Worlds (Cambridge). Most, G.W. (1997), “The Fire Next Time: Cosmology, Allegories, and Salvation in the Derveni Papyrus”, JHS 117, 117-135. Najock, D. (2015), “Restringing the Daphne Harp”, Greek and Roman Musical Studies 3, 3-17. Obbink, D. (1997), “Cosmology as Initiation vs. the Critique of Orphic Mysteries” in Laks / Most (eds.), 39-54. Obbink, D. (2003), “Allegory and Exegesis in the Derveni Papyrus: The Origin of Greek Scholarship” in Boys- Stones, G.R. (ed.), Metaphor, Allegory and the Classical Tradition (Oxford) 177-188. Piano, V. (2016), Il Papiro di Derveni tra religione e filosofia (Firenze). Pöhlmann, E. (2009), Gegenwärtige Vergangenheit (Berlin). Pöhlmann, E. / West, M.L. (2012), “The Oldest Greek Papyrus and Writing Tablets: Fifth-century Documents from the ‘Tomb of the Musician’ in Attica”, ZPE 180, 1-16. Pöhlmann, E. (2013), “Excavation, Dating and Content of Two Tombs in Daphne, Odos Olgas 53, Athens”, Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1, 7-23. Psaroudakēs, S. (2013), “The Daphnē Aulos”, Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1, 93-121. Robb, K. (1994), Literacy and Paideia in Ancient Greece (Oxford). Roemer, C. (2007), “The Papyrus Roll in Egypt, Greece and Rome” in Eliot, S. / Rose, J. (eds.), A Companion to the History of the Book (Oxford-Malden) 84-94. Simon, E. / Wehgartner, I. (2013), “The White Lekythoi and the Dating of Tomb 1”, Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1, 61-71. Terzēs, Ch. (2013), “The Daphnē Harp”, Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1, 123-149. Threatte, L. (1980), The Grammar of Attic Inscriptions, vol. I (Berlin-New York). Tsantsanoglou, K. (1997), “The First Columns of the Derveni Papyrus and their Religious Significance”, in Laks / Most (eds.), 93-128. Turner, E.G. / Parsons, P.J. (19872), Greek Manuscripts of the Ancient World (London). Von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, U. (1903), Timotheos: Die Perser (Leipzig). West, M.L. (2013), “The Writing Tablets and Papyrus from Tomb II in Daphni”, Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1, 73-92.

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Tables37

Fig. 1. The state of the papyrus before restoration (photograph in Pöhlmann 2013, 16, pl. I 2)

Fig. 2. ΜΠ 8523 (Frame 8) infrared (photograph by A. Alexopoulou; see Alexopoulou / Kaminari 2013, 44, pl. II 8b)

37 All photographs are published by permission of the Archaeological Museum of Piraeus. 101

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Fig. 3. ΜΠ 8520 (Frame 5) infrared (photograph by A. Alexopoulou; see Alexopoulou in Alexopoulou / Karamanou 2014, 31, fig. 9)

Fig. 4. ΜΠ 8517 (Frame 2) high resolution photomacrography; enlarged detail (photograph by A. Alexopoulou; see Alexopoulou in Alexopoulou / Karamanou 2014, 36, fig. 16)

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Fig. 5. Tablet A2, infrared (photograph by A. Alexopoulou; see Alexopoulou / Kaminari 2013, 48, pl. II 12a)

Fig. 6. ΜΠ 8517 (Frame 2) high resolution photomacrography; enlarged detail (photograph by A. Alexopoulou; see Alexopoulou in Alexopoulou / Karamanou 2014, 37, fig. 17)

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Fig. 7. ΜΠ 8521 (Frame 6) high resolution photomacrography; enlarged detail (photograph by A. Alexopoulou; see Alexopoulou in Alexopoulou / Karamanou 2014, 37, fig. 18)

Fig. 8. The letter-forms on the papyrus drawn by West (2013) 80.

Fig. 9. The letter-forms on the tablets drawn by West (2013) 76.

104