Villages in the City A Guide to South ’s Informal Settlements

Edited by Stefan Al

Contributing editors: Paul Chu Hoi Shan, Claudia Juhre, Ivan Valin, and Casey Wang

University of Hawai‘i Press Honolulu This publication has been generously supported by the Retumu Urban/Rural Institute（深圳市土木再生城鄉營造研究所）and the Shenzhen Center for Design（深圳 市城市設計促進中心）.

For distribution in Asia, Australia and New Zealand: University Press The University of Hong Kong Pokfulam Road Hong Kong www.hkupress.org ISBN 978-988-8208-23-4 (paperback)

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© Hong Kong University Press 2014

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Villages in the city : a guide to South China’s informal settlements / edited by Stefan Al ; contributing editors, Paul Chu Hoi Shan, Claudia Juhre, Ivan Valin, and Casey Wang. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8248-4756-2 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Urbanization—China—. 2. Sociology, Urban—China—Pearl River Delta. 3. Cities and towns—China—Pearl River Delta. I. Al, Stefan, editor of compilation. HT384.C62P438 2014 307.7609512'7—dc23 2014014669

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

Printed and bound by Paramount Printing Co., Ltd. in Hong Kong, China Contents

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vii

LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS ix

INTRODUCTION

Villages in the City: A Guide to China’s Informal Settlements 1 STEFAN AL

ESSAYS The City in between the Villages 9 MARCO CENZATTI

The Beginning of the End: Planning the Destruction of ’s Urban Villages 19 MARGARET CRAWFORD and JIONG WU

City-in-the-Village: and China’s Urban Renewal 29 NICK R. SMITH

A Village by the Special Economic Zone: The Dafen Paradigm of China’s Urbanization 42 JIANG JUN

Village-in-the-City as a Sustainable Form of Social Housing Communities for China: A Tale of Four 47 Villages in Shenzhen LAURENCE LIAUW

URBANIZATION The Big Picture: Visualizing Urban Villages 63 Village Portraits 64 Rapid Urbanization and the Rise and Decline of Urban Villages 67 Uneven Urbanization in the Pearl River Delta 68

SHENZHEN Xiasha Village 70 Dafen Village 80 Gangxia Village 90

POLITICS Battle of the Smartest: Shenzhen Municipal Government vs. Shenzhen Urban Villagers 100 Limited Rights of Floating Population 103

DONGGUAN Jiekou Village 104 Tianjia Village 114 URBAN DESIGN One Line Skies: Shipai Village 124

GUANGZHOU Shipai Village 126 Wanshengtang Village 136 Sanyuanli Village 146

ARCHITECTURE Flexible Use of Village Buildings 156

FOSHAN Bitang Village 158 Hedang Village 168

INTERIOR DESIGN How Do the Villagers Cut Up the Housing Units? 178

ZHUHAI Poshi Village 180 Zuowu Village 190

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 202

CREDITS 203

vi CONTRIBUTORS (in alphabetical order)

Stefan Al is a Dutch architect, urban designer, and an associate professor of urban design at the University of Pennsylvania. In an international career to date, he has worked as a practicing architect on renowned projects such as the 2,000-foot high Canton Tower in Guangzhou, the preservation of world heritage in Latin America at the World Heritage Center of UNESCO, and an 11,000-acre new eco-friendly city in India. Al’s research focuses on the evolution of urban form from a global perspective. His articles have been published in the Handbook of Architectural Theory, Urban China, and other publications. He has edited the book Factory Towns of South China and is currently writing a book on Las Vegas entitled The Strip.

Marco Cenzatti holds a laurea in architecture from the University of Florence, a master’s degree in housing and urban planning from the Architectural Association in London, and a PhD in urban and regional planning from UCLA. Currently, he is a lecturer in architecture and city and regional planning at the College of Environmental Design, UC Berkeley. Besides urban and peri-urban development in Southern China, his most recent work focuses on urban change, the production of social space, and urban industry. His publications on these topics include “The (Changing) Colors of the American City,” New Geographies (2011, Vol. 3); “Heterotopias of Difference,” in Heterotopia and the City (edited by M. Dehaene and E. Vervloesem, 2009), and “The Permanence and Change of Urban Industry,” Harvard College Economics Review (2006, Vol. 1).

Margaret Crawford is a professor of architecture at UC Berkeley. A graduate of Berkeley, the Architectural Association, and UCLA, she has also taught at SCI-Arc, Harvard GSD, and the University of Florence, Italy. She is the author of Building the Workingman’s Paradise and editor of The Car and the City and Everyday Urbanism, along with numerous articles on topics in the American built environment. She has been conducting research in the Pearl River Delta since 2005.

Jiang Jun is a researcher, architect, editor and writer whose experimental urban research explores the interrelationship between design phenomena and urban dynamics. He was the founding editor-in-chief of Urban China Magazine, the chief curator of the “Street Belongs to . . . All of Us!” exhibition in China, and the project director at the Strelka School in Moscow. His works have been presented in exhibitions including the Shenzhen Biennale, China Contemporary, and Kassel Documenta. He is currently an associate professor at the Guangzhou Academy of Fine Arts and visiting fellow at the ESRC Centre of Oxford University.

Laurence Liauw is the principal director of SPADA Ltd and an associate professor (part-time) at the University of Hong Kong. An ex-investment banker, he has practiced in the past 18 years as a registered architect, professional urban designer, and strategic development consultant in the UK, Malaysia, Mainland China, and Hong Kong. He graduated from the Architectural Association London and City University in London and is a winner of international competitions and design awards. His expertise lies in China’s urbanization process, strategic planning, and urban development, leading to his publications AD: New Urban China (2008) and New Economic Spaces in Asian Cities (2012). His professional projects have focused on international CBDs, financial districts, academic and technology campuses, aviation cities, creative industries, cultural institutional buildings, hospitality healthcare, as well as aging populations in urban development. He serves as an expert advisor to government planning bureaus and development agencies in China and Asia. Liauw was a creative team member for the World Expo Shenzhen Pavilion in 2010, and an exhibitor at the Architecture Biennale in 2006. He has lectured widely on design and urban development at Harvard GSD, Columbia University, University College London, Tsinghua University, and . Nick R. Smith is a PhD candidate in the Department of Urban Planning and Design at Harvard University. Smith’s research combines ethnography and spatial analysis to explore processes of urban transformation, planning, and policy in rapidly developing contexts, with a particular emphasis on China. Most recently, Smith’s work has focused on the planning of peri-urban villages in the context of urban-rural coordination. His research is supported by grants from the National Science Foundation and the Wenner-Gren Foundation.

Jiong Wu (Abingo) is a PhD student in architecture at UC Berkeley, studying housing and habitation in China. A native of Zhuhai, she is a graduate of the South China University of Technology and the Berlage Institute in Rotterdam. She has worked in architecture and planning offices in Rotterdam and Guangzhou.

x INTRODUCTION

transformation” of what was to be buzzing electrical wires—crowned Villages in the the largest redevelopment project with a small strip of daylight, called by of its kind in the Pearl River Delta, locals “thin line sky.” City: A Guide to aspiring to become a national model for upgrading older urban areas. The emergence and proliferation China’s Informal of these urban villages is a unique The local press did not question these phenomenon of urban China that Settlements empty slogans, nor the eviction of the occurs in many regions and in Stefan Al countless politically disadvantaged different forms, as a consequence migrants. Rather, they framed the of the rapid urbanization that has In 2011, bulldozers tore down redevelopment as a conflict between resulted from land reform, the dual nearly the entire village of Dachong, the real estate company and the urban and rural land ownership destroying over 10 million square village households owning the land. A and management system, and the feet of village housing and evicting few families had refused to transfer large influx of an underprivileged more than 70,000 residents, many of their property rights, but after migrant population. At the cusp of them migrants.1 In what was called the district government approved the economic reform in China in the one of the key urban “upgrades” of eminent domain, the remaining 1980s, in a process that continues the decade, a vibrant community had homes were razed as well. Those until today, municipal governments been turned into a rubble-ridden who had agreed to transfer their could only achieve partial land demolition site. Only a few old trees, land rights were given more than acquisition in the countryside. Since historic temples, and ancient wells 100 million RMB compensation to at the time villagers were too costly were preserved, further accentuating sell their properties, propelling the to compensate and relocate, they the bleak new hole that formed amid former farmers into the nouveau riche: could only transfer the farmland the skyscrapers of Shenzhen. some of the villagers even made it to surrounding the villages into industrial the ranks of RMB millionaires.2 areas and housing. The now landless Located inside the Shenzhen Special villagers had to find another source Economic Zone, Dachong Village Dachong Village is just one of the of revenue and went from growing had become a prime real estate countless villages wedged within vegetables to leasing out apartments location when it was engulfed new urban areas and is now being to a steady stream of migrant by the explosive development of eliminated. But what the local workers, who sought employment the surrounding city. Developers people call a “village” is in reality in the newly built nearby factories. and government officials saw the an urbanized version of a village: an Since their collectively owned villages village’s adjacency with a new high- “urban village.” Literally “villages were unconstrained by city building tech industrial zone as both a major within the city,” or chengzhongcun, laws and set-back regulations, villagers nuisance and business opportunity. these are previously agricultural were able to add story after story Following the familiar tabula rasa villages that have been engulfed by to their homes, leading to the literal approach to planning, the village the city. Parallel with the surrounding extrusion of the village’s narrow would be subsumed in the anonymity urbanization, these villages have too building lots from low-rise to high- of the surrounding city only after it become “urban,” but in their own rise. As a result, disproportionally was razed. Billboards with images way. They no longer consist of the narrow streets delineate the new of corporate office towers, a five- picturesque farms of rural China, but high-rise version of the village. At star , and a colossal mall of high-rises so close to one another times, buildings stand so close to one already visualized the future of the that they create dark claustrophobic another that they are dubbed “kissing village on the demolition site, while alleys—jammed with dripping air- buildings” or “handshake houses”— banners celebrated the “scientific conditioning units, hanging clothes, you can literally reach out from one urban planning” and the “collective caged balconies and bundles of building and shake hands with your neighbor. 1 For a moment, the “kissing buildings” with their burgeoning economies, native villagers who successfully worked out for all stakeholders. places to work as well. negotiate their transfer of land use They helped the government to rights for housing, moving costs, and transfer large portions of collective Their success seems to be short- loss of livelihood. Moreover, unless land to urban property ownership, lived, however; urban villages are the villagers are able to negotiate while supplying the villagers with a being wiped almost as soon as for an urban hukou (the household new livelihood because they could they pop up. The Dachong Village, registration system that privileges no longer farm. The villagers were one of the largest urban villages in urban over rural residents), they promoted to landlords, and many south China until the bulldozers could end up having no access to chose to enjoy their new affluence rolled in, is paradigmatic of the social security or health care. And in in more opulent parts of the city demolition of urban villages all over spite of their organization in Village and moved out of the village. In China. More than a thousand village Collectives (VC), the government their place came migrants from all redevelopment plans exist all over can exercise eminent domain at any over China, in search for cheap rent. China, affecting millions of people. time. Migrants end up losing most, Largely excluded from the general left with few or no alternative to housing distribution system as well As urban villages have become affordable housing. They are also the as homeownership because of their valuable real estate in current last to be considered, as they suffer limited rights and low incomes, their urban locations, city governments under a rural hukou, an inferior form housing options were limited. Often, aspire to deal with the “problem” of citizenship. Urbanization in China they preferred living in urban villages of the villages permanently, eager certainly helps create wealth, but to the monotonous dormitories in to transfer the collective village- the wealth is unequally distributed, the factory compounds, since the held land use rights back to the and is forced through land evictions villages, in close proximity to the state. The village redevelopment and the maintenance of political factories, offered many services benefits the government and the inequalities systematically produced including different types of shops and developers, who make a fortune in the household registration system. restaurants.3 To them, urban villages by developing large swaths of land provided a suitable place to live, and in prime locations, and only those

Image 1. Bulldozers only leave a few trees on the site that was previously Dachong Village, one of the largest urban villages in south China. Photo by dcmaster, Flickr. 2 In the process, the city as a whole modernist mega-blocks outside a peek into the villagers’ homes and loses unique histories and places of the villages. For these reasons daily lives in the village. in exchange for the relentless alone, people in the urban villages repetition of cookie-cutter office mostly travel on foot or use public In order to give a balanced view and blocks and residential enclaves. It is transit rather than a car. Walking not to idealize urban villages, we poignant that Chinese city planners, through their undulating streets have documented a wide variety of desperately pondering ways to gives an interesting experience, villages throughout the Pearl River infuse identity into their newly built enhanced by the variability of village Delta, in cities such as , homogeneous cities, overlook the buildings. As much as urban villages Shenzhen, Guangzhou, Foshan, and urban village. Their unique urbanisms, play an important role in providing Zhuhai. We looked for villages that histories, spatial experiences, culture, affordable housing to a disadvantaged were all very different, whether and cosmopolitanism could bring a migrant population, they can also in size, density, history, dominant more diverse texture to the future offer a vital mixed-use, spatially industry, wealth, and reputation, so as of the city. diverse, and pedestrian alternative to avoid stereotypes. Often, a village to the prevailing car-oriented and is dominated by a special industry, This book argues for the value of monotonous modernist-planning be it information technology, shoe urban villages as places. Although paradigm in China. manufacturing, ceramic production, much academic research has focused replica products, or massage parlors. on their role in providing affordable To reveal these qualities, this book Some villages are well-known housing to a migrant population, depicts several urban villages in a backdrops for filming Chinese they have insufficiently been series of drawings and photographs operas, while others have a more approached from an urban design that range from large scale to infamous status, thanks to a red-light perspective. It is this urban design small scale. An aerial photo and district. Some villages display wealth argument that could potentially figure ground drawing show their and even build their own plazas and help persuade city governments to unique morphologies and incredible museums to celebrate the village’s integrate villages into, rather than to densities, particularly in relation to history and future, while others expel them from, their cities. the monochrome city context. The are less prosperous with unpaved “architour” provides a balanced streets that are littered with rubble While few urban design professionals architectural view, pointing to and trees filled with drying clothes. have been involved in their design, cultural heritage highlights as much the urban design merits of the as to dilapidated buildings. A section By sampling in different cities urban villages are plentiful. Their through each of the village’s main we were able to see differences, densely grouped, compact footprints streets—inspired by Terasawa as well as similarities, of urban are highly efficient, with much Hitomi’s vivacious illustrations villages in the five cities. These higher population densities than for the Japanese book Daizukan variations can partially be explained the surrounding city. Since most Kyuryujyou, which provides a final by the differences among their of the ground level of the villages record of the now destroyed surrounding cities. Many villages in has a commercial function, urban Kowloon Walled City in Hong Dongguan and Foshan, for example, villages are truly mixed use, giving Kong4 —uncovers the immense are engaged with electronics and local residents the convenient concentration of social life in the ceramics, respectively, giving a proximity to neighborhood stores, dense structures. The commerce hint of the dominant industries restaurants, and places to work. map highlights the small shops of the of these two cities. In addition, This also contributes to an active mixed-use villages, which provide counting the number of stories of street life with plenty of “eyes on the services to the local population buildings in urban villages almost street.” The fine-grain urban fabric and tourists. These shops are also literally enumerates various levels provides more intimate and human- opportunities to many small business of urbanization of the enclosing scaled urban spaces. The streets are owners and entrepreneurs, and cities. The ones in Shenzhen and usually too narrow to accommodate supply work to residents. These give Guangzhou are the tallest, since cars, and the small blocks provide a clue of how each village has its these cities were urbanized first, a denser network of pedestrian unique industry. Finally, close-ups of while Guangzhou’s villages are older, connections than the oversized, a housing unit and a resident provide because of the city’s long history.

3 Image 2. Like many other urban villages, the buildings in Xiasha Village stand so close to another that they create a “thin line sky.” Photo by Stefan Al. 4 The height of the urban village even murderers. The reporters’ favelas in Rio de Janerio, the barrios buildings is thus a barometer of quotes of unsanitary conditions and in Mexico, and the shantytowns urbanization, a marker of the lack crime rates help authorities justify in India.7 Developed nations, too, of affordable housing, and sadly, their destruction. The government have their forms of extralegal and also an indicator of impending perceives them as a messy threat unplanned communities, for instance, demolition; as the higher they get, to their more sterile vision of the colonias border settlements in the more prominent they become modernity. Even some of Hong Kong Texas. As research shows, these prey to developers and governments. University’s graduate students of communities are not marginal, but Knowing that many of the urban urban design, many of whom come fully embedded into the economy.8 villages featured in this book are from China, hesitated to visit the The study of Chinese urban villages on the brink of destruction, the urban villages at the beginning of can contribute to this scholarship, following chapters will provide a our study. particularly because urban villages valuable documentation of this are not synonymous with the urban unique accident in China’s maelstrom Although many villages have dirty poor. Urban villages are anything of urbanization—a premature eulogy alleys and dilapidated buildings but marginal; they are integral to an if their demolition cannot be avoided. with poor lighting and ventilation economy that relies on low value- (and sometimes a 15-story building added labor, created by the state’s Looking across cases also reveals topped with roof shacks goes inability to provide adequate housing similarities in terms of their without an elevator), the people to millions of blue-collar workers urban features. In an urban China living in these buildings are not the who are playing an important part in dominated by drones of generic urban poor.5 They are productive, the economic development of China. skyscrapers, traveling through these if politically disadvantaged, citizens urban villages presents an alternative with jobs. Many urban villagers Moreover, the poor condition of vision of modernity that reminds have television sets, refrigerators, individual buildings in the urban village one of Marco Polo’s journeys in and occasionally, even cars. For does not justify the eradication of Invisible Cities. Typically, you can them, the place is not a “slum” but the entire village area. As in any city, access them only by going through a an important, affordable, and well- buildings come and go, but streets, gateway, which doubles as a security located entry point into the city open spaces, and everything else that gate since villages have their own where they can become full urban give long-term identity to a place private police force. Once inside, citizens after a few years of steady can be sustained and even integrated there is an air of cosmopolitanism jobs. They can eventually receive into the future of the city. They could with dialects heard from all over decent health care and social be treated like the older historical China, and restaurants with cuisines benefits, and send their children to villages that some Western cities from many regions. The narrow and proper schools. Furthermore, even have been smart to incorporate into populated streets in the markets in white-collar workers or college their greater urban fabric—places some villages, with their open display students frequent the urban villages such as Gràcia in Barcelona, or the of exotic products, appear more to enjoy their many services, or West Village in New York City. Their like souks than hutongs. These lead sometimes even prefer to live in the irregular and small grain of urban to unexpected open spaces with urban villages. fabric provides a welcome variety children rollicking outside, or to to the larger homogeneous city ancient temples where the elderly From this perspective, the grid, whereas the small lots bring are playing mahjong. emergence of urban villages in opportunities to smaller businesses. China fits in a worldwide trend It is easy to misperceive these places of “urban informality.”6 Much of Total demolition, the default option as slums. Dickensian nightmares the world’s urbanization occurs of the state, is problematic because portrayed by the local press often in the informal sector, outside of of the lack of proper substitutes. describe the urban village in institutional structures such as Not only does it erase the unique pathological terms, for instance, as building regulations, zoning laws, or historical and cultural traces of an “eye sore,” “scar,” “ill,” or even land tenure. Hundreds of millions the village, the redevelopment can “cancer” of the city. They further of people around the world are put pressure on the surrounding stigmatize the migrant residents excluded from formal housing, infrastructure and is also expensive. as filthy, as burglars, drug users, or explaining the existence of the In addition, demolition eventually

5 forces migrants to resettle in better to redirect their anxieties to Yet, as Margaret Crawford and suburban areas that have potential even more threatening disruptions Jiong Wu write in this volume, “the for trouble. China’s 12th Five-Year of their vision of modernity: the beginning of the end” of urban Plan announced the building of 36 newly constructed ghost towns and villages in Guangzhou is a fait million of affordable housing units by malls. These are the empty and high- accompli. Planning groups dedicated 2015, but most of them are located end antitheses of the urban villages, to their destruction have already on the outskirts of the city. These such as Ordos City in Mongolia and demolished the 800-year-old Liede are lesser alternatives to the urban the South China Mall in Dongguan, Village, and turned it into a paradigm villages, since the villagers will need which is the largest mall in the of village redevelopment. Despite this, to make long commutes to work. world and also the emptiest, with a Crawford and Wu remain optimistic Their isolation from the city and 70% vacancy rate (’s Sanlitun that a new generation of planners and the lack of social diversity would Village, on the other hand, is a officials will offer more progressive easily turn them into ghettos, much thriving outdoor retail center, thanks planning for the villages. They could like the banlieues in . Instead to its village-inspired open spaces). be guided by important counter of urban villages, cities would be paradigms to the Dachong and Liede

Image 3. Visitors and villagers in Daxin Village play pool outdoors. Photo by Stefan Al. 6 redevelopments, such as the Dafen a richer, more variegated pathway political geography and skewed arena and Huanggang Villages. of urbanization in the Pearl River of representation. Instead of what Delta, one that is evoked by his map the Shenzhen Daily claims to be a Dafen Village in Shenzhen is “Villages in Greater Guangzhou” “gloomy picture” of the urban village, internationally infamous for its that accentuates the rich patchwork with “rampant burglary, drug abuse production of “fake” paintings of hundreds of villages. and trafficking, prostitution, organized ranging from Da Vinci to Warhol, crime and even murder,” this book which are exhibited in countless And as Laurence Liauw argues in attempts to paint a fairer picture exhibition alleys that make the his essay, the upgrading of urban that depicts the urban villages’ village a popular tourist attraction. villages is necessary from a housing uniqueness, pedestrian friendliness, As Jiang Jun’s chapter shows, Dafen perspective, not in the least for the human-scale, accessibility, vibrancy, represents hope for urban villages lack of an appropriate alternative. and spontaneity—in short, all the not only because of its economic China’s current social housing policy, elements that make up a good city.9 success, but also because of the fact he critiques, is incapable of housing that the village is recognized as a the people it plans to accommodate. model by city officials, who agreed While the living conditions in urban 1. “Works starts on Dachong renovation,” Shenzhen Daily, December to feature Dafen in the Shenzhen villages are currently substandard, 22, 2011. Pavilion of the 2010 World Expo in tested village upgrading strategies 2. “Villagers to get billions from Shenzhen Shanghai. to overcome villages’ persistent demolition,” Global Times, January 25, ailments offer a more viable 2010. Nick R. Smith’s chapter illustrates alternative to out-right demolition. 3. For some examples of factory workers how Huanggang Village, also in living in urban villages, see Factory Shenzhen, has been inventively and Finally, one way of reorienting the Towns of South China, edited by Stefan independently redesigned by its own urban village debate from stigma Al (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University village shareholding corporation. to strength has been through the Press, 2012). The village managed to redevelop, application of a photographic lens. 4. Terasawa Hitomi, Daizukan Kyuryujyou [Kowloon Walled City] (Tokyo: achieving balance between a respect The twelve case studies featured Iwanami Shoten, 1997). for its rural past and aspirations in this book are photographed in 5. Fulong Wu, Chris Webster, Shenjing He, to an urban future that includes a “lomography” style, which finds and Yuting Liu, Urban Poverty in China 40-story towers and ubiquitous its origin in the mass-produced (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2010), 74. closed circuit television. The village inexpensive cameras of the 1950s. 6. The theoretical notion of urban became, according to one city The leakage in the inexpensive informality has been advanced by planner, “even more urbanized than plastic bodies led to partial over- AlSayyad and Roy, for instance, in the city,” which led Smith to reverse exposure, creating unpredictable Transnational Perspectives from the the understanding of Huanggang and dramatic effects in the photos, Middle East, Latin America, and South from a “village in the city” to a “city including vibrant and saturated Asia, edited by Ananya Roy and Nezar AlSayyad (Lanham, MD: Lexington in the village.” colors, high-contrast images Books, 2004). with vignette and film grain, and 7. See, for instance, Illegal Cities: Law and Marco Cenzatti argues for a similar cross processed colors. The low- Urban Change in Developing Countries, epistemological shift for the region tech cameras have regained their edited by Edesio Fernandes and of Guangzhou as a whole, that is, popularity particularly in Asia, where Ann Varley (London and New York: to invert our understanding of “the amateur photographers appreciate Zed Books, 1998), and Rethinking village in the city” to “the city in the spontaneous, artistic, and the Informal City: Critical Perspectives between the villages.” Challenging unpredictable photos as an exciting from Latin America, edited by Felipe the urban-rural dichotomy, he alternative to the predictable Hernandez, Peter Kellett, and Lea Allan shows that villages, like cities, can precision of the digital SLR. (Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2010). 8. See, for instance, Janice Perlman, be key actors of urbanization, as The Myth of Marginality (Berkeley: they were in ancient Greece, and By doing so, it can shed a more University of California Press, 1976). as they have been in the Pearl River adequate light on the urban village, 9. Wu Guangqiang, “Urban villages, an ill Delta until recently. Reinstating the commensurate with the subject of the city,” Shenzhen Daily, April 18, focus on the village could lead to matter, as a counter to the uneven 2011.

7 Image 4. Dafen Village is known for the numerous “fake” paintings that are exhibited throughout the village, including in its alleys. Photo by Stefan Al. 8 of the village changed not only its of the villages of the Pearl River The City in economic base, but also its physical Delta (PRD). Second, villages, in and appearance and social makeup. without the city, are not only the between the “Villages in the city,” with their victims of urbanization—although in entrance gates, old houses, and most cases they are. They are also Villages crowded and narrow alleys, are still a starting point of urbanization and Marco Cenzatti easily recognizable. Yet, they have lost a key element in a process of urban their social homogeneity, as urban change that is markedly different The phrase “Village in the City” immigrants move into villages, where from the dominant Western model. is widely used to summarize a they find cheap housing and often condition in Chinese cities that, as end up outnumbering the villagers In the West, explanations of urban urbanization proceeds, is becoming themselves; villagers, on the other development for a long time have increasingly common. Following hand, add four or five stories to their been dominated by the narrative the economic success of the last residences, and rent the additional that began with the Chicago School decades, cities such as Beijing, space to migrants. It even happens of Urban Sociology and saw urban Shanghai, Shenzhen, and Guangzhou that an entire village is rented out to expansion characterized, at least have been expanding, encroaching on, migrants, while villagers have moved since the industrial revolution, by and surrounding once isolated rural to new residential towers. rings radiating out from the original villages. By means that have changed commercial, industrial, or financial over time, and usually change from The focus on the metropolis and city into the countryside. Over case to case, the agricultural fields on “villages in the city,” however, the last fifty years this model has of the villages are transformed hides two related considerations. been complicated with the addition into new parts of the expanding First, villages in the city are just the of satellite towns, suburbs and metropolis—residential towers, most emblematic and extreme in exurbs, edge cities, polynucleated commercial centers, industrial and a wide range of changes that have metropolises, but its basic narrative business parks. The residential part been occurring in most, if not all, has not changed: urbanization

Image 1. The village of Baishan is completely engulfed in the city of Shenzhen, but it still maintains its nucleus of older houses, 9 surrounded by the village’s new apartment buildings. The city’s residential towers hover over them in the background. continues to expand from the city them by their closeness to major villages are not relics of the past that outwards and, by the same token, the metropolises, a mix of (mostly should be modernized, eliminated, countryside is still left at the loosing small-scale) agricultural and non- or preserved as museums. As end of the story, systematically agricultural activities, the availability recently as in the period between eroded by (sub-)urban growth. of cheap labor, close relations and the establishment of PRD’s Special good transportation linkages through Economic Zones to the mid-1990s— It is tempting to assume that the the region, and participation in the in the period that Ma and Fan called same dynamic has been at work global economy. In short, seeing “urbanization from below” and Shen, in China in the post-Mao era: the them as a spatial organization where Feng, and Wong named “dual-track (modern) city is the motor of urban and rural coexist, rather than urbanization”2 —they have been the urbanization and (pre-modern) clashing.1 driving force of the industrialization villages are representatives of the and urbanization of the region. It is countryside, inexorably surrounded This type of development can be only over the last fifteen years or so by, assimilated into, and erased by recognized around Guangzhou, that the metropolis has asserted its the urban. Yet, until recently, Chinese beginning in the late 1970s, with the dominance over the urbanization of regions such as the PRD have shown progressive rural industrialization its surroundings, in the process that that the urbanization of a region and changes of agricultural activities George Lin called “city-based and originated in the industria­ lization and in the PRD. The urbanization of land-centered development.” Thus, densification of villages and towns, Guangzhou, however, suggests a rather than a contradiction between rather than from the expansion of larger-scale, unfinished synoikism. The city and countryside, the Pearl River the central city. If anything, Chinese ten districts that compose Greater Delta faces a contradiction between urbanization (and we should Guangzhou today are dotted with two types of urbanization, a village- perhaps use a term different from a myriad of villages that, since the based urbanization “from below’ and “urbanization”), from the beginning beginning of the post-Mao era, have a “center-based” one that echoes of the opening-up policies to the participated in the industrialization the metropolization of the Western mid-1990s, started with a pattern and urbanization of the region, but model. of urbanization that recalls the are not part of the city. Thus, while in synoikism of ancient Greece, where Guangzhou’s central districts there In this sense, villages-in-the-city are urbanization started with villages, are many cases of “villages in the not an isolated phenomenon. They growing, encroaching on one another, city,” there is a much greater number are the extreme form of a broader and coalescing into towns. Different of villages that surround Guangzhou and more general dynamic that is from the Greek antecedent, however, and on which the city depends. changing the relationship between villages and towns of the PRD did the city and all the villages. In this not become a single city. Rather, they Spatially, this has resulted in a change, villages are denied a voice in developed into a region of diffused growing urban form that, rather the type of urbanization in progress, urbanization. Geographer Terry than radiating out of a center, and perhaps the opportunity to help McGee (1991) called similar regions produces a center-less (or village- to develop a regional urbanization in Southeast Asia desakota, identifying and-town-centered) region. These that is more variegated and more appropriate for the PRD.

Urbanization from Below

. . . Migration to towns and the growth of town population are creating a new track of ‘urbanization from below’ whose processes and control mechanisms differ greatly from those of the dominant city-based track of urbanization from above. (Ma and Fan, 1994: 1629–30)

In part this “urbanization from remained below 30 percent for and towns while discouraging the below” has its historical roots in the entire Maoist period. More growth of large cities. For example, the Chinese leaders’ traditional significantly, several key policies of the Agricultural Responsibility mistrust of large cities, resulting Deng Xiaoping’s reform package System3 and other economic in a level of urban population that supported the growth of villages reforms that de-collectivized land

10 use, allowed diversification of unique character of development of Not surprisingly, the growing agricultural products, gave access TVEs in the delta. Until the end of economic importance of rural to open markets, produced a rapid the 1980s, in most of the country industry attracted immigrants and growth of agricultural productivity, TVEs remained limited to production was accompanied by a sort of improved living conditions in for national consumption, eschewing “Village and Township Urbanization” many villages, and increased the international markets. In the PRD, that largely ignored Guangzhou: importance of market towns. by contrast, they were almost while the average growth rate of Similarly, after 1978, when rural immediately geared to investment urban population was minimal in collectives, families and individuals from abroad and production for the Maoist period (0.75% annually were allowed to engage in artisanal export. On the one hand, the between 1957 and 1978), the and small-scale industrial activities, connection with foreign countries rate increased to 7.70% (per year, a new wave of industrialization was favored by the establishment between 1978 and 1986) after the started across villages. By the mid- of the Special Economic Zones of opening of the SEZs. This growth 1980s, many of these small-scale Zhuhai and Shenzhen in 1978 as the was, indeed, concentrated in the enterprises had become Township first test of Deng Xiaoping’s opening- Special Economic Zones, which grew and Village Enterprises (TVEs), the up policies, and by the expansion of at a 30.88% annual rate. By contrast, most successful and rapidly growing the SEZs to the entire PRD by1985. the rate of growth for Guangzhou component of the Chinese economy, On the other hand, many village was 3.17% and its share of urban accounting for over 30 percent of residents who had emigrated to population declined from over 67% China’s GNP by 1990. Hong Kong and Taiwan during the to 50.33% (Xu and Li 1990). Maoist era had maintained contacts On the other hand, large cities with their village. Thus, the open- At a smaller scale, Panyu County were deliberately left out of these door policy created the conditions well exemplifies the rapid township changes. The increase in agricultural for successful émigrés to invest in and village-based urbanization of the productivity had created a large their village of origin. As a result, PRD. Despite its central location, surplus rural population, but the TVEs in the PRD thrived, with their within easy reach of Hong Kong, central government believed that export increasing from less than 0.5 Shenzhen, Guangzhou, and Macao, cities would be unable to sustain percent of total exports for the first half of the 1980s, the influx of the rural migrants in 1978 to 17 percent in 1985, and Panyu’s rate of economic growth and directed, via the residence 66 percent in 1991 (Ho 1995). was limited, reaching 15.94% in 1985. permit system,4 migration towards The following year, however, the rate villages and designated towns. The Although data for the growth of of industrial and agricultural output convergence of these two sets of industrial production is not available jumped to 32.38% and remained policies led to both the growth at the village level, the difference there for the rest of the decade, of villages and to the number of in the period 1978–1984 between second only to Dongguan, a few designated towns which jumped the growth of industrial output in miles away, in the entire country. from fewer than 3,000 in 1980 to Guangzhou (10.3%) and the small Similarly, migrant population, which about 9,000 ten years later. and medium-sized towns of the had never before exceeded 5,000, PRD (averaged at 22.4%) is a clear jumped to 15,751 in 1986, and by The PRD is a prime example of indicator that the economic growth 1991 reached 89,167 (Lin 1999). urbanization and industrialization of the region was not centered in Between 2000 and 2008, Panyu’s from below. The first factor was the the metropolis. official population increased from 650,000 to 1,600,000.

Image 2 (p. 11). Villages in Greater Guangzhou. The highest density of villages and the highest industrial concentration in Greater Guangzhou are found in the districts of Huadu (to the north), Baiyun, Yuexiu, Tianhe, Huangpu, Liwan, and the part of Panyu north of the Shawan Shuidao branch of the Pearl River (running west-east, at the bottom of this map).

Most villages in the Pearl River Delta are “lineage villages,” i.e., villages established by common ancestors and whose residents share the same surname even today. By contrast, villages in the south part of Panyu, usually stretched along a river or canal bank and only marginally industrialized, were established after the 1949 by the Maoist government. © Marco Cenzatti.

12 Two major factors triggered this central agency. This “has significantly that form its nodes remain a sudden growth. One is the already contributed to the formation of distinguishing feature of Panyu’s mentioned opening up of the a distinct extended metropolitan landscape. Thus, returning to the entire delta to foreign investments region characterized by intensified synoikism of classical Greece, and commerce. The other is the rural-urban interaction . . . growing rather that coalescing into a single rapid development of Panyu’s mixture of urban/rural activities, and city, Panyu’s villages have evolved transportation infrastructure. As commercial development in nodal in centers of agricultural as well geographer George Lin points and ribbon form” (Lin 1999: 249). as industrial production and have out, the most interesting aspect of come together in part of a region this development was that it was As Image 3 shows, even today this of diffused urbanization, or better a largely planned and financed by local urban and rural mixture and the desakota region. governments rather than by a single, over 300 administrative villages5

City-Based and Land-Centered Development

Since the mid-1990s, however, a new wave of urbanization or, more precisely, a city-based and land-centered urban revolution, has gradually taken place through which cities, particularly large cities, have managed dramatically to upgrade and expand their urban built environment as a means of reasserting their central position in the rapidly globalizing Chinese economy. (Lin 2007: 1832)

This “urban revolution” and “land- “land-centered” dynamics are woven the implementation of a regional centered development” started with together: the development of place- master plan, top-down control the separation, in 1988, between making projects raises the value of over regional growth. To begin with, land ownership—which remained the surrounding land, and land-use in June 2000, the city boundaries in the hands of the state—and land- rights transactions provide the local were extended to incorporate the use rights—which could be bought government with capital to finance previously independent counties of and sold. The latter possibility those projects. Panyu in the south and Huadu in the created a de facto land market. In north.6 Second, the city undertook turn, the market of land-use rights Guangzhou’s growth over the last the construction of a vast network offered municipal governments two decades has been driven by this of new roads and railways that a way to raise capital by selling process. Between 1988 and 2000 promoted its reach throughout the (leasing, to be precise) urban land in Guangzhou non-agricultural land region. This also facilitated access to private developers. This was doubled from 35,000 hectares to to the deep-water port under and is particularly important for about 70,000 and increased from construction at the southern tip of the local government, since urban less than 10% of Guangzhou’s total the newly created Nansha District. land is the only stable asset on land to 19%, while agricultural Finally, it began several large place- which city governments can rely— land decreased from 78% to 65% making interventions that expanded by expropriation, allocation, or (Lin 2007: 1842). The decrease of its urban core. Among them, the conveyance—to generate revenue agricultural land indicates that a large city planned a new central business by changing the designation of part of the new development did not district (CBD) in the , rural land to urban. “City-based,” occur as restructuring of the already followed by the even newer cultural on the other hand, refers to the urbanized “old” Guangzhou, but as and business center of New Zhujiang large projects, often signed by new development in rural areas. City (with the Guangzhou Opera star architects, which a city needs House designed by Zaha Hadid and in order to promote itself and From the 1990s onwards, this the Guangdong Museum designed establish an identity that allows it to coincided with Guangzhou’s by Rocco Yim) at the southern “to get on the map” and meet the multi-prong effort to restore its border of the district. Between competition of other regional and dominant position on the Pearl 2002 and 2008, it also built new global centers. Thus “city-based” and River Delta and to re-establish, via monumental structures for the

13 Image 3. Panyu. This slice (at the northern end of the district, closest to the older part of Guangzhou) shows the mixed landscape of the district. Villages (outlined in red), industrial buildings (most of the buildings with blue roofs), agricultural fields, and fish ponds (darker green) coexist in close vicinity.

14 Image 4. The University City occupies an island in the Panyu District, at the border with Haizhu and Huangpu. As they lost their agricultural land, the villages of Beigang (Image 5) and Suishi (Image 6) turned to commerce. Shops offering goods and services to students were opened. The village of Beiting (Image 8) has been fighting to keep their homes while Lianxi Village (Image 7) has been rebuilt (unsuccessfully, as it turned out in the following years) as a museum.

Canton International Trade Fair in The villages on the island exemplify as the sole agent of urbanization. the Haizhu District. the different destinies that villages in As a result, place-making, place- the city often face (see Images 4–8). promotion, and land-centered As a final example of place-making, development will be the path it may be worthwhile to mention Conclusion towards further modernization and the construction of the University urbanization, even if this means to City between 2000 and 2004. Returning to the initial differentiation ignore—in fact, to erase—the urban The city is composed by ten between the characteristics of fabric in which they are immersed. university campuses, either new or urbanization in the West and in relocated from the older districts of China, one could conclude that the The recent history of urbanization Guangzhou. Located on an island at period of “urbanization from below” in the Pearl River Delta, however, the northern tip of Panyu District has been an interlude that is now also demonstrates a pathway to and on the border with Haizhu, the concluded, that Panyu is becoming a urbanization that is different from complex suggests that the center is suburb of Guangzhou, and that what the West, both in the way an urban now truly expanding into a district looked like a desakota region was territory is organized and in the that was an independent county just a moment of passage towards a actors who have a voice in the only twelve years ago and that still fully urbanized condition increasingly process. Recognizing the viability has a desakota character. In the four similar to the Western model. Such a of the desakota region provides a years of construction the island has position, however, would fall back on different reading of the region and lost all its agricultural fields and has the presumed urban-rural dichotomy offers a new focus and direction for produced its own villages in the city. and would again identify the city intervention. From this perspective

15 villages and local towns, rather similar to the urbanization from Lin, George C. S. 1999. “Transportation than either remaining invisible below and a simultaneous dynamic and metropolitan development or regarded as remnants of the from the center where, villages in in China’s Pearl River Delta: The past, should be considered as key the city, as suppliers of housing for experience of Panyu.” Habitat migrants, remain a key factor. For the International 23(2): 249–270. actors in the current urbanization purpose of this essay “urbanization ———. 2001. “Evolving spatial form of process. Far from being leftovers from below” better focuses on the urban-rural interaction in the Pearl of a premodern time, villages are overall presence of villages in the River Delta, China.” Professional very much an active part of the urbanization process. Geographer 53(1): 56–70. changes that the Pearl River Delta 3. Experiments with the Household ———. 2007. “Reproducing spaces of is undergoing. In fact, they are the Responsibility System began in 1978. Chinese urbanization: New city- economic base of the region. For Wide implementation followed by based and land-centered urban example, villages are the main, if not 1980–81. The system allowed rural transformation.” Urban Studies 44 (9): the only, providers of housing for households to contract land plots and 1827–1855. migrants; villages have changed their machinery from the village. Under the Lin, George C. S., and P. S. Ho. 2005. system, farmers were free to decide “The state, land system, and agricultural production, responding what to grow on their plot and keep land development processes in to the mounting demand for fresh the land’s output, after paying a share contemporary China.” Annals of the produce and fish from the markets to the state. Association of American Geographers 95 and restaurants of the delta; they 4. The residence permit system (hukou) (2): 411–436. are also the location of the myriad was introduced in 1958 (for the Ma, Laurence J. C., and Ming Fan. 1994. of firms in the region, in sectors history of hukou, see Chan 2009). “Urbanisation from below: The as diverse as furniture making, 5. Administrative villages are growth of towns in Jiangsu, China.” electronic games, and car assembly. bureaucratic entities, with an official Urban Studies 31(10): 1625–1645. With these multiple roles and their local government. Natural villages are Norton, Ginsburg, Bruce Koppel, T. G. ubiquity across the delta, villages are villages that formed “naturally,” i.e. McGee, eds. 1991. The Extended without state intervention. A natural Metropolis: Settlement Transition in Asia. also the natural starting point for the village may also be an administrative Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. maintenance and strengthening of one, if it is recognized by the state. Shen, Janfa, Zhiqiang Feng, Kwuan-yiu linkages between the rural and the 6. In 2005 the district of Nansha was Wong. 2006. “Dual-track urbanization urban that a desakota region offers formed by separating the southern in a transitional economy: The case of and requires. They have the part of Panyu. the Pearl River Delta in south China.” potential to be important actors in Habitat International 30: 690–705. establishing a distinctively Chinese References Sui, Daniel Z., and Zeng Hui. 2001. way to urbanization. “Modeling the dynamics of landscape Chan, Kam Wing. 2009. “The Chinese structure in Asia’s emerging desakota hukou system at 50.” Eurasian regions: A case study in Shenzhen.” Landscape and Urban Planning 53 (1–4): 1. McGee and Ginzburg coined the term Geography and Economics 50 (2): 37–52. desakota using the two Indonesian 197–221. Xie, Yichun, Michael Batty, and Kang Zhao. words desa (village) and kota (town) Heikkila, E. J., T. Y. Shen, and K. Z. Yang. 2005. “Simulating emergent urban with the intent to underline the 2003. “Fuzzy urban sets: Theory and form: Desakota in China.” Working difference between these regions and application to desakota regions in Paper, Center for Advanced Spatial the traditional Western dichotomic China.” Environment and Planning B— Studies, University College London. view of urban vs. rural. The term Planning and Design 30 (2): 239–254. Xu, Xue-qiang, and Si-ming Li. 1990. and the concept have been picked Ho, Samuel P. S. 1995. “Rural non- “China’s open door policy and up by several scholars of China’s agricultural development in post- urbanization in the Pearl River urbanization (e.g., Johnson and Woon reform China: Growth, development Region.” International Journal of Urban 1997; Lin 2001; Sui and Zeng 2001; patterns, and issues.” Public Affairs and Regional Research 14(1): 49–69. Heikkila, Shen, and Yang 2003; Xie, 68(1): 360–391. Batty, and Zhao 2005). Johnson, Graham E., and Yuen-fong Woon. 2. “Dual-track urbanization” (cf. Shen, “Rural development patterns in post- Feng, and Wong 2006) identifies reform China: The Pearl River Delta two dynamics of urbanization: region in the 1990s.” Development and one of spontaneous urbanization Change 28: 731–752.

16 Image 5. Beigang Village.

Image 6. Suishi Village.

17 Image 7. The Lingnan Impression Park has replaced the original village of Lianxi. Image 8. Beiting Village.

18 福强路 70 Fuqiang Road

福榮路 50 100 200m

Furong Road

廣深高速公路

Guangshen Expressway

濱河大道

Binhe Avenue Binhe

下沙村 Xiasha Village 下沙村 Xiasha Village 8 米 5 米 – – 9層 – 2 米 – per person 2 主要街道寬度：7 4–5 m Lane width: 次要街道寬度：4 1–2 m width: Alley 支路寬度：1 Total population: ~40,000 population: Total 總人口：~40,000 35 ha Area: 面積：35 公頃 8.75 m 每人 8.75 平方米 7–9 stories Building height: 建築物高度：7 7–8 m width: High street y x

71 紅燈區。 今天，下沙村大街滿街都是按摩和休閒場所。晚上下沙村就變化成了 世界紀錄。 十五日，下沙村的盆菜宴宴請了 60,000 位賓客，還因此打破了健力士 the village transforms into a red-light district. into a red-light the village transforms 此外，下沙村的農曆新年大盆菜也是很有名的。在 2002 年農曆正月 Today, the main streets of the village are full of massage parlors. At night of massage parlors. full are of the village the main streets Today, 重工業的污染問題，因而令下沙村成為了著名的名牌服裝生產總匯。 its pan cai fest. 在 1990 年代，下沙村開始了重建工程。村民引進了服裝企業，以減少 village broke the Guinness World Records for hosting 60,000 people in hosting for Records World the Guinness village broke 了紅樹林以防禦海潮。 feast that is celebrated during Chinese New Year. In 2002, the In 2002, Year. that is celebrated during Chinese New pan cai feast 的。黃氏的後代主要以農業、捕魚和養殖生蠔為生，他們在沿岸種植 major Chinese clothing brands. Xiasha Village is also renowned for its for Village is also renowned Xiasha major Chinese clothing brands. 擁有超過 800 年歷史的下沙村，是黃氏家族在南宋時遷居到此而成立 set up a clothing industry. At one stage, the village was famous for was famous for the village At one stage, set up a clothing industry. pollution, village executives purposely pushed out heavy industries and pushed out heavy purposely village executives pollution, During the 1990s, the village was substantially redeveloped. To reduce reduce To redeveloped. substantially the village was During the 1990s, coastline to protect the village from tides. from the village coastline to protect cultivated oysters for a living. They also planted mangroves along the also planted mangroves They a living. for cultivated oysters has over 800 years of history. The descendants farmed, fished, and fished, farmed, The descendants of history. 800 years has over Established by the Huang family during the Song dynasty, Xiasha Village Xiasha during the Song dynasty, family the Huang Established by 下沙村 XIASHA VILLAGE XIASHA

72 泰然八路

3 Tairan Ba Road Ba Tairan 2 Plaza 廣場 1 4

下沙村 Xiasha Village 下沙村 Xiasha Village 4 2 43 1 因此他 way. 在這兒你可以找到日 e proud of their historye proud y streets of Xiasha Village. Here Here Village. of Xiasha y streets , open space plaza in the middle of an urban plaza in the middle open space ,

一個傳統中國牌坊屹立在廣場上。 下沙村村民對自己的歷史和成就非常自豪。 城中村中心一個正在重建中的廣場！ 在這兒你會 下沙村其中的一條商業街道。 The people of Xiasha ar A fine example of a traditional Chinese gate A fine example of a traditional One of the man A large

73 2 物館設有圖書館、幼稚園和村董事的辦公室。 常用品、新鮮食物、餐廳及按摩和休閒場所。 4 們蓋了下沙博物館，讓訪客了解村的歷史和傳統。博 3 找到不同的獨特傳統建築物和雕像。 1 offices for village executives. offices 3 and kindergarten, a library, The building also houses structures and sculptures adorn the square. and sculptures structures dedicated to the historyvillage. and tradition of the village! It is currently being renovated. Many unique Many renovated. being village! It is currently 4 built a museum have and they and achievements 2 1 parlors. and massage 建築巡禮 restaurants, food, fresh goods, your daily find will you Architour 74

下沙村 Xiasha Village 下沙村 Xiasha Village

Citang Hou Street 祠堂後街

The vibrant Citang Hou Street accommodates a variety 祠堂後街佈滿了日常用品店、餐廳和便利店等商鋪。這 of uses ranging from residential to retail of everyday 條街面向下沙村廣場。在元旦的時候，村民在廣場內放 goods, convenience stores, and restaurants. The street 滿圓桌，舉行盛大的盆菜宴會。盆菜是把不同的餸菜一 directly fronts the large plaza of Xiasha Village. During 層一層的疊在一個大圓盆內，供食客享用。 Chinese New Year, Chinese round tables fill the plaza to host the traditional pan cai feast. Eaten layer by layer, 平時，這廣場是村民踏單車，玩滾軸溜冰和作拜祭儀式 pan cai is served in a large round bowl with layers of 的地方。 different ingredients. Every day, the plaza is used for all sorts of activities including cycling, roller blading, and worshipping.

75 76 65

7 8

商業 Commerce 9

下沙村 Xiasha Village A. Fashion Shop 時尚商品 A. Fashion Shop 時尚商品 City Pretty Person Fashion A1 Enormous Day Shoes A16 下沙村 都市麗人時裝 巨日鞋業 Dragon Fly Shoes A2 Lancy Fashion A17 龍飛鞋業 麗詩時裝 Outstanding Good Person A3 Enter 1982 Fashion A18 卓婭佳人 Enter 1982 時裝 Xiasha Village Belloann Fashion A4 Europe Song Fashion A19 C7 巴萊亞時裝 歐歌時裝 A33 Biass Fashion A5 Farmer Fashion A20 F1 卡你布拉士時裝 莊稼人時裝 A1 A32 C6 Willis Fashion A6 Grain Court Fashion A21 A2 維利斯時裝 禾苑時裝 D1 6 G1 Sa la la Fashion A7 City Woman Fashion A22 D2 莎啦啦時裝 都市女人時裝 A31 B1 Cefiro Fashion A9 New Elegant Charisma A23 塞飛洛時裝 新雅魅力 A3 C5 9 Grain Feather Fashion A10 Yisica Fashion A24 禾羽時裝 依斯卡時裝 D3 C3 B. Health & Beauty 健康美容 D4 D13 Cobalt Stone Fashion A11 City Good Person Fashion A25 鈷石時裝 城市佳人時裝 Creative Salon B1 A4 A30 A5 Port One Dragon Fashion A12 創意沙龍 G2 KCQ Fashion A26 Collection KCQ 時裝 A6 D12 South North Drug Store B2 A7 港一龍時裝總匯 南北藥行 Jade Fragrance Fashion A27 C4 Playboy A13 碧黛芬時裝 B3 B15 Beautiful Impression 花花公子時裝 Xiasha Street Happy Accessories A28 美麗印象 E1 Blue Out Feeling A14 快樂飾品 Dragon Clan Hairstyle B4 B2 藍色出情 Famous Store Aiyaya Fashion A29 哎呀呀時裝 龍派髮型名店 下沙街 Cardcini Fashion A15 B3 C3 卡仙妮時裝 Beauty Always Benefits B5 Step Green Shoes A30 美尚惠 C1 踏青鞋店 B14 Thousand Good Shop B6 D5 European Mind Branded A31 B13 Shoe Discount Shop 千佳行 7 歐維思品牌鞋折扣店 Hair Origin Land B7 A9 A29 D11 Quality Shoe Bag Store A32 髮源地 A10 優尚品鞋包坊 Xiasha Mouth Cure Centre B8 A11 5 B12 Amanda Fashion A33 下沙口腔治療中心 A28 B4 A27 阿曼達時裝 Shenzhen Blue Fly Clinic B9 A26 D10 深圳藍翔門診部 A12 C2 A25 Love Forever Wedding D9 F. Grocery 雜貨 B10 A24 Photography A13 Cow Kitchen Junk Food Store F1 F2 A23 鍾愛一生婚紗攝影 牛廚零食店 A14 Sir Glasses B11 A15 A22 Hundred Direction F2 爵視眼鏡 B5 A21 Convenience Store B11 Safe Step Sports Gear A16 百方達便利店 B12 B10 安踏體育 D. Restaurant 食肆 A17 D7 Original Hairstyles B13 A18 8 Red Tea & Dessert House D1 A19 A20 首創造型 紅茶館甜品屋 D6 Consistency Drug Store B14 Good Farm Bakery D2 B9 D7 一致藥店 佳田麵包店 B6 Sight Nice Glasses B15 Yellow Product House Private D3 A20 B7 視嘉眼鏡 Dishes 黃品居私房菜 D8 Jade Tea House Restaurant D4 C. Entertainment 娛樂 B8 翡翠茶餐廳 Gold Peng Leisure C1 New Prosper Rice Rolls King D5 金鵬休閒 新旺腸粉皇 G. Electronic Products 電子產品 Man Happy Game Room C2 Taiwan Fresh Made Tea D6 君悅遊戲室 台灣鮮泡茶室 Fly Dragon Communication G1 Video Shop C3 飛龍通訊 Bashu Peak Restaurant D7 D. Restaurant 食肆 影片店 巴蜀峰餐廳 Middle Easy Communication G2 D12 Add Prosper Leisure Island C4 Ba Eat Noodle Shop 中易通訊 Good Taste Home Restaurant D8 巴食麵館 加旺休閒島 好食家餐廳 Absolute Taste Duck Neck D13 New Gold Source Leisure C5 Together Celebrate Hall D9 絕味鴨脖 Centre Chinese Herbal Tea 新金源休閒中心 同慶堂中國茶居 Adult Toys C6 Now Bake Cakes D10 E. Public Service 公共服務 成人用品 即烤蛋糕 Xiasha Community Working E1 N Love Nest Bar C7 Blessed European Cakes D11 Station 愛巢酒吧 幸福西餅 下沙社區工作站 77 0 10 25 50m 78 (incl. retail shop) retail (incl. 2 Commercial and residential Commercial 商住兩用單位 1 person 1人 100 m Area: 面積：100 平方米（包括商店） ~4,000 RMB rent: Monthly 月租 ~4,000 元人民幣

3.2 m 1.8 m 6 m 6

8.4 m

存貨。 renter. Some of the spaces are also used for storage of stock. also used for Some of the spaces are renter. 小時便利店，二樓是便利店辦公室和租戶居住空間，還擺放了 second floor provides office and living quarters to the same second floor provides 在下沙城中村非常普遍的混合功能單位一例：地面樓層是 24 The ground level houses a 24-hour convenience store. The store. houses a 24-hour convenience level The ground example of a dual-function retail and residential unit in Xiasha. unit in Xiasha. and residential example of a dual-function retail Mixed-use units are very common in urban villages; this is an very common in urban villages; units are Mixed-use

房屋 Housing

下沙村 Xiasha Village 下沙村 Xiasha Village

我來自香港。我決定搬來深圳是因為當時這兒的房屋 價格比香港的便宜很多。我當時想開一間便利店來打 發退休後的時間。 我住在這村已超過 10 年了。最初我選擇住在這裡， 並沒任何特別的原因；我只是想尋找一個好位置，開 設一間便利店。 吸引我來下沙村開店是這裡的色情行業。以往這條街 晚上滿街都是到處尋找顧客的妓女，所以我想，如果 我在這裡開設便利店，便可以賺這些遊客和妓女的 錢。現在妓女消失了，儘管你仍然可以在按摩和娛樂 場所找到色情服務，但是下沙村的色情行業已沒有以 前那麼活躍了。 如果你不追求豪華的生活，你可以和我一樣，選擇年 輕退休。在深圳你不需很多金錢也可生活，因為這兒 生活成本仍然低於香港。不過，晚上要特別小心！因 為很多很多小偷會在晚上光顧娛樂場所的客人！所 以請好好看守自己的貴重物品！ I am from Hong Kong. I decided to move to Shenzhen I decided to move Hong Kong. I am from as here cheaper a lot prices were because housing I wanted to open in Hong Kong. to those compared to kill time. a store now. ten years over in the village for lived I have particular any for here live I did not choose to Initially, location to open a good I was just looking for reason. store. a convenience one store, a up set to place a for looking was I When was the sex industry. thing that attracted me here looking was used to be full of prostitutes This street that if I opened a I thought business at night. for I could earn some money, here, store convenience you nowadays But visitors and prostitutes. both from In fact, anymore. street on this see prostitutes won’t the sex industry as is no longer as active in Xiasha in the can still find prostitutes but you it used to be, massage and entertainment parlors. can be you not after a luxurious lifestyle, are If you to live need a lot don’t You young. me and retire like still lower since living costs are and eat in Shenzhen, at be careful Nevertheless, than those in Hong Kong. night at area this in pickpockets many are There night! the when a lot of people pour into the village for items! expensive your So hide entertainment parlors. 79 聲明：為保護受訪者的私隱，照片中的人物並非真實的受訪者。 Disclaimer: To protect the identity of the research subjects, persons shown are not actual portraits of the interviewees. are persons shown subjects, the identity of the research protect To Disclaimer:

老闆 Boss

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