Sudan Assessment
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Sudan: Freedom in the World 2020
4/8/2020 Sudan | Freedom House FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 Sudan 12 NOT FREE /100 Political Rights 2 /40 Civil Liberties 10 /60 LAST YEAR'S SCORE & STATUS 7 /100 Not Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. https://freedomhouse.org/country/sudan/freedom-world/2020 1/24 4/8/2020 Sudan | Freedom House Overview The military leaders and civilian protesters who ousted the repressive regime of Omar al-Bashir and his National Congress Party (NCP) in 2019 are uneasy partners in a transitional government that—if successful—will be replaced by an elected government in 2022. Civic space is slowly opening to individuals and opposition parties, but security personnel associated with the abuses of old regime remain influential, and their commitment to political freedoms and civil liberties is unclear. Key Developments in 2019 President Omar al-Bashir, who came to power in a coup d’état in 1989, was overthrown by the military in April, after a protest movement beginning in December 2018 placed growing pressure on the government. The military initially attempted to rule without the input of civilian protesters, who originally demonstrated against rising commodity prices and pervasive economic hardship before calling for al-Bashir’s resignation as the year opened. Security forces killed 127 protesters in the capital of Khartoum in June, sparking a backlash that forced the short-lived junta to include civilian leaders in a new transitional government as part of a power-sharing agreement reached in August. Al-Bashir was arrested by the military junta and charged with corruption by the succeeding transitional government in August. -
Excessive and Deadly the Use of Force, Arbitrary Detention and Torture Against
EXCESSIVE AND DEADLY THE USE OF FORCE, ARBITRARY DETENTION AND TORTURE AGAINST PROTESTERS IN SUDAN Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 3 million supporters, members and activists in more than 150 countries and territories who campaign to end grave abuses of human rights. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. ACJPS works to monitor and promote respect for human rights and legal reform in Sudan. ACJPS has a vision of a Sudan where all people can live and prosper free from fear and in a state committed to justice, equality and peace. ACJPS has offices in the US, UK, and Uganda. First published in 2014 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW United Kingdom ©Amnesty International 2014 Index: AFR 54/020/2014 English Original language: English Printed by Amnesty International, International Secretariat, United Kingdom All rights reserved. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. The copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. For copying in any other circumstances, or for reuse in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission -
Introduction
Notes INTRODUCTION 1. The distinction between cultivators and nomads is not in fact clearcut. Many people straddle the dividing line between the two occupations. This obviously complicates a description of the socio-economic structure, in so far as the dividing line between social groups based on these different occupations itself becomes blurred. 2. The distinction between the modern and traditional sectors ofthe Sudan ese economy is, with respect to agriculture, embodied in law. The use of tractors and other modern machines is forbidden outside of areas desig nated for the purpose by the government. The object of this much broken regulation is to conserve the environment. 3. All land in Sudan which is not registered as private property legally belongs to the state. This has been true ever since the Land Ordinance of 1905. The state, however, recognises customary rights of use to the land, and the communities which enjoy these rights naturally consider them selves the real owners of the land. See Saeed Mohamed Ahmed El Mahdi, A Guide to Land Settlement and Registration (Khartoum Univer sity Press, 1971) Ch. 2. CHAPTER 1 1. The account given here of economic developments in the Sudan between the 16th and 18th centuries relies heavily on the able historical work of R. S. O'Fahey and J. L. Spaulding. Their principal writings on this period are: R. S. O'Fahey and J. L. Spaulding, Kingdoms of the Sudan (Methuen, London, 1974); J. L. Spaulding, 'Kings of Sun and Shadow: A History of the 'Abdullab Provinces of the Northern Sinnar Sultanate, 1500-1800', unpublished PhD thesis, Columbia University, 1971; R. -
Sudan Brief December 2019
NUMBER 63 SUDAN BRIEF DECEMBER 2019 Sudan’s popular uprising and the demise of Islamism1 In December 2018, a peaceful popular uprising erupted in Sudan which led to the downfall of Omar al-Bashir in April 2019. The thirty-year authoritarian rule by the Islamist National Congress Party (NCP) thereby came to an end. Last month, a new law AUTHOR officially dissolved the NCP which was a key demand of the Munzoul A. M. Assal University of Khartoum popular protest moment. SUDAN BRIEF 2019:03 This Sudan Brief is concerned with the fractionalization of Islamism during Bashir’s rule (1989-2019). It does not focus on the details of Bashir’s brutal rule, rather, it is about the emerging disunity from within which eventually led to the removal of Bashir from power. I analyze factors that led to the Islamists adopting a more pragmatic stand, especially after the main ideologue of the Islamist movement was kicked out into the cold in 1999. The Brief argues that although the Islamists have successfully created a parallel or deep state the last three decades, the political shift of power away from the Islamists which the 2018 popular uprising represent, makes the political future of Islamism bleak. Loss of social sympathy The recent protests were fore fronted by young coming third in the elections and forming part of women and men who were born and raised during the coalition government of Sadiq el-Mahdi. While Islamist authoritarianism. This was in and of the NIF used the transitional period to reinforce itself seen as a crushing defeat of the Islamists’ its position, the multiparty democracy provided ideological project and thus represent a bleak future them with yet another chance to build and further for political Islam in Sudan. -
SUDAN Republic of the Sudan (Jumhuriyat As-Sudan)
SUDAN Republic of the Sudan (Jumhuriyat as-Sudan) Flag Description: three equal horizontal bands of red (top), white, and black with a green isosceles triangle based on the hoist side. Background: Military regimes favoring Islamic-oriented governments have dominated national politics since in- dependence from the UK in 1956. Sudan was embroiled in two prolonged civil wars during most of the remainder of the 20th century. These conflicts were rooted in north- ern economic, political, and social domination of largely non-Muslim, non-Arab southern Sudanese. The first civil war ended in 1972 but broke out again in 1983. The sec- ond war and famine-related effects resulted in more than 4 million people displaced and, according to rebel esti- mates, more than 2 million deaths. The final North/South Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), signed in Janu- ary 2005, granted the southern rebels autonomy for six years. After which, a referendum is scheduled to be held. A separate conflict, broke out in the western region of Darfur in 2003 with an estimated 200,000 to 400,000 deaths. As of late 2006, peacekeeping troops were strug- gling to stabilize the situation, which has brought insta- bility to eastern Chad, and Sudanese incursions into the Central African Republic. Geography: Location, Northern Africa, bordering the Red Sea, between Egypt and Eritrea. Area: 2,505,810 sq km., slightly more than one-quarter the size of the US. Land boundaries: total: 7,687 km. Border countries: Central African Republic 1,165 km, Chad 1,360 km, Democratic Republic of the Congo 628 km, Egypt 1,273 km, Eritrea 605 km, Ethiopia 1,606 km, Kenya 232 km, Libya 383 km, Uganda 435 km. -
Sudan, Country Information
Sudan, Country Information SUDAN ASSESSMENT April 2003 Country Information and Policy Unit I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT II GEOGRAPHY III HISTORY IV STATE STRUCTURES V HUMAN RIGHTS HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES HUMAN RIGHTS - SPECIFIC GROUPS ANNEX A - CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B - LIST OF MAIN POLITICAL PARTIES ANNEX C - GLOSSARY ANNEX D - THE POPULAR DEFENCE FORCES ACT 1989 ANNEX E - THE NATIONAL SERVICE ACT 1992 ANNEX F - LIST OF THE MAIN ETHNIC GROUPS OF SUDAN ANNEX G - REFERENCES TO SOURCE DOCUMENTS 1. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 This assessment has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a wide variety of recognised sources. The document does not contain any Home Office opinion or policy. 1.2 The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum/human rights determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum/human rights claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. These sources have been checked for accuracy, and as far as can be ascertained, remained relevant and up-to-date at the time the document was issued. 1.4 It is intended to revise the assessment on a six-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum-seeker producing countries in the United Kingdom. -
Sudan Opposition to the Government, Including
Country Policy and Information Note Sudan: Opposition to the government, including sur place activity Version 2.0 November 2018 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the basis of claim section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis of COI; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Asessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment on whether, in general: x A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm x A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) x A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory x Claims are likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and x If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must, however, still consider all claims on an individual basis, taking into account each case’s specific facts. Country of origin information The country information in this note has been carefully selected in accordance with the general principles of COI research as set out in the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI), dated April 2008, and the Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation’s (ACCORD), Researching Country Origin Information – Training Manual, 2013. -
Sudan: Complexity, Conflict and Co-Operation
Sudan: Complexity, Conflict and Co-operation The South African Institute of International Affairs Country Report No. 6 Established 1934 Sudan: Complexity, Conflict and Co-operation Greg Mills Copyright © 2001 All rights reserved THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS ISBN: 1-919810-35-8 SAIIA Country Report No. 6 SAIIA National Office Bearers Fred Phaswana Elisabeth Bradley • Moeletsi Mbeki Brian Hawksworth • Alec Pienaar Dr Greg Mills Sudan: Complexity, Conflict and Co-operation Greg Mills Doing business in Sudan is improving all the time, and will continue to improve at an increasing pace. South African businessman, August 2001 We have reached the stage where the country has to break up. There is no other solution. There is no trust. There is no confidence. Southerners are disgusted by what has happened. Maybe it will not happen in the next year. Maybe not in ten years. But eventually. Alfred Thaban Khartoum Monitor, August 2001 Introduction Sudan is at once complex and diverse. Africa's largest geographic state (over 2.5 million square kilometres), bordering nine nations' and encompassing at least 50 ethnic groups and 570 distinct peoples, Sudan has been the site of ongoing civil war between the largely Arab, Muslim north and African, Christian/animist south since the mid-1980s.2 This has cost the lives of an 1 Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Djibouti, Uganda, Egypt, Libya, Chad and the Central African Republic (CAR). The map on page 2 is sourced from the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) World Fadbook. See http://iinozo.cia.gov. 2 Approximately 70% of the population is Sunni Muslim (in the north), with the remainder being animist (25%) and Christian (5%) and located largely in the south. -
Sudan Assessment
SUDAN ASSESSMENT April 2000 Country Information and Policy Unit CONTENTS I INTRODUCTION 1.1 - 1.5 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 III HISTORY 3.1 - 3.7 The Economy 3.8 - 3.10 IV INSTRUMENTS OF THE STATE Political System 4.1 - 4.12 The Judiciary 4.13 - 4.21 The Security Forces 4.22 - 4.24 V HUMAN RIGHTS A Introduction A.1 - A.4 B General Assessment B.1 - B.5 Prison Conditions B.6 Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law in B.7 - B.9 Internal Conflicts C Specific Groups Opposition Members C.1 - C.4 Religious Groups C.5 Christians C.6 - C.8 Islamic Sects C.9 - C.13 Ethnicity C.14 - C.18 Women C.19 - C.22 Children C.23 - C.26 Students C.27 - C.30 Conscripts C.31 - C.35 1 D Other Issues Civil War D.1 - D.17 Ceasefire/Peace Negotiations D.18 - D.24 Freedom of Political Association D.25 - D.31 Freedom of Assembly D.32 - D.35 Freedom of Speech and of the Press D.36 - D.45 Freedom of Religion D.46 - D.51 Freedom to Travel/Internal Flight D.52 - D.57 National Service and Popular Defence Forces D.58 - D.62 VI GENERAL ISSUES Foreign Relations 5.1 - 5.16 Attacks on US embassies and US Retaliation 5.17 - 5.23 Bombings 5.24 - 5.26 Assassination Attempts 5.27 Health 5.28 - 5.33 Slavery 5.34 - 5.35 Punishments 5.36 - 5.41 Elections 5.42 - 5.46 Miscellaneous 5.47 - 5.58 VII ANNEXES A MAJOR POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS Pages 45 - 47 B SPLA FACTIONS Pages 48 - 49 C PROMINENT PEOPLE PAST AND PRESENT Pages 50 - 51 D CHRONOLOGY Pages 52 - 67 E BIBLIOGRAPHY Pages 68 - 75 I. -
Socialist Federalism As an Alternative to Nationalism: the Leninist Solution to the National Question in Africa and Its Diaspora
humanities Article Socialist Federalism as an Alternative to Nationalism: The Leninist Solution to the National Question in Africa and Its Diaspora Constantin Katsakioris German Orient Institute, Beirut 11-2988, Lebanon; [email protected] Received: 6 August 2019; Accepted: 17 September 2019; Published: 19 September 2019 Abstract: Scholarship on the impact of Lenin’s thinking and on the Soviet Union’s relationships with Africa has emphasized two dimensions: on the one hand, the ideological imprint on and support provided to nationalist and anti-imperialist movements and, on the other, the emulation of communist techniques of authoritarian rule by many postcolonial governments. This paper highlights the neglected receptions of another major communist idea, namely, the ‘Leninist solution to the national question’, as embodied by the federal political model of the Soviet Union. The paper argues that many actors in different contexts, where the nationalities question had to be tackled with, showed a keen interest in the Leninist solution and in the sui generis federal model of the USSR. These contexts included the post-1945 French Union, as well as postcolonial countries such as Sudan, Nigeria, and Ethiopia. The Leninist alternative to the nation-state and to assimilation assumed a great deal of significance to minority groups. Nevertheless, it was rejected even by Marxist-inspired movements and elites which sought to create a nation-state. The paper uses the approach of cultural transfers to investigate and assess both the appeal and the limits in the reception of the Leninist federalist alternative. Keywords: Africa; national question; Leninism; Soviet Union; socialism; federalism 1. -
Comrades-In-Arms: the Chinese Communist Party's Relations With
Cold War History ISSN: 1468-2745 (Print) 1743-7962 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fcwh20 Comrades-in-arms: the Chinese Communist Party’s relations with African political organisations in the Mao era, 1949–76 Joshua Eisenman To cite this article: Joshua Eisenman (2018): Comrades-in-arms: the Chinese Communist Party’s relations with African political organisations in the Mao era, 1949–76, Cold War History To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2018.1440549 Published online: 20 Mar 2018. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fcwh20 COLD WAR HISTORY, 2018 https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2018.1440549 Comrades-in-arms: the Chinese Communist Party’s relations with African political organisations in the Mao era, 1949–76 Joshua Eisenman LBJ School of Public Affairs, the University of Texas at Austin, Austin, United States ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This study examines the evolution of the Chinese Communist China; Africa; Communism; Party’s (CCP) motives, objectives, and methods vis-à-vis its African Mao; Soviet Union counterparts during the Mao era, 1949–76. Beginning in the mid- 1950s, to oppose colonialism and US imperialism, the CCP created front groups to administer its political outreach in Africa. In the 1960s and 1970s, this strategy evolved to combat Soviet hegemony. Although these policy shifts are distinguished by changes in CCP methods and objectives towards Africa, they were motivated primarily by life-or- death intraparty struggles among rival political factions in Beijing and the party’s pursuit of external sources of regime legitimacy. -
Nº091 Salah M
Nº091 Salah M. Hassan 100 Notes – 100 Thoughts / 100 Notizen – 100 Gedanken | Nº091 Salah M. Hassan How to Liberate Marx from His Eurocentrism: Notes on African/Black Marxism / Wie man Marx von seinem Eurozentrismus befreit: Anmerkungen zum afrikanischen/ schwarzen Marxismus Salah M. Hassan How to Liberate Marx from His Eurocentrism: Notes on African/Black Marxism / Wie man Marx von seinem Eurozentrismus befreit: Anmerkungen zum afrikanischen/ schwarzen Poster for the First Con gress of Black Writers and Artists, organized by Présence Africain, 1956 / Marxismus Plakat des Ersten Kongres ses schwarzer Schriftsteller und Künstler, organisiert von Présence Africain, 1956 just a postEnlightenment Western project. This made possible the 1 | Présence Africaine is a critique of Western modernity and facilitated the move toward less Parisbased, PanAfrican quarterly journal that Salah M. Hassan Eurocentric modes of thinking in the humanities and social sciences focuses on culture, poli within and outside the academy. Today, it is impossible to think about tics, and literature. It was the midtwentieth century and decolonization without remembering founded in 1947 by Alioune Diop (1910–1980), a How to Liberate gatherings such as the First Congress of Black Writers and Artists in Senegalese writer and major 1956 in Paris or the Second Congress in 1959 in Rome. Organized figure in anticolonial and by the Parisbased quarterly Présence Africaine,1 these two meetings PanAfrican struggles. The journal expanded in 1949 to hosted discussions of issues ranging from decolonization to slavery become a publishing house Marx from His and signaled the rise of new schools of thoughts and movements such and a bookstore in the Latin as Négritude, PanAfricanism, and African Socialism.2 Quarter in Paris and has been a highly influential In all these events, the specter of Karl Marx loomed large.