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A Popular Strongman Gains More Power by Joseph Purugganan September 2019
Blickwechsel Gesellscha Umwelt Menschenrechte Armut Politik Entwicklung Demokratie Gerechtigkeit In the Aftermath of the 2019 Philippine Elections: A Popular Strongman Gains More Power By Joseph Purugganan September 2019 The Philippines concluded a high-stakes midterm elections in May 2019, that many consider a critical turning point in our nation’s history. While the Presidency was not on the line, and Rodrigo Duterte himself was not on the ballot, the polls were seen as a referendum on his presidency. Duterte has drawn flak for his deadly ‘War on In midterm elections, voters have historically fa- Drugs’ that has taken the lives of over 5,000 vored candidates backed by a popular incumbent suspects according to official police accounts, and rejected those supported by unpopular ones. but the death toll could be as high as 27,000 ac- In the 2013 midterms for instance, the adminis- cording to the Philippine Commission on Human tration supported by former President Benigno Rights. The administration has also been criti- Aquino III, won 9 out of 12 Senate seats. Like cized for its handling of the maritime conflict Duterte, Aquino had a high satisfaction rating with China in the West Philippine Sea. heading into the midterms. In contrast, a very unpopular Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, with neg- Going into the polls however, Duterte, despite ative net satisfaction ratings, weighed down the all the criticisms at home and abroad, has main- administration ticket. In the Senate race in 2007, tained consistently high popularity and trust the Genuine Opposition coalition was able to se- ratings. The latest survey conducted five months cure eight out of 12 Senate seats, while Arroyo’s ahead of the elections showed the President Team Unity only got two seats and the other two having a 76 percent trust score and an 81 percent slots went to independent candidates. -
Polítika Critical Issues of Philippine Polity, Quarterly
POLíTIKA CRITICAL ISSUES OF PHILIPPINE POLITY 3RD QUARTER Performance The Marawi Crisis: Legislative Updates: Ratings: Is Marawi a Harbinger of Accomplishments and The Latest Results Chaos to Come? Priorities in the of the SWS and House of Representatives Pulse Asia Surveys and the Senate Performance Political Is Marawi a The A Murky State Ratings Fronts in the Harbinger Quest for of Affairs in War on of Chaos to Federalism the West Drugs Come? Philippine Sea CONTENTS p.4 p.8 p.11 p.13 p.15 ON THE COVER & CONTENTS Credits to the following contributors: Prof. Victor Andres “Dindo” Manhit, Angelica Mangahas, and Mark Davis Pablo Picture credits to the following: RT.com, Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative- CSIS, interaksyon.com, reuters POLÍTIKA OVERVIEW Philippine politics churned in the third quarter, as stories developed related to the President’s flagship War on Drugs, the ongoing conflict in Marawi and martial law in Mindanao, and the pursuit of federalism. More quietly, the administration is also facing challenging choices in the West Philippine Sea. This issue of Politika, wrapping up the quarter, provides an in-depth look at these topics and the priorities of the 17th Congress. The third quarter ended on an ambivalent note, with either no change or a noteworthy drop in President Duterte’s survey ratings. At the end of the third quarter, 80% told Pulse Asia that they approve of the President’s performance and 80% said that they trust him. These are a 2-point difference from his previous approval rating of 82% and a 1-point from his previous trust rating of 81%. -
Papal Visit Philippines 2014 and 2015 2014
This event is dedicated to the Filipino People on the occasion of the five- day pastoral and state visit of Pope Francis here in the Philippines on October 23 to 27, 2014 part of 22- day Asian and Oceanian tour from October 22 to November 13, 2014. Papal Visit Philippines 2014 and 2015 ―Mercy and Compassion‖ a Papal Visit Philippines 2014 and 2015 2014 Contents About the project ............................................................................................... 2 About the Theme of the Apostolic Visit: ‗Mercy and Compassion‘.................................. 4 History of Jesus is Lord Church Worldwide.............................................................................. 6 Executive Branch of the Philippines ....................................................................... 15 Presidents of the Republic of the Philippines ....................................................................... 15 Vice Presidents of the Republic of the Philippines .............................................................. 16 Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Philippines ............................................ 16 Presidents of the Senate of the Philippines .......................................................................... 17 Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the Philippines ...................................................... 17 Leaders of the Roman Catholic Church ................................................................ 18 Pope (Roman Catholic Bishop of Rome and Worldwide Leader of Roman -
A Functional Analysis of Political Campaign Messages in Facebook During the 2016 Philippine Presidential Elections
ASSEMBLEA: An Online Journal of Political Science Volume 1 Issue No. 1 2019 Breaking the Fourth Wall: A Functional Analysis of Political Campaign Messages in Facebook during the 2016 Philippine Presidential Elections Lexanne O. Garcia & Alyza F. Españo University of Santo Tomas, Philippines [email protected] ABSTRACT The democratization of information and increased exchange of user-generated content has attracted candidates to utilize social media for their political campaigns. This phenomenon has resulted in the internet becoming an independent socio-political system with its modes of interaction, procedures, and standards for political campaigns. Furthermore, the functional theory of political campaign discourse provides a set of content and theoretical functions of these messages to describe how candidates would differentiate themselves from one another in the course of campaigning. Applied in the personality-based Philippine political setting, this study argues that dynamic access to social media, from the ends of voters and candidates, in campaigning has led to a political environment conducive to populism. As this study analyzed 548 Facebook posts of the five presidential candidates from April 9 to May 9, 2016, for the Philippine elections, it found that posts are dominated by sharing of personal activities and attacks on Duterte’s unorthodox political rhetoric. Attacks have a high propensity to go viral on social media and this virality, for any political candidate, means gaining popularity among social media users. Hence, the findings are consistent with studies claiming that virality is the most concise and effective strategy developed in an online campaign. Thus, this study found that dynamic access to social media led to a political environment conducive for populist rhetoric that helped validate experts’ explanations of Duterte’s victory as a product of the underdog effect. -
Philippinen: Internationale Aufmerksamkeit Aufgrund Populistischer Töne
Götz Heinicke Philippinen: Internationale Aufmerksamkeit aufgrund populistischer Töne 30 Jahre nach Diktator Marcos schafft es erneut ein philippinischer Präsident, re- gelmäßig in der internationalen Presse zu erscheinen. Die Schlagzeilen werden be- stimmt durch Beschimpfungen, geschmacklose Witze, Prahlereien mit Straftaten und den Aufruf zur Tötung von Drogenkriminellen und -abhängigen. Die tatsächliche Entwicklung des Landes mit seinen Problemen und Möglichkeiten bleibt hierbei etwas außen vor. Präsident Duterte ist in seinem Auftreten und mit sei- ner Sprache nach internationalem Verständnis zumindest sehr gewöhnungs- bedürftig. Ganz anders wird die Situation auf den Philippinen gesehen: Präsident Duterte genießt eine rekordverdächtige Popularität. Er nutzt po- pulistische Rhetorik gezielt, um sich von dem bisherigen Politikertypus ab- zugrenzen. Wir haben 5 unterschiedliche philippinische Bürger aus An- hänger- und Gegnerschaft Dutertes gebeten, dieses Phänomen zu erklären. Schlagwörter: Philippinen - Duterte - Popularität - Populismus als Instrument - Hoffnung auf Veränderung Philippinen: Internationale Aufmerksamkeit auf- grund populistischer Töne || Götz Heinicke Der international heftig kritisierte Staats- und der Sicherheitslage „unter Präsident präsident Duterte ist in der Bevölkerung Duterte“. Dies steht im Widerspruch zu mei- beliebt wie keiner seiner Vorgänger nem persönlichen Empfinden, wonach die Lebensqualität und auch Sicherheitslage auf Seit Februar 2016 lebe und arbeite ich den Philippinen durchaus positiver und an- -
2004 01 Inside Pages
UP Film Institute Filmography of Filipino Films 2003 Introduced by Lucenio Martin L. Lauzon Compiled by Virginia D. Cuyugan and Lucenio Martin L. Lauzon with assistance from Pol del Mundo of the Movie and Television Review and Classification Board (MTRCB) Ana Fajardo of the Film Academy of the Philippines (FAP) Edwin Joaquin of the MOWELFUND Film Institute The Filipino film celebrates this year its 85th anniversary but its activities and achievements through the years still need to be documented and assessed fully and systematically. Today, the country is still wanting not only in the capability to preserve its film heritage but also in the determined and sustained efforts to collect and preserve existing data on Filipino film for posterity. It does not help that the conservation of Filipino heritage, taxing and tedious as it is already, is appreciated by only a few individuals even within the industry. As an institution dedicated to the study of films, the UP Film Institute (UPFI) shall try to help in the task of gathering, classifying and disseminating data on the Filipino film. As part of its commitment to the public, the UPFI shall make these data available to everyone through the publication of a systematic and comprehensive listing of Filipino films, beginning with those produced in 2003. This year is most apropos as it was also in 2003 that the UPFI was formally established by virtue of the UP Board of Regents resolution. The UPFI realizes that such filmographies are indispensable for anyone who wants to gain an overview of the film landscape in the country and to make necessary, informed and authoritative observations on the state of the Filipino film industry. -
PH Duterte Urges Communists to Kill Criminals the Government Should Respond to a Much-Antici- Pated International Arbitration Ruling on July 12
Hope and fear as Drug pusher deaths combative president jump as Philippine takes over Philippines02leader 04takes office www.kuwaittimes.net SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2016 Philippine Amateur Basketball League in Kuwait tournament continues Page 5 Beheaded Canadian’s body dug up in southern Philippines MANILA: A Philippine military official says troops have dug up what they believe is the body of Canadian hostage Robert Hall, who was beheaded by Abu Sayyaf extremists more than two weeks ago in the south after a ransom deadline lapsed. Regional military spokesman Maj. Filemon Tan says villagers led the troops to a hinterland near Kamuntayan village in Sulu province’s Talipao town where the militants buried Hall’s body after killing him on June 13. Hall’s head had been found outside a Roman Catholic cathedral. Hall was kidnapped with fellow Canadian John Ridsdel, Norwegian Kjartan Sikkengstad and Filipino Marites Flor last year in a marina in the south and taken to Sulu. Ridsdel had also been beheaded, Sikkengstad remains in Abu Sayyaf cus- tody and Flor has been freed.—AP Sensitive Philippine comments on sea feud aired partly on TV MANILA: The new Philippine foreign secretary made sensitive remarks Thursday about territorial disputes in the South China Sea that were broadcast live by the state-run TV network before it abruptly MANILA: The First Family-Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte is seated here with his family members after the swearing-in ceremony. cut away from its coverage of the new president’s first Cabinet meeting. Foreign Secretary Perfecto Yasay’s remarks during the meeting touched on how PH Duterte urges communists to kill criminals the government should respond to a much-antici- pated international arbitration ruling on July 12. -
Rodrigo Duterte, the Mass Murderer
THE SITUATION OF MASS MURDER IN THE PHILIPPINES RODRIGO DUTERTE: THE MASS MURDERER By: JUDE JOSUE L. SABIO Attorney & Counsellor-at-Law INTEGRATED BAR OF THE PHILIPPINES FACTUAL ANTECEDENTS ABOUT THE SITUATION OF THE CONTINUING MASS MURDER IN THE PHILIPPINES In 1988, President Rodrigo Duterte first became the Mayor of Davao City and began his strategy or system of eliminating or killing persons suspected of crimes, including drug addicts and pushers, through what would popularly be known later as his Davao Death Squad.1 Way back 2009, during President Duterte’s term as Mayor of Davao City, the Human Rights Watch already came up with a report entitled “You Can Die Anytime: Death Squad Killings in Mindanao”2 pertaining to its findings on the existence and operation of Davao Death Squad in Davao City. Also at that time, the Philippine Commission on Human Rights (“CHR”), then chaired by now detained Senator Leila de Lima, also conducted an investigation.3 Later in 2012, the CHR, after Senator de Lima’s chairmanship, came out with a Resolution finding that there was a pattern of killings in Davao City,4 but sadly without mentioning the existence of the affidavits of four potential witnesses5 or the fact of the skeletal remains6 retrieved in the implementation of the Search Warrant7 that became the subject of the Avasola case.8 1 Page 2, Signed Affidavit of SPO3 Arturo Lascañas dated 19 February 2017, as submitted to the Senate Committee on Public Order and Dangerous Drugs (Annex A) 2 See: You can die anytime: Death Squad Killings in Mindanao. -
Philippines–Malaysia Border Region
5. Rice & ransoms: the Indonesia– Philippines–Malaysia border region ‘So long as the seas have no fence, it will not stop’, an interviewee prophesised, referring to smuggling in the border region of Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines, where all the borders are in the sea. The area is large and includes many small islands, which makes it difficult to patrol. The region also has its share of non-state armed actors. In Mindanao, in the south of the Philippines, organised non-state armed groups fight for more regional autonomy for the Moro people. In Indonesia, more extremist networks, some linked to the Islamic State, conduct attacks that are often directed against civilians. The region also has groups like the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) that are nominally political but, as Gutierrez writes, ‘better understood as a network of dangerous criminal entrepreneurs, similar to an armed mob’ (2016, p.184) than a non-state armed group with political motives. As the border region is large, this chapter uses two case studies (Figure 5.1): in the east, the route connecting Mindanao in the Philippines, Sabah in Malaysia and North Kalimantan in Indonesia; in the west, the route connecting Mindanao in the Philippines and North Sulawesi in Indonesia. I conducted research in Indonesia’s North Kalimantan (Nunukan) and North Sulawesi (Manado, Tahuna, Bitung) and in Mindanao (Davao, Zamboanga, Cotabato) in the Philippines, in April 2018 and in May–June 2018. In the east, between Mindanao and North Sulawesi, local people from the Philippines and Indonesia cross the border on a regular basis, particularly for fishing. -
The 2019 May Elections and Its Implications on the Duterte Administration
The 2019 May Elections and its Implications on the Duterte Administration National Political Situationer No. 01 19 February 2019 Center for People Empowerment in Governance (CenPEG) National Political Situationer No. 01 19 February 2019 The 2019 May Elections and its Implications on the Duterte Administration The last three years of any elected administration can be very contentious and trying times. The national leadership’s ability to effectively respond to political and related challenges will be significantly shaped by the outcome of the upcoming 2019 mid-term elections. Indeed, the 2019 election is a Prologue to the 2022 elections in all its uncertainties and opportunities. While the 2019 election is only one arena of contestation it can set the line of march for more momentous events for the next few years. Introduction Regular elections are an enduring feature of Philippine political life. While there continue to be deep-seated structural and procedural problems attending its practice in the country, the electoral tradition is a well-established arena for choosing elected representatives from the lowest governing constituency (the barangays) to the national governing bodies (the legislature and the presidency). Electoral exercises trace their roots to the first local elections held during the Spanish and American colonial eras, albeit strictly limited to the propertied and educated classes. Under American colonial rule, the first local (town) elections were held as early as 1899 and in 1907 the first election for a national legislature was conducted. Thus, with the exception of the Japanese occupation era (1942-1945) and the martial law period under Pres. Marcos (1972-1986; although sham elections were held in 1978 and 1981), the country has experienced regular although highly contested elections at both the local and national levels for most of the country’s political history. -
THE MAY 2019 MID-TERM ELECTIONS: Outcomes, Process, Policy Implications
CenPEG Political Situationer No. 07 10 July 2019 THE MAY 2019 MID-TERM ELECTIONS: Outcomes, Process, Policy Implications Introduction The May 2019 mid-term elections took place amidst the now familiar problems of compromised voting transparency and accuracy linked with the automated election system (AES). Moreover, martial law was still in place in Mindanao making it difficult for opposition candidates to campaign freely. Towards election time, the systematic red-tagging and harassment of militant opposition candidates and civil society organizations further contributed to an environment of fear and impunity. In this context, the Duterte administration’s official candidates and allies won most of the contested seats nationally and locally but how this outcome impacts on the remaining three years of the administration is open to question. This early, the partisan realignments and negotiations for key positions in both the House and the Senate and the maneuverings for the 2022 presidential elections are already in place. Such actions are bound to deepen more opportunistic behavior by political allies and families and affect the political capital of the presidency as it faces new challenges and problems in its final three years in office. The Senate Elections: “Duterte Magic?” In an electoral process marred by persistent transparency and accuracy problems embedded in the automated election system, the administration candidates and allies dominated the elections. This victory has been attributed to the so-called “Duterte magic” but a careful analysis of the winning 12 candidates for the Senate shows a more nuanced reading of the results. At best, President Duterte and the administration can claim full credit for the victory of four senators: Christopher “Bong” Go, Ronald “Bato” de la Rosa, Francis Tolentino, and Aquilino “Koko” Pimentel III. -
Philippine Mid-Term Elections: a Duterte Double
ISSUE: 2019 No. 27 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 11 April 2019 Philippine Mid-term Elections: A Duterte Double Malcolm Cook* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • On 13 May, the Philippines will hold elections for all local and provincial positions, all seats in the House of Representatives, and half of the 24 seats in the Senate. • If the current opinion polls prove accurate (as they have in the past): o President Rodrigo Duterte and his daughter Sara Duterte, even though neither is running for national office, will be the biggest winners nationally; o the composition of the new Senate will be more favourable to President Duterte and his campaign for a new federal constitution; and o the new Hugpong ng Pagbabago (HNP) party coalition led by Sara Duterte will be well placed for the 2022 presidential and legislative elections. *Malcolm Cook is Senior Fellow at ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute. 1 ISSUE: 2019 No. 27 ISSN 2335-6677 INTRODUCTION The 13 May mid-term elections in the Philippines, with over 18,000 elected positions to be decided, will be the second largest exercise in democracy in Southeast Asia this year after the 17 April elections in Indonesia. To the chagrin of drinkers and bettors, on Monday 13 May, the “selling, furnishing, offering, buying, serving, or taking intoxicating liquor” will be prohibited across the Philippines as will the “holding of fairs, cockfights, boxing, horse races or any other similar sports.1 The coverage of Philippine mid-term elections in the post-Marcos era invariably focusses more on the Senate than the House of Representatives or sub-national positions and are seen as a partial referendum on the serving president even though their name does not appear on the ballot.