DOCSLIB.ORG

Rediscovering Kurdistan's Cultures and Identities, Palgrave Studies In

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Rediscovering Kurdistan's Cultures and Identities, Palgrave Studies In INDEX1 A Adani clan, 271, 277, 304, 305, 310, Abd el-Kadir al-Gilani, 278 315n74, 318n106 Abd Shams, 284, 296, 314n59 Adi, Abu Sa’d ‘Abd al-Karim Abdoka, Ano, 225, 229, 232, 235, al-Sam’ani, 261 250n46 Adi ibn Musafir, Sheikh, 75, 261–264, Abdul Hamid II, 265 272, 273, 276–279, 293–295, Abdulla, Qasang, 126 303, 304, 310, 316n80, 317n105 Abdulrahman, Kareem, 96n33 ADM, see Assyrian Democratic Abnaa al-Nahrain Party (ANP, The Movement Descendants of Mesopotamia), Aflakadian, Kavine, 204 218, 225, 230, 231 Afrin, 3, 26, 31, 174 Abraham, 304 Aghajan, Sarkis, 221, 225, 228, Abu Firas ‘Abd Allah ibn Shibl, 294 229, 232 Abu Hamid al-Ghazali, 316n88 Aghas, 161 Abu Sufyan, 284, 296, 304 Ahle Haqq, 12, 13, 31n1, 43, 74, 135 Academics for peace, 159 Ahmad, Kajal, 76, 79 ACE, see Assyrian Church of the East Ahmed, Osman, 131 Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP, Ahmadzadeh, Hashem, viii, 8, 37, 47, Justice and Development Party), 65, 95n29 18, 110, 158, 161 Aid to the Church in Need, 249n30 Adam, 74, 280, 281, 287–292, 302, Ain Sifni, 289 304, 305 Akito holiday, 236 1Note: Page numbers followed by ‘n’ refer to notes. © The Author(s) 2018 327 J. Bocheńska (ed.), Rediscovering Kurdistan’s Cultures and Identities, Palgrave Studies in Cultural Heritage and Conflict, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-93088-6 328 INDEX AKP, see Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi 229, 233, 241, 245, 248n14, (AKP, Justice and Development 261, 262, 264, 269, 282, 293, Party) 304, 305, 318n106 Alevi, 12, 13, 43, 135 Arab Spring, 25 Ali ibn Abi Talib, 284, 296 Arakelova, Victoria, 270, 273, Alî, Abdul Xaliq Muhammad, 251n58 281, 302 Ali, Bakhtiyar, 67–69, 73, 89, 90, Aramaic, 9, 220–222, 233, 235, 95n29, 96n34, 97n35 236, 239 Alinia, Mino, 60, 61, 155, 158 Aramaic-speaking Christians, 217, 219 Allison, Christine, 269 Arameans, 218 Alqush, 192, 225, 315n70 Aram Tigran Conservatoire (Aram Amed, 9, 111, 121, 133, 134, 159 Tigran Konservatuarı), 122, 140, Amedî, Mela Îbrahim Xelîl, viii, 134 145n23 American Bible Society, 188, 202, 203 Ararat (Agirî), rebellion, 155 American Board of Commissioners for Armenia, 26–29, 123, 137, 267, 281, Foreign Missions, 188, 202 294, 306, 314n53 American Mesopotamia Armenian genocide of 1915, 13, 15, Organisation, 230 27, 82, 175, 220, 235, 248n13 American University of Iraq Armenians, 7, 11, 13, 15, 19, 27, 137, Sulaimania (AUIS), 141 169, 174, 176, 191, 193, 197, Amirkhanian, Bedros, 204 200–208, 218, 219, 224, Amnesty International, 159 248n13, 265, 270 Amoev, Kerim, 29, 266, 270 Armenian Youth, 137 Anastase Marie, 287, 315n64 Arpee, Leon, 201, 203 Anderson, Benedict, 213 Asatrian, Garnik, 209n6, 270, Andrus, Alpheus, 204, 208 273, 281 Anfal genocide, 20, 131 Asayiş, 240, 241 Anglican missionaries, 194, 220 Aşiret, 242 Ankara, 17, 123, 155 Association for the Revival of Ankawa, 13, 136, 219, 226–229, 231, Kurdistan (Komeley Jiyanewey 232, 234–238, 240, 241, 250n46 Kurdistan), 22 Anker, Elisabeth, 5, 38–40, 44–46, 49, Assyria, 219, 224 51, 54, 71 Assyrian Academic Society, 228 Ankosi, Kerim, 29, 270 Assyrian Aid Society, 249n17 ANP, see Abnaa al-Nahrain Party Assyrian Church of the East (ACE), Ansar al-Islam, 240 197, 217, 243, 244, 248n1, Anter, Musa, 121, 170 248n3 APP, see Assyrian Patriotic Party Assyrian Democratic Movement Appiah, Kwame Anthony, 36, 38, (ADM), 221, 222, 224, 225, 40–44, 48, 49, 86 227–231, 246, 250n36 Arabs, 7, 11, 12, 19, 30, 49, 79, 137, Assyrian Love and Unity, 221 169, 208, 217, 220, 221, 225, Assyrian National Party, 224 INDEX 329 Assyrian New Year, 236 Bandura, Albert, 49 Assyrian Patriotic Party (APP), 221, Bane, 98n47, 111, 127, 132, 230, 231 139, 141 Assyrians, 4, 13, 16, 22, 133, 137, Bar Hebraeus, 262 197, 198, 200, 207, 213, 216, Barış ve Demokrasi Partisi (BDP, 218–220, 222, 228, 233, 235, Peace and Democracy Party), 236, 238, 242–246, 248n1, 122, 139 248n8, 248n14, 263, 267, 270, Barker, Benjamin, 193 305, 307 Barth, Fredrik, 214, 222, 235, Assyrian Women’s Union, 249n17, 242, 243 250n36 Barton, James, 204, 207, 208 Assyro-Arameans, 218 Barzani family, 12 Assyro-Chaldeans, 218, 244, 245 Barzani, Mela Mustafa, 19, 20, Assyro-Chaldean-Syriacs, 218 23, 222 Atatürk, Mustafa Kemal, 15, 17 Barzani, Mesud, 20, 21, 93n6, 114, Atoraya, 219 144n11, 221, 229, 230, 232, AUIS, see American University of Iraq 236, 269, 312n20 Sulaimania Barzani, Nechirvan, 236 Azerbaijan, 21, 26–28, 267, 294 Barzani uprising, 20, 222, 231 Aziz, Jalal Habib, 250n46 Barzinji family, 12 Aziz, Tarik, 222 Basel Mission, 188, 195–197, 199 Bashique, 228, 310 Basra, 225, 250n33, 297 B Başur, Southern Kurdistan, 16, 19–21, Ba’athists, 293 67, 88, 107, 113, 116, 118, 128, Ba’ath regime, 20, 30, 218, 220, 131, 134, 140, 142, 214, 242, 222, 232 246, 247 Baba Sheikh, 303, 308–310, 318n108 Battle of Chaldiran, 14 Babanzade, 113 Baxtiyar, Ciwan, 139 Babylon Brigade, 227 Baxtiyar, Mela, 113, 138 Babylonia, 219 Baydemir, Osman, 145n24 Badini, 124 Bazi, Douglas, 249n29 Baghdad, 13, 20, 21, 113, 218, 221, BDP, see Barış ve Demokrasi Partisi 225–228, 250n33, 261, 277, 293 (BDP, Peace and Democracy Bahzani, 310 Party) Baito, Nimrud, 225 Bebek Seminary, 202 Baku, 196 Bedirxan, see Celadet Alî Bedirxan Bakur, North Kurdistan, 16–19, 47, Bedlîsî, see Şerefxanê Bedlîsî 59, 72, 78, 107, 111, 119, 121, Bedros Effendi, 204 124, 125, 127, 129, 130, 139, Begard, Rauf, 128 142, 154, 157, 161, 179n3 Begikhani, Nazand, 61, 138, 139 Balkans, 180n10 Bêkes, Şêrko, 77 330 INDEX Bello, Basim, 225 Cewerî, Firat, 77, 78, 89 Berger, Peter, 108 Chaldean Catholic Church (ChCC), Beth-Nahrain Democratic Party, 230 217, 218, 243, 244, 248n1 Beth-Nahrain Patriotic Union, 230 Chaldean Church, 159, 187, Beyoğlu district, 172 192–194, 229, 234, 237 Bhabha, Homi, 4, 191 Chaldean Cultural Centre, 228 Bible, 7, 92n4, 187–208 Chaldean Democratic Forum, 230 Binkey Jîn bo Bûjandinewey Kelepûrî, Chaldean National Council, 230 Belgenamey û Rojnamewanî Chaldeans, 16, 136, 192–195, 201, Kurdî (Institute of Life for 216, 218–220, 222, 230, 233, Revitalisation of Heritage, 235–237, 241, 243–246, 248n1, Documentation and Journalism), 248n14, 292, 305, 307 see Jîn Institute Chaldean-Syriac-Assyrian, 218 Binkey Ronakbirî Gelawêj (Gelawêj Chaldean Syriac Assyrian Popular Cultural Institute), 118 Council (CSAPC), 224, 225, Bitlis, 171, 203, 264, 265 230, 251n60 Black Sea, 173, 180n16 Chaldo Ashor Organisation, 230 Bliss, Isaac G., 202, 203 Chaldo-Assyrian identity, 7, 213 Blumhardt, Christian T., 196 Chaldo-Assyrian people, 214 Bookchin, Murray, 18 Chaldo-Assyrians, 11, 19, 214–216, Bosnians, 129, 137, 162 218–247, 248n1, 249n17, Bourdieu, Pierre, 4, 108, 133, 249n21, 249n25 143, 144n4 Chaldo-Assyrian Student and Youth Boyajian, Hagop, 202 Union, 249n17 Bradost, 198 Chaldo-Assyrian-Syriacs, 218, 244 Brennert, Kai Tom, 115 Chaldo-Syriac-Assyrian, 246 British and Foreign Bible Society ChCC, see Chaldean Catholic Church (BFBS), 187, 188, 191–196, Chechens, 180n10 199, 202 Christian millets, 217, 218 British Missions’ Aid Society, 203 The Church of England, 192 Brussels, 31, 141 Cigerxwîn Centre (Cigerxwîn Gençlîk Byzantine Empire, 151 ve Kültür Merkezi, CGKM), 122, 140, 145n23, 170 Cinayeta namûsê, 40 C Circassians, 129, 137, 162, 179n5, Calîl, Calîlê, 94n18 180n10 Canton, William, 192, 195, 196 Cizîra Botan principality, 24 Catholic missionaries, 192, 219 Cizre province, 24, 289 Celadet Alî Bedirxan, 8, 14, 25, 81, Çoban-Aga, 263 113, 153, 220 Constantinople, 187, 191–196, 200, Cemal Îrfan Institute, 113, 117, 202, 204, 317n90 118, 127 Constitution of Iraq, 2005, 223 INDEX 331 Cormick, John, 193 Dicle Culture and Art Centre and Coup, 1980, 17, 156 Youth Academy (Dicle Kültür ve Coup d’état of July 2016, 19 Sanat Merkezi ve Gençlik Çözüm Süreci, 178 Akademisi), see Dicle Kültür ve CSAPC, see Chaldean Syriac Assyrian Sanat Merkezi ve Gençlik Popular Council Akademisi (Dicle Culture and Art Culture of Peace, Centre and Youth Academy) The (Ferhengî Aşitî), 126 Dicle, Mehmet, 10, 11, 37, 52, 80, 82, 129, 164, 175, 176 Dicle, Tigris, 10, 123 D Dicle-Firat Centre (Dicle-Fırat Kültür Dabashi, Hamid, 49 Merkezî), 119, 123, 129, Damascus, 153, 297–299, 317n91 130, 140 Dasagirkê Kurmanci, 206 Dicle Kültür ve Sanat Merkezi ve Dehumanisation, 4, 39, 44, 45, 50, Gençlik Akademisi (Dicle Culture 53–55, 79, 84, 168, 172 and Art Centre and Youth Demir, Silêman, 52 Academy), 123 Democratic Confederalism, 26, 175 Dietrich, August, 196 Democratic Federation of Northern DiMaggio, Paul J., 108, 109, 144n4 Syria (DFNS), see Federaliya Dimdim, 58 Demokratîk a Bakurê Suryê Dionysus, 300 (Democratic Federation of Diyarbekir, 9, 48, 77, 111, 119–123, Northern Syria) 126, 127, 129–131, 133, 139, Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan 140, 143, 146n40, 146n42, (KDP-I), 22 146n43, 146n45, 146n49, 159, Democratic Union Party, 25 171, 172, 180n10, 180n17 Dengbêj House, 130, 159 Diyarbekir City Museum, 122 Dengbêj û Kevneşopiya Dengbêjiyê, 129 Diyarbekir City Walls, 133 Dengbêjs, 129, 172 Donskis, Leonidas, 51 Dersim, 13, 156 Dost, Jan, 52, 78, 95n30 Dersim rebellion, 155 Dostoyevski, Fiodor, 44, 70, 77 Descendants of Mesopotamia, 218 Duhok, 19, 112, 115, 119, 123, 135, Desteya Bilind a Pêgehê Laliş Yê 144n14, 220, 223, 226–228, Rewşenbirî û Komelayetî Duhok 231, 233–236, 238, 239, 241, (High Committee of Cultural and 243, 244, 246, 251n68, 251n82 Social Centre Duhok or Laliş Duhok Gallery, 117, 118, 141 Centre), 135 Dur-Sharrukin, 228 Dezgay Çap û Pexşî Serdem, Düzgün, Cevahir Sadak, 145n24, 117, 128 145n25, 146n40 Dezgay Roşenbîrî Cemal Îrfan, see Dwekh Nawsha, 227 Cemal Îrfan Institute Dwight, Harrison, 192, 194, 195 332 INDEX
Load more

Recommended publications
  • KDP and Nineveh Plain
    The Kurds and the Future of Nineveh Plain (Little Assyria) Fred Aprim December 7, 2006 It puzzles me how some of our people continue to misunderstand and misinterpret the simplest of behaviors or actions on the parts of Barazani's Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and those few Assyrian individuals who speak on behalf of the Assyrian nation unlawfully. Two simple questions: 1. If Mas'aud Barazani and KDP really mean well towards Assyrians, why marginalize the biggest Assyrian political group by far, i.e., the Assyrian Democratic Movement (ADM) and exclude it from participating in the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) cabinet since the ADM has been in that government since 1992 and won the only elections in northern Iraq that took place in that year. If the KDP means well, why use its influence in order to control the sole Iraqi Central Government seat that is assigned for ChaldoAssyrian Christians by having Fawzi Hariri, a KPD associate, as a minister in it. Why not act democratically and yield to the ADM that won in two national elections of January and December 2005 to fill that position? Why is it so hard to understand that Barazani is doing all this to control the Assyrians' future and cause? 2. Do the five Christian political groups, supported by KDP and its strong man Sargis Aghajan, that call for joining the Nineveh plains to the KRG, namely, a) Assyrian Patriotic Party (APP), b) ChaldoAshur Org. of Kurdistani Communist Party, c) Chaldean Democratic Forum (CDF), d) Chaldean Cultural Association (CCA), and e) Bet Nahrain Democratic Party (BNDP) really think that they will secure the Assyrian rights by simply allowing Barazani to usurp the Nineveh plain without serious guarantees recognized by the Iraqi government and international institutions.
    [Show full text]
  • 45 the RESURRECTION of SYRIAN KURDISH POLITICS by Ro
    THE RESURRECTION OF SYRIAN KURDISH POLITICS By Rodi Hevian* This article examines the current political landscape of the Kurdish region in Syria, the role the Kurds have played in the ongoing Syrian civil war, and intra-Kurdish relations. For many years, the Kurds in Syria were Iraqi Kurdistan to Afrin in the northwest on subjected to discrimination at the hands of the the Turkish border. This article examines the Ba’th regime and were stripped of their basic current political landscape of the Kurdish rights.1 During the 1960s and 1970s, some region in Syria, the role the Kurds have played Syrian Kurds were deprived of citizenship, in the ongoing conflict, and intra-Kurdish leaving them with no legal status in the relations. country.2 Although Syria was a key player in the modern Kurdish struggle against Turkey and Iraq, its policies toward the Kurds there THE KURDS IN SYRIA were in many cases worse than those in the neighboring countries. On the one hand, the It is estimated that there are some 3 million Asad regime provided safe haven for the Kurds in Syria, constituting 13 percent of Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and the Syria’s 23 million inhabitants. They mostly Kurdish movements in Iraq fighting Saddam’s occupy the northern part of the country, a regime. On the other hand, it cracked down on region that borders with Iraqi Kurdistan to the its own Kurds in the northern part of the east and Turkey to the north and west. There country. Kurdish parties, Kurdish language, are also some major districts in Aleppo and Kurdish culture and Kurdish names were Damascus that are populated by the Kurds.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq: Opposition to the Government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI)
    Country Policy and Information Note Iraq: Opposition to the government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) Version 2.0 June 2021 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the Introduction section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis and assessment of COI and other evidence; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Assessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment of, in general, whether one or more of the following applies: • A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm • The general humanitarian situation is so severe as to breach Article 15(b) of European Council Directive 2004/83/EC (the Qualification Directive) / Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iii) of the Immigration Rules • The security situation presents a real risk to a civilian’s life or person such that it would breach Article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iv) of the Immigration Rules • A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) • A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory • A claim is likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and • If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002.
    [Show full text]
  • Blood and Ballots the Effect of Violence on Voting Behavior in Iraq
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Göteborgs universitets publikationer - e-publicering och e-arkiv DEPTARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE BLOOD AND BALLOTS THE EFFECT OF VIOLENCE ON VOTING BEHAVIOR IN IRAQ Amer Naji Master’s Thesis: 30 higher education credits Programme: Master’s Programme in Political Science Date: Spring 2016 Supervisor: Andreas Bågenholm Words: 14391 Abstract Iraq is a very diverse country, both ethnically and religiously, and its political system is characterized by severe polarization along ethno-sectarian loyalties. Since 2003, the country suffered from persistent indiscriminating terrorism and communal violence. Previous literature has rarely connected violence to election in Iraq. I argue that violence is responsible for the increases of within group cohesion and distrust towards people from other groups, resulting in politicization of the ethno-sectarian identities i.e. making ethno-sectarian parties more preferable than secular ones. This study is based on a unique dataset that includes civil terror casualties one year before election, the results of the four general elections of January 30th, and December 15th, 2005, March 7th, 2010 and April 30th, 2014 as well as demographic and socioeconomic indicators on the provincial level. Employing panel data analysis, the results show that Iraqi people are sensitive to violence and it has a very negative effect on vote share of secular parties. Also, terrorism has different degrees of effect on different groups. The Sunni Arabs are the most sensitive group. They change their electoral preference in response to the level of violence. 2 Acknowledgement I would first like to thank my advisor Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Official General Report on Northern Iraq (April 2000) Contents Page
    Official general report on Northern Iraq (April 2000) Contents Page 1. Introduction 4 2. Information on the country 6 2.1. Basic facts 6 2.1.1. Country and people 6 2.1.2. History 8 2.2. System of government 17 2.3. Political developments 20 2.3.1. Internal relations 20 2.3.2. External forces 31 2.4. Security situation 36 2.5. Social and economic situation 48 2.6. Conclusions 53 3. Human rights 55 3.1. Safeguards 55 3.1.1. Constitution 55 3.1.2. Other national legislation 55 3.1.3. Conventions 56 3.2. Monitoring 56 3.3. Respect and violations 58 3.3.1. Freedom of opinion 58 3.3.2. Freedom of association and of assembly 59 3.3.3. Freedom of religion 60 3.3.4. Freedom of movement 73 3.3.5. Judicial process 83 3.3.6. Arrest and detention 84 3.3.7. Maltreatment and torture 87 3.3.8. Extra-judicial executions and murders 87 10804/00 dre/LG/mc 2 DG H I EN 3.3.9. Death penalty 87 3.4. Position of specific groups 88 3.4.1. Turkmens 88 3.4.2. Staff of international organisations 91 3.4.3. Conscripts, deserters and servicemen 96 3.4.4. Independent intellectuals and journalists 98 3.4.5. Prominent political activists 99 3.4.6. Fayli Kurds 99 3.4.7. Women 101 3.4.8. Orphaned minors 104 3.5. Summary 104 4. Refugees and displaced persons 106 4.1. Motives 106 4.2.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Security in Ninewa: Preventing an ISIS Resurgence in Northern Iraq
    The Politics of Security in Ninewa: Preventing an ISIS Resurgence in Northern Iraq Julie Ahn—Maeve Campbell—Pete Knoetgen Client: Office of Iraq Affairs, U.S. Department of State Harvard Kennedy School Faculty Advisor: Meghan O’Sullivan Policy Analysis Exercise Seminar Leader: Matthew Bunn May 7, 2018 This Policy Analysis Exercise reflects the views of the authors and should not be viewed as representing the views of the US Government, nor those of Harvard University or any of its faculty. Acknowledgements We would like to express our gratitude to the many people who helped us throughout the development, research, and drafting of this report. Our field work in Iraq would not have been possible without the help of Sherzad Khidhir. His willingness to connect us with in-country stakeholders significantly contributed to the breadth of our interviews. Those interviews were made possible by our fantastic translators, Lezan, Ehsan, and Younis, who ensured that we could capture critical information and the nuance of discussions. We also greatly appreciated the willingness of U.S. State Department officials, the soldiers of Operation Inherent Resolve, and our many other interview participants to provide us with their time and insights. Thanks to their assistance, we were able to gain a better grasp of this immensely complex topic. Throughout our research, we benefitted from consultations with numerous Harvard Kennedy School (HKS) faculty, as well as with individuals from the larger Harvard community. We would especially like to thank Harvard Business School Professor Kristin Fabbe and Razzaq al-Saiedi from the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative who both provided critical support to our project.
    [Show full text]
  • Kurdish Political and Civil Movements in Syria and the Question of Representation Dr Mohamad Hasan December 2020
    Kurdish Political and Civil Movements in Syria and the Question of Representation Dr Mohamad Hasan December 2020 KurdishLegitimacy Political and and Citizenship Civil Movements in inthe Syria Arab World This publication is also available in Arabic under the title: ُ ف الحركات السياسية والمدنية الكردية ي� سوريا وإشكالية التمثيل This publication was made possible by a grant from Carnegie Corporation of New York. The statements made and views expressed are solely the responsibility of the author. For questions and communication please email: [email protected] Cover photo: A group of Syrian Kurds celebrate Newroz 2007 in Afrin, source: www.tirejafrin.com The views and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author and the LSE Conflict Research Programme should be credited, with the name and date of the publication. All rights reserved © LSE 2020. About Legitimacy and Citizenship in the Arab World Legitimacy and Citizenship in the Arab World is a project within the Civil Society and Conflict Research Unit at the London School of Economics. The project looks into the gap in understanding legitimacy between external policy-makers, who are more likely to hold a procedural notion of legitimacy, and local citizens who have a more substantive conception, based on their lived experiences. Moreover, external policymakers often assume that conflicts in the Arab world are caused by deep- seated divisions usually expressed in terms of exclusive identities.
    [Show full text]
  • Of Iraq's Kirkuk
    INSTITUT KURDDE PARIS E Information and liaison bulletin N° 392 NOVEMBER 2017 The publication of this Bulletin enjoys a subsidy from the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs & Ministry of Culture This bulletin is issued in French and English Price per issue : France: 6 € — Abroad : 7,5 € Annual subscribtion (12 issues) France : 60 € — Elsewhere : 75 € Monthly review Directeur de la publication : Mohamad HASSAN Misen en page et maquette : Ṣerefettin ISBN 0761 1285 INSTITUT KURDE, 106, rue La Fayette - 75010 PARIS Tel. : 01-48 24 64 64 - Fax : 01-48 24 64 66 www.fikp.org E-mail: bulletin@fikp.org Information and liaison bulletin Kurdish Institute of Paris Bulletin N° 392 November 2017 • ROJAVA: PREPARING MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF AN UNCERTAIN FUTURE • TURKEY: THE REPRESSION EXPANDS TO LIBER- AL CIRCLES; THE VIOLENCE IS INCREASING • IRAQI KURDISTAN: UNCONSTITUTIONAL DEMANDS FROM BAGHDAD, ARABISATION OF KIRKUK RESTARTED ROJAVA: PREPARING MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF AN UNCERTAIN FUTURE. broad the “World Day for beginning to return to Raqqa, liber- the 17th with a suicide attack on a Kobani” was celebrated ated on 17th October. Regarding checkpoint that caused at least 35 on 1st November largely Deir Ezzor, the SDF fighters from victims in the Northeast of Deir as a symbol of this Syrian the “Jezirah Storm” operation, Ezzor Province, between the hydro- A Kurdish town’s unremit- launched on 9th September, liberated carbon fields of Conoco and Jafra. It ting resistance to the attack 7 villages near the town and about was, nevertheless, not able to pre- launched by ISIS in 2014 with fifteen km from the Iraqi borders, vent the SDF from reaching the Iraqi Turkish connivance.
    [Show full text]
  • Seismic Reflections | 5 August 2011
    1 | Edison Investment Research | Seismic reflections | 5 August 2011 Seismic reflections Confidence in Kurdistan grows Iraq, including the autonomous Kurdistan region, probably has the world’s largest concentration of untapped, easily recoverable oil reserves. Pioneering moves were made into Kurdistan in the 2000s by the likes of Gulf Keystone and Hunt Oil, with considerable drill-bit success. In late July, two important Kurdistan exploration and development deals were announced. These involve Afren acquiring interests in two PSCs with sizeable contingent reserves and a Hess-Petroceltic partnership signing two PSCs for exploration purposes. With increasing production and Analysts improving relations between the regional and Iraqi federal governments, Ian McLelland +44 (0)20 3077 5756 these deals reflect growing confidence in Kurdistan’s potential as a major Peter J Dupont +44 (0)20 3077 5741 new petroleum province. Elaine Reynolds +44 (0)20 3077 5700 Krisztina Kovacs +44 (0)20 3077 5700 Anatomy of the Kurdistan oil province [email protected] 6,000 Kurdistan is located in the North Arabian basin and is on same fairway as the 5,500 prolific oilfields of Saudi Arabia’s Eastern Province, Kuwait, southern Iraq and Syria. 5,000 4,500 The geological backdrop to Kurdistan tends to be simple and is characterised by 4,000 3,500 large anticlinal structures, deep organic-rich sediments and carbonate reservoirs 3,000 mainly of Jurassic to Cretaceous age. Drilling commenced in the region in 2006. So far, 28 wells have been drilled, of which 20 have been discoveries, resulting in A pr/11 Oct/10 Jun/11 Fe b/11 Aug/10 Dec/10 Aug/11 estimated reserves of over 5.8bn boe.
    [Show full text]
  • Kurdish Islamists in Iraq 5
    5 Kurdish Islamists in Iraq from the MuslimBrotherhood to the So-Called Islamic State: Shaban 1436 June 2015 Continuity or Departure? Mohammed Shareef Visiting Lecturer, Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies, University of Exeter Kurdish Islamists in Iraq from the Muslim Brotherhood to the So-Called Islamic State: Continuity or Departure? Mohammed Shareef Visiting Lecturer, Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies, University of Exeter العدد - )اﻷول( 4 No. 5 June 2015 © King Faisal Center for research and Islamic Studies, 2015 King Fahd National Library Catalging-In-Publication Data King Faisal Center for research and Islamic Studies Dirasat: Kurdish Islamists in Iraq from the Muslim Brotherhood to the So-Called Islamic State: Continuity or Departure? / King Faisal Center for research and Islamic Studies - Riyadh, 2015 p 44; 16.5x23cm (Dirasat; 5) ISBN: 978-603-8032-65-7 1- Kurds - Iraq - Politics and government - History I- Title 956 dc 1436/6051 L.D. no. 1436/7051 ISBN: 978-603-8032-65-7 Designer: Azhari Elneiri Disclaimer: This paper and its contents reflect the author’s analyses and opinions. Views and opinions contained herein are the author’s and should not be attributed to any officials affiliated with the King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies or any Saudi Arabian national. The author is solely responsible for any errors that remain in the document. Table of Contents Abstract 5 Introduction 7 Kurdish Islamist Parties and the So-Called Islamic State 10 The Muslim Brotherhood and the Beginnings of Islamism in Kurdistan 13 The Emergence of Indigenous Kurdish Islamist Groups 19 The Islamic Movement of Kurdistan and Ansar al-Islam after 1991 27 Kurds in the So-Called Islamic State 35 Bibliography 39 Author Biography 40 3 4 No.
    [Show full text]
  • Kurdish Oppression Against Assyrians
    Oppression, Assassination, Torture, Harassment, Unfair, and Undemocratic Acts by Kurds and Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) Against the Assyrians (also known as Chaldeans and Suryan) in North of Iraq. Compiled by Fred Aprim (ZINDA) After the 1991 uprising, Assyrians had good working relations with the various political groups in North Iraq. All the same, elections in the spring of 1992 would be a harbinger of problems to come - ultra-nationalists among some Kurdish parties tried and succeeded in exerting their influence over any Assyrian involvement in North Iraqi politics by creating a puppet "Christian Kurdish" party linked to the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), the so-called United Kurdistan Christians (UKC). (http://www.zindamagazine.com/html/archives/2002/6.3.02/index.php#ZindaSays) (ATOUR) In 1992 some intellectual Assyrians published a communiqué, in it they warned against the continuous process of the Kurdification of the Iraqi people in north of Iraq. Then the ethnic and linguistic map of northern Iraq was not as it is today; some ten years after the no-fly zone has been established. For its importance, here is a passage from that communiqué: “The Kurdish leadership, and in a well-planned program, had begun to settle Kurds and in large numbers around Assyrian regions like Sarsank, Barwari Bala and others. This Kurdish housing project was naturally to change the demographic, economic, and civic structure of the Christian regions in only few short years; a process that forced the Christian to emigrate as the vacant homes were overtaken by the Kurds.” (http://www.atour.com/news/assyria/20030617a.html) (ATOUR) Francis Yusuf Shabo: born 1951 in Mangesh (Duhok Province), married with four children.
    [Show full text]
  • Games Without Frontiers: Renegotiating the Boundaries of Power in Iraqi Kurdistan
    GAMES WITHOUT FRONTIERS: RENEGOTIATING THE BOUNDARIES OF POWER IN IRAQI KURDISTAN THE MIDDLE EAST INSTITUTE MIKE FLEET AND MEGAN CONNELLY JUNE 2021 WWW.MEI.EDU Photo above: Kurdistan parliament speaker Rewaz Faiq (top C), leads a parliament session in Erbil, the capital of Iraq’s northern autonomous Kurdish region, on May 25, 2021. Photo by SAFIN HAMED/AFP via Getty Images. Introduction Over the past year, intensifying political and economic conflicts between the Kurdistan Region’s two hegemonic parties, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of The parties’ efforts Kurdistan (PUK), have challenged the legal and institutional order to renegotiate their in which the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) operates. While financial entitlements power has always been concentrated in an exclusive coalition of and the scope of their partisan elites, the KDP and PUK had each tacitly acknowledged administrative control the other’s de facto autonomy over the territories they governed have so far produced independently from the civil war of the 1990s until the reunification no consensus. of the KRG. But a new generation of leadership within the parties, a fraught relationship with the federal government, and a prolonged economic crisis exacerbated by collapsing oil prices and the global pandemic have strained the KDP-PUK relationship to its breaking point. While the KDP has claimed a majoritarian mandate to govern on a reform platform that eliminates consociational entitlements, the PUK has issued an ultimatum: respect local autonomy and 2 A new generation of leadership, a fraught relationship with [Baghdad], and a prolonged economic crisis exacerbated by collapsing oil prices and the global pandemic have strained the KDP-PUK relationship to its breaking point.” restore an equitable division of power within the KRG or it will in consumer demand during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, withdraw from the governing coalition.
    [Show full text]