Freedom in the World Annual Report, 2019, Moldova
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Moldova: from Oligarchic Pluralism to Plahotniuc's Hegemony
Centre for Eastern Studies NUMBER 208 | 07.04.2016 www.osw.waw.pl Moldova: from oligarchic pluralism to Plahotniuc’s hegemony Kamil Całus Moldova’s political system took shape due to the six-year rule of the Alliance for European Integration coalition but it has undergone a major transformation over the past six months. Resorting to skilful political manoeuvring and capitalising on his control over the Moldovan judiciary system, Vlad Plahotniuc, one of the leaders of the nominally pro-European Democra- tic Party and the richest person in the country, was able to bring about the arrest of his main political competitor, the former prime minister Vlad Filat, in October 2015. Then he pushed through the nomination of his trusted aide, Pavel Filip, for prime minister. In effect, Plahot- niuc has concentrated political and business influence in his own hands on a scale unseen so far in Moldova’s history since 1991. All this indicates that he already not only controls the judi- ciary, the anti-corruption institutions, the Constitutional Court and the economic structures, but has also subordinated the greater part of parliament and is rapidly tightening his grip on the section of the state apparatus which until recently was influenced by Filat. Plahotniuc, whose power and position depends directly on his control of the state apparatus and financial flows in Moldova, is not interested in a structural transformation of the country or in implementing any thorough reforms; this includes the Association Agreement with the EU. This means that as his significance grows, the symbolic actions so far taken with the aim of a structural transformation of the country will become even more superficial. -
Studia Politica 1 2016
www.ssoar.info Republic of Moldova: the year 2015 in politics Goșu, Armand Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Goșu, A. (2016). Republic of Moldova: the year 2015 in politics. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 16(1), 21-51. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-51666-3 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Republic of Moldova The Year 2015 in Politics ARMAND GO ȘU Nothing will be the same from now on. 2015 is not only a lost, failed year, it is a loop in which Moldova is stuck without hope. It is the year of the “theft of the century”, the defrauding of three banks, the Savings Bank, Unibank, and the Social Bank, a theft totaling one billion dollars, under the benevolent gaze of the National Bank, the Ministry of Finance, the General Prosecutor's Office, the National Anti-Corruption Council, and the Security and Intelligence Service (SIS). 2015 was the year when controversial oligarch Vlad Plakhotniuk became Moldova's international brand, identified by more and more chancelleries as a source of evil 1. But 2015 is also the year of budding hope that civil society is awakening, that the political scene is evolving not only for the worse, but for the better too, that in the public square untarnished personalities would appear, new and charismatic figures around which one could build an alternative to the present political parties. -
OSW COMMENTARY NUMBER 168 1 European Integration (AIE)
Centre for Eastern Studies NUMBER 168 | 22.04.2015 www.osw.waw.pl An appropriated state? Moldova’s uncertain prospects for modernisation Kamil Całus There have been several significant changes on Moldova’s domestic political scene in the wake of the November 2014 parliamentary elections there. Negotiations lasted nearly two months and re- sulted in the formation of a minority coalition composed of two groupings: the Liberal-Democratic Party (PLDM) and the Democratic Party (PDM). New coalition received unofficial support from the Communist Party (PCRM), which had previously been considered an opposition party. Contrary to their initial announcements, PDLM and PDM did not admit the Liberal Party led by Mihai Ghim- pu to power. Moreover, they blocked the nomination for prime minister of the incumbent, Iurie Leancă. Leancă has been perceived by many as an honest politician and a guarantor of reforms. This situation resulted in the political model present in Moldova since 2009 being preserved. In this model the state’s institutions are subordinated to two main oligarch politicians: Vlad Filat (the leader of PLDM) and Vlad Plahotniuc (a billionaire who de facto controls PDM). With control over the state in the hands of Filat and Plahotniuc questions are raised regarding the prospects of Moldova’s real modernisation. It will also have a negative impact on the process of implementation of Moldova’s Association Agreement with the EU and on other key reforms concerning, for example, the judiciary, the financial sector and the process of de-politicisation of the state’s institutions. From both leaders’ perspective, any changes to the current state of affairs would be tantamount to limiting their influence in politics and the economy, which would in turn challenge their business activities. -
Winds of Change in the Transnistrian Settlement Process HIIA PAPERS Series of the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs
HIIA Papers T-2012/1 ZSUZSANNA VÉGH Winds of Change in the Transnistrian Settlement Process HIIA PAPERS Series of the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs Publisher: Hungarian Institute of International Affairs Editor and typesetting: Andrea Tevelyné Kulcsár Editorial office: H-1016 Budapest, Bérc utca 13-15. Tel.: +36 1 279-5700 Fax: +36 1 279-5701 E-mail: [email protected] www.kulugyiintezet.hu www.hiia.hu © Zsuzsanna Végh, 2012 © Hungarian Institute of International Affairs, 2012 ISSN 2060-5013 Zsuzsanna Végh Winds of Change A RESOLV A BLE CONFLI C T A T THE BO R DE R S OF THE EU R OPE A N UNION he Transnistrian conflict is often referred to as the most easily resolvable territorial conflict in the neighbourhood of the European Union (EU). The reason is the Tnature of the conflict. For one, there has been no violence since the Transnistrian war in 1992 between the Republic of Moldova and Transnistria, the separatist entity and it is very unlikely that any violent clash would occur in the future. For two, as opposed to other territorial conflicts in the post-Soviet space, the conflict between Moldova and Transnistria is not based on ethnic differences. Both Moldova and Transnistria are ethnically mixed, there is no ethnic violence between Moldovans, Russians and Ukrainians, and the inhabitants of both territories generally have multiple citizenships. The resolution, nonetheless, despite several attempts, is still only a distant goal. The EU became engaged in the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict in 2005 through the so-called ‘5+2 talks’ which got to a halt in 2006. -
Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by the Republic of Moldova
AS/Mon(2012)03 rev 14 March 2012 amondoc03r_2012 or. Engl. Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States of the Council of Europe (Monitoring Committee) Honouring of obligations and commitments by the Republic of Moldova Information note by the co-rapporteurs on their fact-finding visit to Chisinau (28 November – 1 December 2011) 1 Co-rapporteurs: Ms Lise CHRISTOFFERSEN, Norway, Socialist group, and Mr Piotr WACH, Poland, Group of the European People’s Party 1 This information note has been made public by decision of the Monitoring Committee dated 13 March 2012. F – 67075 Strasbourg Cedex | e-mail: [email protected] | Tel: + 33 3 88 41 2000 | Fax: +33 3 88 41 2733 AS/Mon(2012)03rev I. Introduction 1. After a first visit to Chisinau and Comrat in March 2011 (see doc. AS/Mon (2011) 13 rev), we paid a second fact-finding visit to the Republic of Moldova from 28 November to 1 December 2011. The programme of the visit is appended. We intended to address the implementation of Resolution 1572 (2007) on The honouring of obligations and commitments by Moldova, Resolutions 1666 (2009) and 1692 (2009) on The functioning of democratic institutions , the state of play of the election of the President of the Republic, and other current issues, such as the reform of the judiciary, the action taken to combat corruption and organised crime, the legislation and measures to combat discrimination and the latest developments in Transnistria. 2. The support of the Moldovan delegation to the PACE, the Moldovan parliament, and Mr Ulvi Akhundlu, Head of the Council of Europe Office in Chisinau, was again precious for facilitating our meetings, including with the acting President and Speaker, Mr Marian Lupu, the Prime Minister, Mr Filat, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr Leanca, the Vice-Speaker of the parliament, Mr Plahotniuc, high-level representatives of the judiciary and enforcement bodies, representatives of the media and NGOs. -
Public Opinion Survey Residents of Moldova
Public Opinion Survey Residents of Moldova March 2016 Detailed Methodology • The survey was coordinated and analyzed by Dr. Rasa Ališauskienė from public opinion and market research company Baltic Surveys/The Gallup Organization on behalf of the International Republican Institute. The field work was carried out by Magenta Consulting. • Data was collected throughout Moldova (except in Transnistria) between March 11-25, 2016 through face-to-face interviews at respondents’ homes. • The main sample consisted of 1,500 permanent residents of Moldova older than the age of 18 and eligible to vote with an oversample in the capital Chisinau. It is representative of the general population by age, gender, education, region and size of the settlement. • Multistage probability sampling method was used with the random route and next birthday respondent’s selection procedures. • Stage one: all districts of Moldova are grouped into 11 groups. All regions of Moldova were surveyed. • Stage two: selection of the settlements: cities and villages. o Settlements were selected at random. o The number of selected settlements in each region was proportional to the share of population living in a particular type of the settlement in each region. • Stage three: primary sampling units were described. • The margin of error does not exceed plus or minus 2.8 percent. • Response rate was 50 percent. • Charts and graphs may not add up to 100 percent due to rounding. • The survey was funded by the National Endowment for Democracy. 2 Overwhelming Dissatisfaction with Status -
Public Opinion Survey Residents of Moldova
Public Opinion Survey Residents of Moldova September 2016 Detailed Methodology • The survey was coordinated by Dr. Rasa Ališauskienė from the public opinion and market research company, Baltic Surveys/The Gallup Organization on behalf of the International Republican Institute. The field work was carried out by Magenta Consulting. • Data was collected throughout Moldova (with the exception of Transnistria) between September 1–23, 2016 through face- to-face interviews at respondents’ homes. • The main sample consisted of 1,516 permanent residents of Moldova older than the age of 18 and eligible to vote. The survey also contained an oversample in the capital of Chisinau. It is representative of the general population by age, gender, education, region and size of the settlement. • Multistage probability sampling method was used with the random route and next birthday respondent’s selection procedures. • Stage One: All districts of Moldova are grouped into 11 groups. All regions of Moldova were surveyed. • Stage Two: Selection of the settlements – cities and villages. o Settlements were selected at random. o The number of selected settlements in each region was proportional to the share of population living in a particular type of the settlement in each region. • Stage Three: Primary sampling units were described. • The margin of error does not exceed plus or minus 2.8 percent. • The response rate was 61 percent. • Charts and graphs may not add up to 100 percent due to rounding. • The survey was funded by the National Endowment for Democracy. -
Moldova's Political Crisis Abates
CRS INSIGHT Moldova's Political Crisis Abates June 20, 2019 (IN11137) | Related Author Cory Welt | Cory Welt, Specialist in European Affairs ([email protected], 7-0530) On June 14, 2019, a political crisis in Moldova ended when leaders of the formerly ruling Democratic Party of Moldova (PDM) agreed to dissolve the outgoing government in favor of a new coalition. The coalition includes a reform- oriented, Western-leaning alliance, ACUM (or "Now"), and the socially conservative, Russian-leaning Party of Socialists, which placed first in Moldova's February 2019 elections. Moldova is one of three post-Soviet states that, together with Ukraine and Georgia, have sought greater integration with the West while coping with separatist territories occupied by Russian forces. Many Members of Congress have long supported Moldova's democratic trajectory and territorial integrity and have called on Russia to respect Moldova's sovereignty and withdraw its military forces. Growing Discontent Moldova's political environment was increasingly contentious before the recent crisis. The PDM gained power in 2016 after the prior government collapsed amid fallout from a bank fraud case involving the alleged loss of some $1 billion, equivalent to more than 12% of Moldova's gross domestic product. ACUM leaders and many observers contend that the PDM, in particular party leader and wealthy businessman Vlad Plahotniuc, effectively "captured" Moldova's state institutions for personal and party gain. In summer 2018, mass protests opposed a court decision to annul a snap mayoral election in Chisinau, Moldova's capital, which had been won by Andrei Nastase, who later became one of ACUM's two co-leaders. -
Dgapkompakt / Nr
DGAP kompakt Nr. 11 / April 2016 Moldova at an Impasse Can the Formation of the Latest Government Forestall Crisis? Sarah Pagung European and Moldovan politicians both tend to reduce Moldovan politics – and the EU’s policy toward the country – to a simple formula: “European Union vs. Eurasian Union.” While the debate about the direction of Moldova’s foreign policy is certainly of enormous importance, it tends to distract from two other significant facts: the coun- try’s longstanding corruption and its inability to push through effective reforms. The Moldovan public is still reeling from the discovery in December 2014 that as much as a billion euros had vanished from three Moldovan banks, but the coutry’s political situation remains at an impasse. The corruption and self-interest of Moldova’s politi- cal elite consistently impede the development of the small Eastern European country and its rapprochement with the EU. Whatever its geopolitical preferences, Moldova remains in the hands of the elite. At present, the EU is not presenting any robust so- lutions to the problem. In late January in Moldova’s capital, Chisinau, President The Government Coalition Wants to Nicolae Timofti appointed a new government under Prevent New Elections Prime Minister Pavel Filip – the fifth government since Pavel Filip’s appointment as prime minister met with parliamentary elections were held in December 2014. The vigorous public protest. In the run-up to the December latest of these had collapsed in the fall of 2015, brought elections, President Timofti had initially refused to nomi- down by the “Great Moldovan Bank Robbery”: the dis- nate the oligarch Vladimir Plahotniuc, the candidate of covery, shortly before the December 2014 parliamentary the pro-European government coalition. -
Monitoring Report
Monitoring report Elements of propaganda, disinformation and informational war in the domestic mass media November 1, 2015 – January 31, 2016 This report is made possible by the generous support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents are the responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government. The report was developed within the Media campaign against false and biased information, conducted by the Association of Independent Press (API), Independent Journalism Center (IJC) and Association of Independent TV Journalists (ATVJI), under the Moldova Partnerships for Sustainable Civil Society project (MPSCS), implemented by FHI 360. I. OVERVIEW Within November 1, 2015 – January 31, 2016, the Independent Journalism Center monitored 12 media institutions – news portals, online versions of weekly publications and TV stations to identify whether the media products offered by these editorial teams contain elements of information manipulation. To this end, the way of presenting the major events in the political, economic, foreign, etc. areas by the Moldovan medias was analyzed. In addition, the analysis checked whether the media institutions follow the journalism rules concerning the verification of information from several sources, the pluralism of opinions and the maintenance of a balance in case of conflict news. The reference to the Journalist’s Ethical Code and to the relevant scientific works has enabled the identification of the procedures and techniques applied by the Moldovan media to influence the public by disseminating manipulative messages. Goal of the monitoring: To establish whether the media use manipulative methods when addressing subjects of high political, social or economic importance and to identify them; to reveal the errors committed, deliberately or unintentionally, by journalists when presenting the facts so that the case studies and the monitoring reports have an instructive mission. -
[Imas] Barometrul Socio-Politic. Decembrie 2019
barometrul socio-politic Republica Moldova decembrie 2019 raport elaborat de: Doru Petruţi – [email protected] www.imas.md metodologie eşanonare: stra*ficat, probabilist, tri-stadial; volum eşan%on: 1090 respondenţi, 18 ani şi peste; criterii de straficare: 12 unităţi administra*v-teritoriale (UAT). mediu rezidenţial (urban-rural). mărimea localităţilor urbane (2 *puri). *pul localităţilor rurale (centru de comună/sat aparţinător); stadii de randomizare: localitatea (90 localităţi selectate), gospodăria, persoana; reprezenta%vitatea: eşan*onul este reprezenta*v pentru populaţia adultă a Republicii Moldova, exclusiv Transnistria; eroarea maximă de eşan*onare este de ±3.0%; interviurile: au fost realizate la domiciliile respondenţilor de către 48 operatori din reţeaua [imas], în limbile română şi rusă; perioada de culegere a datelor: 02 – 14 decembrie 2019; comanditar sondaj: Public Media Grup structură eşan%on …profil socio-demografic variabila grup număr de persoane procent masculin 494 45.3% gen feminin 596 54.7% 18-25 ani 93 8.5% 26-40 ani 253 23.2% vârsta 41-55 ani 261 23.9% 56-70 ani 374 34.3% peste 71 ani 109 10.1% studii medii incomplete 139 12.8% șc. generală sau profesională 527 48.3% educaţie liceu/șc. postliceală/colegiu 173 15.9% studii superioare 247 22.7% nu răspunde 4 0.3% încadrat în câmpul muncii 374 34.3% temporar nu lucrează 143 13.1% ocupaţie nu lucrează 571 52.4% nu răspunde 2 0.2% moldovean/român 860 78.9% naţionalitate altele (rus, ucrainean etc.) 228 20.9% nu răspunde 2 0.2% municipii 275 25.2% mediu rezidenţă alte orașe 234 21.5% sate 581 53.3% total 1090 100.0% *Datele nu au fost ponderate. -
Moldova/Transdniestria: Steps Forward, Stumbles Back
In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2018, Baden-Baden 2019, pp. 193-204. William H. Hill Moldova/Transdniestria: Steps Forward, Stumbles Back Introduction The Moldova-Transdniestria political settlement process achieved substantial progress over the past year, beginning with significant agreements adopted and implemented in November 2017, and continuing steadily to the time of writing in September 2018. Several long-standing practical disputed issues in the so- called “package of eight” were resolved in November 2017, most notably the opening of the Gura Bîcului Bridge.1 This key span on the main route through Moldova from the Black Sea towards the Baltic region had been closed since it was damaged in the fighting in June 1992, even after its repair in 2001. A successful meeting of the 5+2 in late November was followed by a strong programmatic statement agreed at the December OSCE Ministerial Council Meeting in Vienna, welcoming the remarkable progress achieved and confirm- ing support of all participating States for the “small-steps” approach adopted by the OSCE under recent Chairmanships. The Italian 2018 OSCE Chairman- ship continued along the same line, appointing former Foreign Minister Franco Frattini as Special Representative. Sufficient progress was achieved to hold a formal 5+2 session in late May. The settlement process continued with a high level of activity through the summer, with especially frequent, active contact between Chişinău and Tiraspol. As Special Representative Frattini visited the region in September 2018, most points in the “package of eight” had been agreed and implemented, and participants were examining how and where this remarkable progress in the settlement process might be extended.