DOCSLIB.ORG

A Decade After a Bloody Revolution That Led to the Death of Dictator Muammar Gaddafi and Chaos in Its Wake, Libyans Appear Ready to Turn a New Page

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
A Decade After a Bloody Revolution That Led to the Death of Dictator Muammar Gaddafi and Chaos in Its Wake, Libyans Appear Ready to Turn a New Page A decade after a bloody revolution that led to the death of dictator Muammar Gaddafi and chaos in its wake, Libyans appear ready to turn a new page. A new Government of National Unity has been formed, and elections are planned for the year’s end. Even Khalifa Haftar, a militia leader strongman, appears willing to play along for now. What does this mean for the United States, whose recent history in Libya includes helping overthrow Gadhafi but also having an ambassador be killed? Your host talked to a senior Biden administration official for some insights. The official requested anonymity given the sensitive nature of the issue. Q) What do Americans need to know now about what’s going on in Libya? A) Libya has a chance to achieve a more stable and prosperous future right now. And what is inspiring is to see so many Libyans make such a sincere effort in incredibly difficult circumstances to recover their sovereignty and move their country forward. That’s the case in the plan to hold a national election at the end of this year on Dec. 24, to agree on a ceasefire, call for all of these foreign forces and mercenaries to leave, and to give Libya a chance to write the next chapter. Q) Often times these things fall apart. You have militias, strongmen, other countries and mercenary groups and I could go on forever. Why should we have more hope this time than in the past? A) I certainly agree that there are a lot of risks that the Libyans need to manage and we need to help them where we can to do so… Where I think this is different is the intensity and the universality of the Libyan commitment to achieve a more stable and prosperous future. The violence of recent years, the manipulation by foreign actors, the civil conflict, the pernicious influence of armed groups and militias that you described, the perception that Libya’s considerable wealth is not always distributed fairly or transparently – all of these factors have led to a moment where a critical mass of Libyans have said enough, enough of that path that the country has been on. And in a really dramatic way they are reasserting their sovereignty … It’s worth a shot, frankly, and worth investing in however we can to try and see it through. Q) How confident are you that Haftar is a going to cooperate, because he’s been a bit of a wild card in the past? A) Gen. Haftar’s position or that of anybody’s, frankly, is a question that the Libyan people need to decide through the December election, through the electoral process. That’s why our focus is making sure that these elections come together, that they are credible and fair and well-secured and the technical requirements are met, that the political imperative is answered, so that Libyans can find their voice … Q) How confident are you that other countries are going to allow for this stability to take hold? What sort of pressure is the U.S. pursuing? A) With respect to the foreign actors, this administration is upping its game diplomatically. We are doing that to talk to a range of foreign partners about how important it is to support these December elections, and how important it is to respect the Libyan ceasefire agreement which calls for the withdrawal of all foreign forces and all foreign mercenaries. That’s absolutely a conversation that we are having with great energy with our foreign partners so that we can try to work together to respect that Libyan vision. Q) Are we going to be spending money to help Libya? What is our role in terms of helping Libya get through this transition process? A) The Congress has made certain allocations for particular programs, including technical support for elections, efforts to improve good governance and promote better public financial management. … The bigger story here is Libya is fundamentally a country with a tremendous amount of resources. Its challenge is being able to sustain and stabilize its energy output to effectively manage the economy so that those considerable resources are used to the benefit of the Libyan people. There have been some encouraging steps in that direction. For example, the progress in recent months toward the unification of the Central Bank of Libya … But again, there is a long road ahead in order to really promote the transparent management of revenues and ensure that all Libyans see it that way, that they believe they are benefiting. Q) I’m hearing Libyan officials really would love to see the U.S. reopen its embassy there as soon as possible in Tripoli. What are the odds we’re going to be able to do that anytime soon? A) Our intent is to do prudent planning to resume more regular diplomatic activities inside Libya … As security and resource considerations allow, we’re going to do the smart planning that’s necessary to see that we’re able to do more of our diplomacy inside Libya. In terms of reopening an embassy, it’s premature. I can’t speak to that in detail at this time. .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Crisis in Libya
    APRIL 2011 ISSUE BRIEF # 28 THE CRISIS IN LIBYA Ajish P Joy Introduction Libya, in the throes of a civil war, now represents the ugly facet of the much-hyped Arab Spring. The country, located in North Africa, shares its borders with the two leading Arab-Spring states, Egypt and Tunisia, along with Sudan, Tunisia, Chad, Niger and Algeria. It is also not too far from Europe. Italy lies to its north just across the Mediterranean. With an area of 1.8 million sq km, Libya is the fourth largest country in Africa, yet its population is only about 6.4 million, one of the lowest in the continent. Libya has nearly 42 billion barrels of oil in proven reserves, the ninth largest in the world. With a reasonably good per capita income of $14000, Libya also has the highest HDI (Human Development Index) in the African continent. However, Libya’s unemployment rate is high at 30 percent, taking some sheen off its economic credentials. Libya, a Roman colony for several centuries, was conquered by the Arab forces in AD 647 during the Caliphate of Utman bin Affan. Following this, Libya was ruled by the Abbasids and the Shite Fatimids till the Ottoman Empire asserted its control in 1551. Ottoman rule lasted for nearly four centuries ending with the Ottoman defeat in the Italian-Ottoman war. Consequently, Italy assumed control of Libya under the Treaty of 1 Lausanne (1912). The Italians ruled till their defeat in the Second World War. The Libyan constitution was enacted in 1949 and two years later under Mohammed Idris (who declared himself as Libya’s first King), Libya became an independent state.
    [Show full text]
  • General License No. 8A
    DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY WASHINGTON, D.C. 20220 Office of Foreign Assets Control Libyan Sanctions Regulations 31 C.F.R. Part 570 Executive Order 13566 of February 25, 2011 Blocking Property and Prohibiting Certain Transactions Related to Libya GENERAL LICENSE NO. SA General License with Respect to the Government of Libya, its Agencies, Instrumentalities, and Controlled Entities, and the Central Bank of Libya (a) General License No.8, dated Septernber 19,2011, is replaced and superseded in its entirety by this General License No. 8A. (b) Effective September 19,2011, all transactions involving the Government ofLibya, its agencies, instrumentalities, and controlled entities, and the Central Bank of Libya are authorized, subject to the following limitations: (1) All funds, including cash, securities, bank accounts, and investment accounts, and precious metals blocked pursuant to Executive Order 13566 of February 25, 2011, or the Libyan Sanctions Regulations, 31 C.F .R. part 570, as of September 19, 2011, remain blocked, except as provided in General License No.7A; and (2) The transactions do not involve any persons listed on the Annex to this general license. (c) Effective September 19,2011, the authorization in paragraph (b) ofthis general license supersedes General License No. 1B. Note to General License No. SA: Subject to the limitations set forth in subparagraphs (1) and (2), paragraph (b) ofthis general license authorizes any transaction involving contracts that have been blocked pursuant to Executive Order 13566 because ofan interest by the Government of Libya. Director Office of Foreign Assets Control Annex to General License No. 8A 1. AL BAGHDADI, Ali AI-Mahmoudi (a.k.a.
    [Show full text]
  • Libya: the ICC and Saif Al-Islam Gaddafi Questions and Answers
    Libya: The ICC and Saif al-Islam Gaddafi Questions and Answers January 2012 The International Criminal Court (ICC) judges granted arrest warrants on June 27, 2011, for Muammar Gaddafi, his son Saif al-Islam, and former intelligence chief Abdullah Sanussi in an investigation authorized by United Nations Security Council Resolution 1970. The three were wanted on charges of crimes against humanity for their roles in attacks on civilians, including peaceful demonstrators, in Tripoli, Benghazi, Misrata, and other locations in Libya. Consistent with Resolution 1970, the ICC warrants apply only to events in Libya beginning on February 15, 2011. While the ICC's proceeding against Muammar Gaddafi was terminated following his death on October 20, anti-Gaddafi forces apprehended Saif al-Islam Gaddafi on November 19 in southern Libya and are holding him in the town of Zintan. While initial reports suggested that a militia also had captured Sanussi, his whereabouts remain unknown. Libya’s general prosecutor told Human Rights Watch on December 10: “Officially we don’t have him.” Following Saif al-Islam Gaddafi's apprehension in November, some representatives of Libya's transitional government and National Transitional Council (NTC) declared that he would be tried in Libya. The chairman of the NTC, the justice minister, and the general prosecutor subsequently reiterated this stance to Human Rights Watch. In December the ICC judges requested further information from the Libyan authorities regarding Saif al-Islam Gaddafi’s status, including whether and when Libya intends to surrender him to the court. Libya was supposed to provide that information by January 10, 2012, but it requested a three-week extension due to the security situation in Libya.
    [Show full text]
  • Libya Conflict Insight | Feb 2018 | Vol
    ABOUT THE REPORT The purpose of this report is to provide analysis and Libya Conflict recommendations to assist the African Union (AU), Regional Economic Communities (RECs), Member States and Development Partners in decision making and in the implementation of peace and security- related instruments. Insight CONTRIBUTORS Dr. Mesfin Gebremichael (Editor in Chief) Mr. Alagaw Ababu Kifle Ms. Alem Kidane Mr. Hervé Wendyam Ms. Mahlet Fitiwi Ms. Zaharau S. Shariff Situation analysis EDITING, DESIGN & LAYOUT Libya achieved independence from United Nations (UN) trusteeship in 1951 Michelle Mendi Muita (Editor) as an amalgamation of three former Ottoman provinces, Tripolitania, Mikias Yitbarek (Design & Layout) Cyrenaica and Fezzan under the rule of King Mohammed Idris. In 1969, King Idris was deposed in a coup staged by Colonel Muammar Gaddafi. He promptly abolished the monarchy, revoked the constitution, and © 2018 Institute for Peace and Security Studies, established the Libya Arab Republic. By 1977, the Republic was transformed Addis Ababa University. All rights reserved. into the leftist-leaning Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. In the 1970s and 1980s, Libya pursued a “deviant foreign policy”, epitomized February 2018 | Vol. 1 by its radical belligerence towards the West and its endorsement of anti- imperialism. In the late 1990s, Libya began to re-normalize its relations with the West, a development that gradually led to its rehabilitation from the CONTENTS status of a pariah, or a “rogue state.” As part of its rapprochement with the Situation analysis 1 West, Libya abandoned its nuclear weapons programme in 2003, resulting Causes of the conflict 2 in the lifting of UN sanctions.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond Gaddafi: Libya's Governance Context
    The Governance Network™ Beyond Gaddafi: Libya’s Governance Context Executive Summary August 2011 Over 6.4 million Libyans are living out a historic transition: emerging from 42 years of harsh authoritarianism towards a democratic state wherein the people are the source of authority. There is urgent need for the international community to understand the Governance assessment team interviewing NTC head country’s immediate governance issues in order to effectively support the people of Mustafa Abdul Jalil, July 18, 2011. Sanjay Gurung/Mercy Corps Libya. Since the uprising began February 17, 2011 ongoing fighting between forces loyal ABOUT THIS STUDY to Colonel Muammar Gaddafi and opposition forces connected with the National In July 2011 Mercy Corps and The Transitional Council (NTC) has created a chaotic governance context. NTC leadership Governance Network™ (TGN) teamed up to is focused first and foremost on resolving the military conflict, then on holding the carry out an assessment of the immediate opposition actors together and guiding the nation towards a transition that has been governance issues facing Libya. Combining indefinitely delayed; civil society is striving for a system that ensures trust and prevents Mercy Corps’ world-wide experience in a backslide towards old patterns. civil society capacity building and local governance with TGN’s expertise with The widely held notion that appointing “honest people” will address the corruption governments in transition and public sector rampant under Gaddafi and bring about profound change falls short of an effective development, the assessment aimed to strategy for improving governance. As Dr. Lamia Bousedra of the NTC’s Executive identify areas where international assistance Office of Cultural and Civil Society remarked,“Goodwill is running the country would be of use in Libya and to examine now, but soon we have to build real institutions with real participation by the greatest potential barriers to success of internationally supported interventions.
    [Show full text]
  • DEATH of a DICTATOR Bloody Vengeance in Sirte WATCH
    HUMAN RIGHTS DEATH OF A DICTATOR Bloody Vengeance in Sirte WATCH Death of a Dictator Bloody Vengeance in Sirte Copyright © 2012 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-952-6 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch is dedicated to protecting the human rights of people around the world. We stand with victims and activists to prevent discrimination, to uphold political freedom, to protect people from inhumane conduct in wartime, and to bring offenders to justice. We investigate and expose human rights violations and hold abusers accountable. We challenge governments and those who hold power to end abusive practices and respect international human rights law. We enlist the public and the international community to support the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org OCTOBER 2012 ISBN: 1-56432-952-6 Death of a Dictator Bloody Vengeance in Sirte Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Recommendations .............................................................................................................14 I. Background ..................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Crisis in Libya
    Crisis in Libya More ICRtoP Resources on Libya... Security Council Resolutions on  Libya Referencing RtoP ICRtoP Blog:  Responsibility While Protecting: The Impact of a New Initiative on RtoP ICRtoP Blog: Debating the Responsibility to Protect in Libya, Syria ICRtoP Blog: Al-Senussi Arrest: Concerns About Justice System in Libya ICRtoP Blog: Three Years On, Libya Still Providing Lessons for RtoP Implementation The Crisis in Libya (For details on the Libyan Crisis post-Gaddafi, click here .) I. Background to the humanitarian crisis II. Initial response to the crisis in Libya a. Civil Society - Crisis warranted urgent response b. Regional response - early but disparate calls c. Government response d. UN: Special Advisers, Human Rights Commission, General Assembly and Security Council e. The International Criminal Court III. Violence escalates to civil war as NATO enforces no-fly zone a. NATO supports rebels, receives criticism b. Civilians at risk from mass atrocity crimes c. Call for NTC to be held accountable IV. Lessons learned and looking forward a. Military operation spurs debate b. Separating RtoP principles from implementation c. Continuing to uphold RtoP in Libya d. The International Commission of Inquiry I. Background to the humanitarian crisis The crisis in Libya seized the attention of the international community and has been labeled a clear case for when timely and decisive response to uphold RtoP in the face of an imminent threat of mass atrocities should occur. In February 2011, civilians began to undertak e political protests demanding an end to Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi’s 41-year reign, wherein protestors found themselves the target of mass atrocities at the hands of government armed forces.
    [Show full text]
  • To Engage Or Not Engage? Libyan Salafis and State Institutions Virginie Collombier and Fiona Barsoum
    To engage or not engage? Libyan Salafis and state institutions Virginie Collombier and Fiona Barsoum HYRES Research Note Publisher: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs Copyright: © Norwegian Institute of International Affairs 2019 Any views expressed in this publication are those of the author. They should not be interpreted as reflecting the views of the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs. The text may not be printed in part or in full without the permission of the author. Visiting address: C.J. Hambros plass 2d Address: PB 7024 St. Olavs Plass 0130 OSLO, NORWAY Internet: www.nupi.no E-mail: [email protected] Fax: [+ 47] 22 99 40 50 Tel: [+ 47] 22 99 40 00 2 To engage or not engage? Libyan Salafis and state institutions To engage or not engage? Libyan Salafis and state institutions Virginie Collombier and Fiona Barsoum Published by the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs Virginie Collombier and Fiona Barsoum 3 Contents HYRES – Hybrid Pathways to Resistance in the Islamic World .............. 4 Introduction .......................................................................................... 5 2011 – old constraints, new opportunities ............................................ 5 2011-2013 political participation versus moral order ........................... 7 2013-2015 – different modalities of violence, fitna versus order .......... 9 2016-2019 - not so “apolitical” Salafis................................................ 12 What future for Libya’s quietist Salafis? .............................................
    [Show full text]
  • Origins of the Libyan Conflict and Options for Its Resolution
    ORIGINS OF THE LIBYAN CONFLICT AND OPTIONS FOR ITS RESOLUTION JONATHAN M. WINER MAY 2019 POLICY PAPER 2019-12 CONTENTS * 1 INTRODUCTION * 4 HISTORICAL FACTORS * 7 PRIMARY DOMESTIC ACTORS * 10 PRIMARY FOREIGN ACTORS * 11 UNDERLYING CONDITIONS FUELING CONFLICT * 12 PRECIPITATING EVENTS LEADING TO OPEN CONFLICT * 12 MITIGATING FACTORS * 14 THE SKHIRAT PROCESS LEADING TO THE LPA * 15 POST-SKHIRAT BALANCE OF POWER * 18 MOVING BEYOND SKHIRAT: POLITICAL AGREEMENT OR STALLING FOR TIME? * 20 THE CURRENT CONFLICT * 22 PATHWAYS TO END CONFLICT SUMMARY After 42 years during which Muammar Gaddafi controlled all power in Libya, since the 2011 uprising, Libyans, fragmented by geography, tribe, ideology, and history, have resisted having anyone, foreigner or Libyan, telling them what to do. In the process, they have frustrated the efforts of outsiders to help them rebuild institutions at the national level, preferring instead to maintain control locally when they have it, often supported by foreign backers. Despite General Khalifa Hifter’s ongoing attempt in 2019 to conquer Tripoli by military force, Libya’s best chance for progress remains a unified international approach built on near complete alignment among international actors, supporting Libyans convening as a whole to address political, security, and economic issues at the same time. While the tracks can be separate, progress is required on all three for any of them to work in the long run. But first the country will need to find a way to pull back from the confrontation created by General Hifter. © The Middle East Institute The Middle East Institute 1319 18th Street NW Washington, D.C.
    [Show full text]
  • The Influence of Social Media in Egypt During the Arab Spring
    SIT Graduate Institute/SIT Study Abroad SIT Digital Collections Capstone Collection SIT Graduate Institute Winter 12-13-2016 The nflueI nce of Social Media in Egypt during The Arab Spring Nicole Reed SIT Graduate Institute Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/capstones Part of the Civic and Community Engagement Commons, International Relations Commons, Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons, and the Politics and Social Change Commons Recommended Citation Reed, Nicole, "The nflueI nce of Social Media in Egypt during The Arab Spring" (2016). Capstone Collection. 2944. https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/capstones/2944 This Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by the SIT Graduate Institute at SIT Digital Collections. It has been accepted for inclusion in Capstone Collection by an authorized administrator of SIT Digital Collections. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE INFLUENCE OF SOCIAL MEDIA IN EGYPT DURING THE ARAB SPRING Nicole Reed PIM 72 Advisor: Karen Blanchard A capstone paper submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Master of Arts in Service, Leadership, and Management at SIT Graduate Institute in Brattleboro, Vermont, USA December 2016 !1 I hereby grant permission for World Learning to publish my capstone on its websites and in any of its digital/electronic collections, and to reproduce and transmit my CAPSTONE ELECTRONICALLY. I understand that World Learning’s websites and digital collections are publicly available via the Internet. I agree that World Learning is NOT responsible for any unauthorized use of my capstone by any third party who might access it on the Internet or otherwise.
    [Show full text]
  • Egypt's Second January Uprising: Causes and Consequences of a Would-Be Revolution
    The New Era of the Arab World Egypt’s Second January Uprising: Causes and Consequences of a Would-be Revolution andrea teti tion of ordinary people over the past decade or the Lecturer increased civil society and trade union activism since Keys Department of Politics and International Relations 2006 that were the result of this marginalisation. On University of Aberdeen 25 January, and even more significantly on Friday the 28th, Egyptians’ frustration and desire for change Gennaro Gervasio outweighed the fear the regime had ended up rely- Lecturer Department of Modern History, Politics and ing on, and a combination of popular pressure and 2011 International Relations regime factionalism resulted in Mubarak’s ouster. Macquarie University, Sydney The Egyptian revolution’s potential regional impact Med. should not be underestimated, as subsequent re- volts in Libya, Yemen, Bahrain, and latterly Syria During the first months of 2011, the Egyptian politi- show – not to mention significant protests in Mo- cal system was shaken by a veritable political earth- rocco, Algeria, Jordan, Saudi Arabia and the Pales- quake, as the almost 30-year rule of President Hosni tinian Occupied Territories. Protesters in Tunisia and 30 Mubarak was brought to an end by a popular upris- Egypt are now struggling to consolidate their gains. ing. Despite uncertainties regarding the country’s Others hope to emulate their success. While it is far future – whether a fully democratic system will be from clear what enduring changes these uprisings implemented or whether the army will retain a “spe- herald, some important lessons on the roots and sig- cial” role within the polity – it is impossible to over- nificance of Egypt’s revolution can already be drawn.
    [Show full text]
  • All Work and No Pay: How Labor Force Demographics Explain Regional Variation in the Arab Spring Uprisings
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons CUREJ - College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal College of Arts and Sciences 5-7-2015 All Work and No Pay: How Labor Force Demographics Explain Regional Variation in the Arab Spring Uprisings Elana M. Stern University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/curej Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Stern, Elana M., "All Work and No Pay: How Labor Force Demographics Explain Regional Variation in the Arab Spring Uprisings" 07 May 2015. CUREJ: College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal, University of Pennsylvania, https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/192. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/192 For more information, please contact [email protected]. All Work and No Pay: How Labor Force Demographics Explain Regional Variation in the Arab Spring Uprisings Abstract Despite scholarly and popular hopes and predictions that the 2011 Arab Spring would mean the end of authoritarianism and the onset of democracy across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, anti-regime uprisings only occurred in a small subset of MENA nations. This thesis aims to address the puzzle of the Arab Spring’s partial contagion; the main interest of this work is to explore why the six Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries in particular escaped the Arab Spring virtually unscathed. The hypothesis offered here argues that the regional variation in the Arab Spring uprisings can be explained by labor force demographics in the GCC. Dominated by non-Arab, Asian migrant laborers, GCC workforces depend on the exploitative kafala sponsorship system that ties migrant workers to Gulf employers in a mode of quasi-indentured servitude.
    [Show full text]