Analysing Anaphoric Ambiguity in Natural Language Requirements
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Questions Under Discussion: from Sentence to Discourse∗
Questions under Discussion: From sentence to discourse∗ Anton Benz Katja Jasinskaja July 14, 2016 Abstract Questions under discussion (QUD) is an analytic tool that has recently become more and more popular among linguists and language philosophers as a way to characterize how a sentence fits in its context. The idea is that each sentence in discourse addresses a (of- ten implicit) QUD either by answering it, or by bringing up another question that can help answering that QUD. The linguistic form and the interpretation of a sentence, in turn, may depend on the QUD it addresses. The first proponents of the QUD approach (von Stut- terheim & Klein, 1989; van Kuppevelt, 1995) thought of it as a general approach to the analysis of discourse structure where structural relations between sentences in a coherent discourse are understood in terms of relations between questions they address. However, the idea did not find broad application in discourse structure analysis, where theories aiming at logical discourse representations are predominantly based on the notion of coherence re- lations (Mann & Thompson, 1988; Hobbs, 1985; Asher & Lascarides, 2003). The problem of finding overt markers for QUDs means that they are also difficult to utilize for quanti- tative measures of discourse coherence (McNamara et al., 2010). At the same time QUD proved useful in the analysis of a wide range of linguistic phenomena including accentua- tion, discourse particles, presuppositions and implicatures. The goal of this special issue is to bring together cutting-edge research that demonstrates the success of QUD in linguistics and the need for the development of a comprehensive model of discourse coherence that incorporates the notion of QUD as its integral part. -
Minimal Pronouns, Logophoricity and Long-Distance Reflexivisation in Avar
Minimal pronouns, logophoricity and long-distance reflexivisation in Avar* Pavel Rudnev Revised version; 28th January 2015 Abstract This paper discusses two morphologically related anaphoric pronouns inAvar (Avar-Andic, Nakh-Daghestanian) and proposes that one of them should be treated as a minimal pronoun that receives its interpretation from a λ-operator situated on a phasal head whereas the other is a logophoric pro- noun denoting the author of the reported event. Keywords: reflexivity, logophoricity, binding, syntax, semantics, Avar 1 Introduction This paper has two aims. One is to make a descriptive contribution to the crosslin- guistic study of long-distance anaphoric dependencies by presenting an overview of the properties of two kinds of reflexive pronoun in Avar, a Nakh-Daghestanian language spoken natively by about 700,000 people mostly living in the North East Caucasian republic of Daghestan in the Russian Federation. The other goal is to highlight the relevance of the newly introduced data from an understudied lan- guage to the theoretical debate on the nature of reflexivity, long-distance anaphora and logophoricity. The issue at the heart of this paper is the unusual character of theanaphoric system in Avar, which is tripartite. (1) is intended as just a preview with more *The present material was presented at the Utrecht workshop The World of Reflexives in August 2011. I am grateful to the workshop’s audience and participants for their questions and comments. I am indebted to Eric Reuland and an anonymous reviewer for providing valuable feedback on the first draft, as well as to Yakov Testelets for numerous discussions of anaphora-related issues inAvar spanning several years. -
Relative Clause Attachment and Anaphora: a Case for Short Binding
Relative Clause Attachment and Anaphora: A Case for Short Binding Rodolfo Delmonte Ca' Garzoni-Moro, San Marco 3417, Università "Ca Foscari", 30124 - VENEZIA E-mail: [email protected] Abstract Relative clause attachment may be triggered by binding requirements imposed by a short anaphor contained within the relative clause itself: in case more than one possible attachment site is available in the previous structure, and the relative clause itself is extraposed, a conflict may arise as to the appropriate s/c-structure which is licenced by grammatical constraints but fails when the binding module tries to satisfy the short anaphora local search for a bindee. 1 Introduction It is usually the case that anaphoric and pronominal binding take place after the structure building phase has been successfully completed. In this sense, c-structure and f-structure in the LFG framework - or s-structure in the chomskian one - are a prerequisite for the carrying out of binding processes. In addition, they only interact in a feeding relation since binding would not be possibly activated without a complete structure to search, and there is no possible reversal of interaction, from Binding back into s/c-structure level seen that they belong to two separate Modules of the Grammar. As such they contribute to each separate level of representation with separate rules, principles and constraints which need to be satisfied within each Module in order for the structure to be licensed for the following one. However we show that anaphoric binding requirements may cause the parser to fail because the structure is inadequate. We propose a solution to this conflict by anticipating, for anaphors only the though, the agreement matching operations between binder and bindee and leaving the coindexation to the following module. -
Antar Solhy Abdellah Publication Date: 2007 Source: CDELT (Centre for Developing English Language Teaching) Occasional Papers, January (2007) [Egypt]
Title: “English Majors’ errors in translating Arabic Endophora; Analysis and Remedy” Author: Antar Solhy Abdellah Publication date: 2007 Source: CDELT (Centre for Developing English Language Teaching) Occasional Papers, January (2007) [Egypt]. ENGLISH MAJORS' ERRORS IN TRANSLATING ARABIC ENDOPHORA: ANALYSIS AND REMEDY Antar Solhy Abdellah Lecturer in TEFL Qena Faculty of Education, South Valley University- Egypt Abstract Egyptian English majors in the faculty of Education, South Valley university tend to mistranslate the plural inanimate Arabic pronoun with the singular inanimate English pronoun. A diagnostic test was designed to analyze this error. Results showed that a large number of students (first year and fourth year students) make this error, that the error becomes more common if the pronoun is cataphori rather than anaphori, and that the further the pronoun is from its antecedent the more students are apt to make the error. On the basis of these results, sources of the error are identified and remedial procedures are suggested. Abstract in Arabic تقوم الدراسة الحالية بتحليل أخطاء طﻻب شعبة اللغة اﻹنجليزية )الفرقة اﻷولى والرابعة( في ترجمة ضمير جمع غير العاقل من العربية إلى اﻹنجليزية؛حيث يميل الطﻻب إلى استخدام ضمير غير العاقل المفرد في اﻹنجليزية بدﻻ من ضمير الجمع. تستخدم الدراسة اختبارا تشخيصيا يسعى للكشف عن نسبة شيوع الخطأ ومن ثم تحليله. أظهرت النتائج أن عددا كبيرا من طﻻب الفرقتين يرتكبون هذا الخطأ، وأن الخطأ يزداد إذا كان الضمير في موضع المتقدم أكثر مما إذا كان في موضع المتأخر، وأن الخطأ يزداد كلما بعد الضمير عن عائده. ثم تناولت الدراسة تحليﻻ لمصدر الخطأ وقدمت مقترحات لعﻻجه. INTRODUCTION 62 Students whose major is English in faculties of Education are faced with translation problems from the very start of their study. -
Inalienable Possession in Swedish and Danish – a Diachronic Perspective 27
FOLIA SCANDINAVICA VOL. 23 POZNAŃ 20 17 DOI: 10.1515/fsp - 2017 - 000 5 INALIENABLE POSSESSI ON IN SWEDISH AND DANISH – A DIACHRONIC PERSP ECTIVE 1 A LICJA P IOTROWSKA D OMINIKA S KRZYPEK Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań A BSTRACT . In this paper we discuss the alienability splits in two Mainland Scandinavian language s, Swedish and Danish, in a diachronic context. Although it is not universally acknowledged that such splits exist in modern Scandinavian languages, many nouns typically included in inalienable structures such as kinship terms, body part nouns and nouns de scribing culturally important items show different behaviour from those considered alienable. The differences involve the use of (reflexive) possessive pronouns vs. the definite article, which differentiates the Scandinavian languages from e.g. English. As the definite article is a relatively new arrival in the Scandinavian languages, we look at when the modern pattern could have evolved by a close examination of possessive structures with potential inalienables in Old Swedish and Old Danish. Our results re veal that to begin with, inalienables are usually bare nouns and come to be marked with the definite article in the course of its grammaticalization. 1. INTRODUCTION One of the striking differences between the North Germanic languages Swedish and Danish on the one hand and English on the other is the possibility to use definite forms of nouns without a realized possessive in inalienable possession constructions. Consider the following examples: 1 The work on this paper was funded by the grant Diachrony of article systems in Scandi - navian languages , UMO - 2015/19/B/HS2/00143, from the National Science Centre, Poland. -
Coreference Resolution for Spoken French Loïc Grobol
Coreference resolution for spoken French Loïc Grobol To cite this version: Loïc Grobol. Coreference resolution for spoken French. Computation and Language [cs.CL]. Université Sorbonne Nouvelle - Paris 3, 2020. English. tel-02928209v2 HAL Id: tel-02928209 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-02928209v2 Submitted on 9 Mar 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution| 4.0 International License École Doctorale 622 — Sciences du langage Lattice, Inria Thèse de doctorat en sciences du langage de l’Université Sorbonne Nouvelle Coreference resolution for spoken French présentée et soutenue publiquement par Loïc Grobol le 15 juillet 2020 Sous la direction d’Isabelle Tellier† et de Frédéric Landragin Et co-encadrée par Éric Villemonte de la Clergerie et Marco Dinarelli Jury : Massimo Poesio, Professor (Queen Mary University), Rapporteur, Sophie Rosset, Directrice de recherche (LIMSI), Rapportrice, Béatrice Daille, Professeur (Université de Nantes), Examinatrice, Pascal Amsili, Professeur (Université Sorbonne Nouvelle), Examinateur, Frédéric Landragin, Directeur de recherche (Lattice), Directeur, Éric Villemonte de la Clergerie, Chargé de recherche (Inria), Co-encadrant, Marco Dinarelli, Chargé de recherche (LIG), Co-encadrant. Reconnaissance automatique de chaînes de coréférences en français parlé Résumé Une chaîne de coréférences est l’ensemble des expressions linguistiques — ou mentions — qui font référence à une même entité ou un même objet du discours. -
Mind the GAP: a Balanced Corpus of Gendered Ambiguous Pronouns
Mind the GAP: A Balanced Corpus of Gendered Ambiguous Pronouns Kellie Webster and Marta Recasens and Vera Axelrod and Jason Baldridge Google AI Language fwebsterk|recasens|vaxelrod|[email protected] Abstract (1) In May, Fujisawa joined Mari Motohashi’s rink as the team’s skip, moving back from Karuizawa to Ki- Coreference resolution is an important task tami where she had spent her junior days. for natural language understanding, and the resolution of ambiguous pronouns a long- With this scope, we make three key contributions: standing challenge. Nonetheless, existing • We design an extensible, language- corpora do not capture ambiguous pronouns in sufficient volume or diversity to accu- independent mechanism for extracting rately indicate the practical utility of mod- challenging ambiguous pronouns from text. els. Furthermore, we find gender bias in • We build and release GAP, a human-labeled existing corpora and systems favoring mas- corpus of 8,908 ambiguous pronoun-name culine entities. To address this, we present pairs derived from Wikipedia.2 This dataset and release GAP, a gender-balanced labeled targets the challenges of resolving naturally- corpus of 8,908 ambiguous pronoun-name occurring ambiguous pronouns and rewards pairs sampled to provide diverse coverage systems which are gender-fair. of challenges posed by real-world text. We explore a range of baselines which demon- • We run four state-of-the-art coreference re- strate the complexity of the challenge, the solvers and several competitive simple base- best achieving just 66.9% F1. We show lines on GAP to understand limitations in that syntactic structure and continuous neu- current modeling, including gender bias. -
A Multi-Modal Analysis of Anaphora and Ellipsis
University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics Volume 5 Issue 2 Current Work in Linguistics Article 2 1998 A Multi-Modal Analysis of Anaphora and Ellipsis Gerhard Jaeger Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl Recommended Citation Jaeger, Gerhard (1998) "A Multi-Modal Analysis of Anaphora and Ellipsis," University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 5 : Iss. 2 , Article 2. Available at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol5/iss2/2 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol5/iss2/2 For more information, please contact [email protected]. A Multi-Modal Analysis of Anaphora and Ellipsis This working paper is available in University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol5/iss2/2 A Multi-Modal Analysis of Anaphora and Ellipsis Gerhard J¨ager 1. Introduction The aim of the present paper is to outline a unified account of anaphora and ellipsis phenomena within the framework of Type Logical Categorial Gram- mar.1 There is at least one conceptual and one empirical reason to pursue such a goal. Firstly, both phenomena are characterized by the fact that they re-use semantic resources that are also used elsewhere. This issue is discussed in detail in section 2. Secondly, they show a striking similarity in displaying the characteristic ambiguity between strict and sloppy readings. This supports the assumption that in fact the same mechanisms are at work in both cases. (1) a. John washed his car, and Bill did, too. b. John washed his car, and Bill waxed it. -
Constraints on Donkey Pronouns
Constraints on Donkey Pronouns The MIT Faculty has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters. Citation Grosz, P. G., P. Patel-Grosz, E. Fedorenko, and E. Gibson. “Constraints on Donkey Pronouns.” Journal of Semantics 32, no. 4 (July 15, 2014): 619–648. As Published http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jos/ffu009 Publisher Oxford University Press Version Author's final manuscript Citable link http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/102962 Terms of Use Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-Share Alike Detailed Terms http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/ CONSTRAINTS ON DONKEY PRONOUNS Patrick Grosz, Pritty Patel-Grosz, Evelina Fedorenko, Edward Gibson Abstract This paper reports on an experimental study of donkey pronouns, pronouns (e.g. it) whose meaning covaries with that of a non-pronominal noun phrase (e.g. a donkey) even though they are not in a structural relationship that is suitable for quantifier-variable binding. We investigate three constraints, (i) the preference for the presence of an overt NP antecedent that is not part of another word, (ii) the salience of the position of an antecedent that is part of another word, and (iii) the uniqueness of an intended antecedent (in terms of world knowledge). We compare constructions in which intended antecedents occur in a context such as who owns an N / who is an N-owner with constructions of the type who was without an N / who was N-less. Our findings corroborate the existence of the overt NP antecedent constraint, and also show that the salience of an unsuitable antecedent’s position matters. -
Donkey Anaphora Is In-Scope Binding∗
Semantics & Pragmatics Volume 1, Article 1: 1–46, 2008 doi: 10.3765/sp.1.1 Donkey anaphora is in-scope binding∗ Chris Barker Chung-chieh Shan New York University Rutgers University Received 2008-01-06 = First Decision 2008-02-29 = Revised 2008-03-23 = Second Decision 2008-03-25 = Revised 2008-03-27 = Accepted 2008-03-27 = Published 2008- 06-09 Abstract We propose that the antecedent of a donkey pronoun takes scope over and binds the donkey pronoun, just like any other quantificational antecedent would bind a pronoun. We flesh out this idea in a grammar that compositionally derives the truth conditions of donkey sentences containing conditionals and relative clauses, including those involving modals and proportional quantifiers. For example, an indefinite in the antecedent of a conditional can bind a donkey pronoun in the consequent by taking scope over the entire conditional. Our grammar manages continuations using three independently motivated type-shifters, Lift, Lower, and Bind. Empirical support comes from donkey weak crossover (*He beats it if a farmer owns a donkey): in our system, a quantificational binder need not c-command a pronoun that it binds, but must be evaluated before it, so that donkey weak crossover is just a special case of weak crossover. We compare our approach to situation-based E-type pronoun analyses, as well as to dynamic accounts such as Dynamic Predicate Logic. A new ‘tower’ notation makes derivations considerably easier to follow and manipulate than some previous grammars based on continuations. Keywords: donkey anaphora, continuations, E-type pronoun, type-shifting, scope, quantification, binding, dynamic semantics, weak crossover, donkey pronoun, variable-free, direct compositionality, D-type pronoun, conditionals, situation se- mantics, c-command, dynamic predicate logic, donkey weak crossover ∗ Thanks to substantial input from Anna Chernilovskaya, Brady Clark, Paul Elbourne, Makoto Kanazawa, Chris Kennedy, Thomas Leu, Floris Roelofsen, Daniel Rothschild, Anna Szabolcsi, Eytan Zweig, and three anonymous referees. -
Arxiv:1805.11824V1 [Cs.CL] 30 May 2018
Artificial Intelligence Review manuscript No. (will be inserted by the editor) Anaphora and Coreference Resolution: A Review Rhea Sukthanker · Soujanya Poria · Erik Cambria · Ramkumar Thirunavukarasu Received: date / Accepted: date Abstract Entity resolution aims at resolving repeated references to an entity in a document and forms a core component of natural language processing (NLP) research. This field possesses immense potential to improve the performance of other NLP fields like machine translation, sentiment analysis, paraphrase detection, summarization, etc. The area of entity resolution in NLP has seen proliferation of research in two separate sub-areas namely: anaphora resolution and coreference resolution. Through this review article, we aim at clarifying the scope of these two tasks in entity resolution. We also carry out a detailed analysis of the datasets, evaluation metrics and research methods that have been adopted to tackle this NLP problem. This survey is motivated with the aim of providing the reader with a clear understanding of what constitutes this NLP problem and the issues that require attention. Keywords Entity Resolution · Coreference Resolution · Anaphora Resolution · Natural Language Processing · Sentiment Analysis · Deep Learning 1 Introduction A discourse is a collocated group of sentences which convey a clear understanding only when read together. The etymology of anaphora is ana (Greek for back) and pheri (Greek for to bear), which in simple terms means repetition. In computational linguistics, anaphora is typically defined as references to items mentioned earlier in the discourse or \pointing back" reference as described by (Mitkov, 1999). The most prevalent type of anaphora in natural language is the pronominal anaphora (Lappin and Leass, 1994). -
Donkey Sentences 763 Creating Its Institutions of Laws, Religion, and Learning
Donkey Sentences 763 creating its institutions of laws, religion, and learning. many uneducated speakers to restructure their plural, It was the establishment of viceroyalties, convents so that instead of the expected cotas ‘coasts’, with -s and a cathedral, two universities – the most notable denoting plurality, they have created a new plural being Santo Toma´s de Aquino – and the flourishing of with -se,asinco´ tase. arts and literature during the 16th and early 17th Dominican syntax tends to prepose pronouns in century that earned Hispaniola the title of ‘Athena interrogative questions. As an alternative to the stan- of the New World.’ The Spanish language permeated dard que´ quieres tu´ ? ‘what do you want?’, carrying an those institutions from which it spread, making obligatory, postverbal tu´ ‘you’, speakers say que´ tu´ Hispaniola the cradle of the Spanish spoken in the quieres?. The latter sentence further shows retention Americas. of pronouns, which most dialects may omit. Fre- Unlike the Spanish of Peru and Mexico, which quently found in Dominican is the repetition of dou- co-existed with native Amerindian languages, ble negatives for emphatic purposes, arguably of Dominican Spanish received little influence from the Haitian creole descent. In responding to ‘who did decimated Tainos, whose Arawak-based language that?’, many speakers will reply with a yo no se´ no disappeared, leaving a few recognizable words, such ‘I don’t know, no’. as maı´z ‘maize’ and barbacoa ‘barbecue’. The 17th Notwithstanding the numerous changes to its century saw the French challenge Spain’s hegemony grammatical system, and the continuous contact by occupying the western side of the island, which with the English of a large immigrant population they called Saint Domingue and later became the residing in the United States, Dominican Spanish has Republic of Haiti.