Informal Meetings in Foreign Policy Anu Master of Arts, International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University [email protected]

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Informal Meetings in Foreign Policy Anu Master of Arts, International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University Anudhull3@Gmail.Com No. 90 March 2020 Informal Meetings in Foreign Policy Anu Master of Arts, International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University [email protected] Narendra Modi in Wuhan in May 2018, was Dynamism has been the characteristic feature claimed as a major breakthrough in India- of India-China relations, yet foreign policy China relations. It was seen as a harbinger of achievements of both countries are very few. developing mutual trust between the two. This Keeping the dynamism in practice, both ‘spirit’ was carried forward at “Chennai countries have had two successive summits Connect” – the second informal summit where both are acclaiming these meetings as between the two leaders, which was in fact successful and unique. This may be an held at Mamallapuram, over 50 kilometers unprecedented step between the two Asian away from Chennai – to invigorate people-to- giants, but there are several precedents of such people and civilizational connect. The present meetings where Heads of States have met year 2020, marking 70th anniversary of India- informally. China relations, would jointly be celebrated by holding 70 events highlighting this “connect”. With this understanding, this article questions the efficacy of Wuhan and Chennai Summits Contextually, the period between the two by analyzing it against the background of two summits has witnessed several cold such informal interactions – the Kissinger- expressions from both sides. For example, Zhou meeting in 1971 and series of North China’s stand of bringing abrogation of Article Korea-South Korea informal meetings in 2018- 370 at multilateral platforms, its reluctance to 19. Naturally, the circumstances, actors, listing Masood Azhar in United Nations intentions and mood were all unique and Security Council (UNSC) Terrorists’ list, its cannot be compared, but nonetheless, they official reactions questioning Indian leaders’ provide a framework to analyze these meetings visits to Arunachal Pradesh claiming it as for what they really are: ‘soft’ instruments of threat to its territorial sovereignty etc. foreign policy. This paper also dwells on the Denouncing these attempts by China as an circular dilemma of formal and informal intrusion in its internal matters and alleging choices considering institutionalizing these China of siding with terror-funding Pakistan, informal summits. India has also shown discontent towards China. Introduction The second round of informal talks was heralded by both leaders as a significant The “Wuhan Spirit”, in the backdrop of the 1st success as it signaled the informal summit between Xi Jinping and regularization/institutionalization of the The ICS is an interdisciplinary research institution, which has a leadership role in the promotion of Chinese and East Asian Studies in India. The ICS Analysis aims to encourage debate and provide informed and balanced inputs for policy formulation and is based on extensive research and interactions with a wide community of scholars, experts, diplomats and military personnel in India and abroad. practice of Informal Summits. President Xi recognized diplomatically by the US. However, invited PM Modi for a 3rd informal summit and after the Sino-Soviet split in late 1950s the latter accepted it immediately (MEA- GOI, geopolitics and security concerns started 2019). All these developments necessitate the changing, especially in Asia. Owing to these analysis of these informal meetings as they changes Asia witnessed the emergence of post- play out in Sino-Indian bilateral relations. colonial nation-states, marking its policies through the Balance of Power. Keeping this in An objective assessment of these informal context, both the US and China opted for a meetings requires looking at some parameters prudential approach, focusing on their against which their diplomatic efficacy and respective national interests. Both tried to foreign policy objectives can be analyzed. expand their foreign policy horizons by Considering the gap in existing foreign policy creating a common platform for interactions, literature on the definition, role and nature of thereby leading to the Kissinger-Zhou meeting these informal meetings; there is a need to in 19711.While the U.S. sought an opportunity understand their mechanisms and how they for a deeper engagement in Asia through China, impact, and/or influence the conduct of foreign the latter viewed this as an escape from policy. The main feature of these being isolationism it had been experiencing after the informal is with regard to the conduct: absence Sino-Soviet split. of any formal set of frameworks, which in turn is expected to enhance the spontaneity of actors to maneuver through the discussions. This The main feature of these being informal then widens the scope of interaction without is with regard to the conduct: absence of any institutional blueprints. any formal set of frameworks, which in turn is expected to enhance the This article attempts to analyze the role of spontaneity of actors to maneuver informal meetings in carrying forward foreign through the discussions policy objectives. It also seeks to understand the motivating or enabling factors in choosing the mode of informal interactions by India and The U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger China, despite having formal relations. In this and Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai on 17th July regard, cues are taken from two related 1971 met in Beijing without any prior informal interactions to defuse tensions, as a announcement or formal arrangements. In fact, precedent – the Henry Kissinger-Zhou Enlai this meeting set the ground for formalization of meeting in 1971, and meetings between leaders relations between the two (McDuffee, 2017). of the North and South Korea in 2018-19. Despite long driven mutual distrust and antagonism, both leaders amended their Kissinger-Zhou Meeting in 1971 demands as per conditions put forth by the other. They effectively conveyed the messages The “Kissinger-Zhou” secret meeting in 1971 of their respective Countries - to have a formal provides a good example of opening avenues meeting between both the Heads of States in and creating channels of communication, the immediate future. This formal meeting was which was later hailed by the then US actualized in the visit of President Nixon to President, Richard Nixon as a “diplomatic China in 1972, which initiated the process of success” (USC-U.S. China Institute 2011). rapprochement between the two. The 1971 This meeting was facilitated by the then meeting was successful owing to the manner it President of Pakistan, Yahya Khan (Phillips was conducted, the prudence and capacity of and Keefer 2006). Kissinger and Zhou, the balanced approach with clear objectives and flexibility in ways. In the second half of the twentieth century, the tensions of the Cold War and the staunch ideological differences between the U.S. and China illustrated the lack of any convergence between the two, with China not being 2 INSTITUTE OF CHINESE STUDIES, DELHI ● MAR 2020 While the Kissinger-Zhou interaction provides by 2018, were all time high. In such some reference points for analyzing informal circumstances, both the Korean countries meetings/interactions, achievement of foreign extended their willingness to negotiate with policy objectives cannot be hinged merely on each other (The Conversation 2018). While the nature of any bilateral initiative. The ROK was aiming for a settlement between US outcome, inter alia, depends on the willingness and DPRK in order to have peace in the region, of the leaders involved, and this segues into the DPRK had sought mediatory role of ROK as next case study - a series of informal significant in defusing its tensions with the U.S. interactions between North and South Korea- Both leaders through this manner, stressed on two countries which are technically at war for the need for efforts without any third power 60 odd years. mediation; in effect, shaping “their own destiny themselves” (Panmunjom Declaration 2018). Inter-Korean Informal Meetings During During the first US-DPRK summit in June 2018-19 2018, both leaders stressed on the forthcoming meetings to be “informal” in order to build Despite having the same culture, race and confidence. For DPRK, this legitimate history, the Korean Peninsula still stands diplomatic move was significant due to Kim’s divided by 38th Parallel Line into Democratic meeting in the Singapore summit with Republic of Korea (DPRK) or North Korea, President Trump, scheduled for July 2018. For and Republic of Korea (ROK) or South Korea. ROK, denuclearization of the Korean Both countries have long been trying for the Peninsula was the foremost objective. Through normalization and reconciliation of relations these informal summits, it had achieved the but without any significant achievements. first step of bringing DPRK on same table to Constrained by power politics in the larger discuss such a serious issue. geopolitical realm, DPRK and ROK have been reticent to engage in any bilateral dialogue on Despite having three inter-Korean meetings, their own. Be it the 1991 Basic Agreement on this initiative could not produce tangible results Reconciliation, “Sunshine Policy” of Republic belying all reconciliatory hopes, thus bringing of Korea in 1998, first Presidential summit of the relations back to stalemate. Since the two leaders in 2000 in Pyongyang or “Policy collapse of the Hanoi summit in February 2019, for Peace and Prosperity” in 2003, the initial efforts of Moon Jae-in to bring U.S. and countries are unable to have a lasting
Recommended publications
  • Yale Law School 2010–2011
    BULLETIN OF YALE UNIVERSITY BULLETIN OF YALE UNIVERSITY Periodicals postage paid New Haven ct 06520-8227 New Haven, Connecticut Yale Law School 2010–2011 Yale Law School Yale 2010–2011 BULLETIN OF YALE UNIVERSITY Series 106 Number 10 August 10, 2010 BULLETIN OF YALE UNIVERSITY Series 106 Number 10 August 10, 2010 (USPS 078-500) The University is committed to basing judgments concerning the admission, education, is published seventeen times a year (one time in May and October; three times in June and employment of individuals upon their qualifications and abilities and a∞rmatively and September; four times in July; five times in August) by Yale University, 2 Whitney seeks to attract to its faculty, sta≠, and student body qualified persons of diverse back- Avenue, New Haven CT 0651o. Periodicals postage paid at New Haven, Connecticut. grounds. In accordance with this policy and as delineated by federal and Connecticut law, Yale does not discriminate in admissions, educational programs, or employment against Postmaster: Send address changes to Bulletin of Yale University, any individual on account of that individual’s sex, race, color, religion, age, disability, PO Box 208227, New Haven CT 06520-8227 status as a special disabled veteran, veteran of the Vietnam era, or other covered veteran, or national or ethnic origin; nor does Yale discriminate on the basis of sexual orientation Managing Editor: Linda Koch Lorimer or gender identity or expression. Editor: Lesley K. Baier University policy is committed to a∞rmative action under law in employment of PO Box 208230, New Haven CT 06520-8230 women, minority group members, individuals with disabilities, special disabled veterans, veterans of the Vietnam era, and other covered veterans.
    [Show full text]
  • 2019-20 Annual Report
    PRINCETON UNIVERSITY DEPARTMENT AND PROGRAM OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES Annual Report 2019-2020 1 COVER: The wooden doors to 202 Jones. Photo taken by Martin Kern. 2 Annual Report 2019-20 Contents Director’s Letter 4 Department and Program News 6 Language Programs 8 Undergraduates 11 Graduate Students 14 Faculty 18 Events 24 Summer Programs 26 Affiliated Programs 29 Libraries & Museum 34 3 Director’s Letter, 2019-20 In normal years, the Director’s Letter is a retrospective of the year in East Asian Studies—but where to begin? Annual disasters and upheavals are standard topics in traditional East Asian chronicles. By June of 2020 (a gengzi 庚子 year), we had already lived through more than our share: the coronavirus pandemic, severe economic downturn, government inaction and prevarication, Princeton’s shift to online teaching, dislocation of undergraduate and graduate life, shuttering of libraries and labs, disruption to travel, study, and research for students, staff, and faculty, the brutal murder of George Floyd, and the international renaissance of the Black Lives Matter movement. invigorate campus intellectual life, completing book This spring semester, the usual hum of summer manuscripts, or starting new projects. The heaviest burden, programming and plans for next academic year grew no doubt, fell on our language instructors. The faculty quiet, and many EAS projects were cancelled, postponed, in Chinese, Japanese, and Korean innovated non-stop to shifted online, or put on hold. As this Annual Report goes insure that, in the era of Zoom, students would remain fully to press, plans for undergraduate residence on campus engaged in all four language skills of speaking, listening, and the format for classes in fall of 2020 are still being reading, and writing.
    [Show full text]
  • Issue Brief Template
    9 February 2010 No. 3 WESTERN SAHARA Expected Council Action In February the Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General for Western Sahara, Christopher Ross, will coordinate a meeting between Morocco and the Polisario Front. This meeting follows the UN’s proposal to hold informal direct talks over the status of Western Sahara. The Security Council is not expected to take any action in February, but members are watching developments closely bearing in mind that the mandate of the UN peacekeeping operation MINURSO, expires in April. Key Recent Developments On 2 February, the Secretary-General issued a statement welcoming the parties' decision to agree to the proposal for informal talks made by his Special Envoy. The talks will take place on 10-11 February outside New York and allow the parties to renew each other’s positions on Western Sahara, including: • Morocco's proposal that Western Sahara should be an autonomous region within Morocco; and • Polisario Front’s position that the territory’s final status can only be decided in a referendum that includes independence as a legitimate option. In December 2009 some Council members requested a briefing from the Secretariat on Western Sahara. The briefing was agreed upon just before Christmas but has not been scheduled as of this writing. On 30 April 2009, the Council extended the mandate of the UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) through resolution 1871. The Council also called on the parties to continue negotiations in good faith, with a view to achieving political solution. MINURSO has been in place since 1991.
    [Show full text]
  • Hideya Kuratafrom Nonproliferation to Regional Talkes, Then To
    From Nonproliferation to Regional Talks, then to Collective Security and Deterrence The Third North Korean Nuclear Crisis from a Historical Perspective From Nonproliferation to Regional Talks, then to Collective Security and Deterrence The Third North Korean Nuclear Crisis from a Historical Perspective Hideya Kurata (National Defense Academy of Japan) uring the past quarter century, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, North Korea) nuclear problem has posed an intermittent threat to the international community. The crisis in the early 1990s and that in the early to mid-2000s are respectively labeled the first and the second nuclear crisis, followed by the ongoing Dthird nuclear crisis, but the structure and dynamics of these crises are not uniform. The third nuclear crisis has come with issues that could not be resolved in the two earlier crises. I. Regional Nonproliferation Treaty Arrangements: Adopting NPT Regime Norms North Korea’s attempt to conclude a bilateral peace agreement to replace the 1953 Military Armistice Agreement with the United States – excluding Republic of Korea (ROK, South Korea) and China -- has been fairly consistent since the middle of the Cold War. The United States has refused to accept the offer, regarding it as a means to render the US-South Korea alliance impotent through the disbanding of the United Nations Command in Korea, a legacy of the Korean War, and as a means to provoke the withdrawal of US forces from South Korea. Breaking this precedent of no US-DPRK bilateral talks was what followed the declaration by North Korea in 1993 to withdraw from the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT).
    [Show full text]
  • India-China Informal Summit, Inter-Korea Summit: Assessing the Outcomes
    No. – 2 – 2018 India-China Informal Summit, Inter-Korea Summit: Assessing the Outcomes Maj Gen Rajiv Narayanan, AVSM, VSM (Retd) INTRODUCTION The two-day ‘informal talks’ that Prime Minister Modi had with President Xi Jinping on 27th and 28th April 2018 overlapped the talks between the North and South Korean Presidents at Panmunjeom on 27th April – both landmark events. While the future trajectory of China is impacted by both, for India the ‘informal talks’ held more importance. Yet the outcome of both talks impacts the future trajectory of Indo – Pacific Region (IPR). The main takeaway of the Wuhan talks was The other important takeaway the aspect that India and China agreed to work together of ‘Strategic Guidance’ to the respective on an economic project in Afghanistan, which defence forces and strengthening of existing would show that India and mechanisms to maintain China can cooperate and The other important takeaway peace and tranquillity the aspect of ‘Strategic Guidance’ not just compete in the to the respective defence forces along the border areas is neighbourhood.1 Presently, and strengthening of existing worth tracking carefully. It Centre for Strategic Studies and Simulation (CS3) and Simulation Studies for Strategic Centre both Indian and Chinese mechanisms to maintain peace is worth noting that it has and tranquillity along the Occasional Paper interests in Afghanistan border areas is worth tracking always been the PLA that differ considerably. It carefully. It is worth noting that has engineered a ‘stand- would, thus, be interesting it has always been the PLA that off’/ ‘face-off’ and never the to watch which economic has engineered a ‘stand-off’/ Indians.
    [Show full text]
  • ABSOLUTE FINAL ONEIL Dissertation
    UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Dealing with the Devil? Explaining the Onset of Strategic State-Terrorist Negotiations Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5td7j61f Author O'Neil, Siobhan Publication Date 2014 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Dealing with the Devil? Explaining the Onset of Strategic State-Terrorist Negotiations A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Siobhan O’Neil 2014 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Dealing with the Devil? Explaining the Onset of Strategic State-Terrorist Negotiations by Siobhan O’Neil Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2014 Professor Arthur Stein, Chair Statesmen are quick to declare that they will not negotiate with terrorists. Yet, the empirical record demonstrates that, despite statements to the contrary, many states do eventually negotiate with their terrorist challengers. My dissertation examines the circumstances under which states employ strategic negotiations with terrorist groups to resolve violent conflict. I argue that only when faced with a credible and capable adversary and afforded relative freedom of action domestically will states negotiate with terrorists. To test this theory, I use a multi-method approach that incorporates a cross- national study of all known strategic negotiations from 1968-2006 and three within-case studies (Israel, Northern Ireland, and the Philippines). Initial results suggest that negotiations are employed in about 13% of terrorist campaigns, certain types of groups are privileged, and negotiations only occur when statesmen can overcome domestic ii obstacles, namely public and veto player opposition.
    [Show full text]
  • Who Has a Voice in Egypt?
    #Sisi_vs_Youth: Who Has a Voice in Egypt? ALBRECHT HOFHEINZ (University of Oslo) Abstract This article presents voices from Egypt reflecting on the question of who has the right to have a voice in the country in the first half of 2016. In the spirit of the research project “In 2016,” it aims to offer a snapshot of how it “felt to live” in Egypt in 2016 as a member of the young generation (al-shabāb) who actively use social media and who position themselves critically towards the state’s official discourse. While the state propagated a strategy focusing on educating and guiding young people towards becoming productive members of a nation united under one leader, popular youth voices on the internet used music and satire to claim their right to resist a retrograde patrimonial system that threatens every opposing voice with extinc- tion. On both sides, a strongly antagonistic ‘you vs. us’ rhetoric is evident. 2016: “The Year of Egyptian Youth” (Sisi style) January 9, 2016 was celebrated in Egypt as Youth Day—a tradition with only a brief histo- ry. The first Egyptian Youth Day had been marked on February 9, 2009; the date being chosen by participants in the Second Egyptian Youth Conference in commemoration of the martyrs of the famous 1946 student demonstrations that eventually led to the resignation of then Prime Minister Nuqrāshī. Observed in 2009 and 2010 with only low-key events, the carnivalesque “18 days” of revolutionary unrest in January-February 2011 interrupted what Rather than a conventional academic paper, this article aims to be a miniature snapshot of how it ‘felt’ to live in Egypt by mid-2016 as a member of the young generation (al-shabāb) who have access to so- cial media (ca.
    [Show full text]
  • China – Japan – South Korea. a Tense Ménage À Trois
    SWP Research Paper Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Alexandra Sakaki and Gudrun Wacker China – Japan – South Korea A Tense Ménage à Trois RP 5 April 2017 Berlin All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2017 SWP Research Papers are peer reviewed by senior researchers and the execu- tive board of the Institute. They reflect the views of the author(s). SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 3­4 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] ISSN 1863-1053 Translation by Tom Genrich (Updated English version of SWP-Studie 4/2017) Table of Contents 5 Issues and Recommendations 7 Introduction 9 Bilateral Relations: The Three Dyads 9 China and Japan: Relative Rise and Decline 9 Political Relations 11 Security and Perceived Threats 11 China and South Korea: One-sided Dependencies 11 Political Relations 12 Security and Perceived Threats 13 Japan and South Korea: Distant Neighbours 13 Political Relations 15 Security and Threat Evaluations 15 Public Opinion in the Three Countries 16 Trade and Economic Relations 23 The Role of the US in China-Japan-South Korea Relations 24 Conclusion: Prospects for Trilateral Cooperation 26 Trilateral Cooperation 26 Origins and Development 28 The Trilateral Format: A Balance Sheet 31 The Significance of the Trilateral Format 33 Bilateral and/or Trilateral: The Outlook 34 Acronyms Dr Alexandra Sakaki, an Associate in the Asia Division, is Senior Fellow with the Robert Bosch Stiftung for the project “Japan in the international system”.
    [Show full text]
  • General Assembly Distr.: General 5 March 2010
    United Nations A/AC.109/2010/11 General Assembly Distr.: General 5 March 2010 Original: English Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples Western Sahara Working paper prepared by the Secretariat Contents Page I. Report and good offices of the Secretary-General .................................... 2 II. Consideration by the Security Council ............................................. 5 III. Consideration by the General Assembly ............................................ 6 10-26151 (E) 090410 *1026151* A/AC.109/2010/11 I. Report and good offices of the Secretary-General 1. Pursuant to General Assembly resolution 63/105, the Secretary-General submitted to the Assembly at its sixty-fourth session a report on the question of Western Sahara (A/64/185). The report covered the period from 1 July 2008 to 30 June 2009 and reviewed the activities carried out by the Secretary-General in the exercise of his good offices. 2. Also during the period under review, the Secretary-General submitted a report to the Security Council on the situation concerning Western Sahara (S/2009/200 and Corr.1) pursuant to Security Council resolution 1813 (2008). 3. In that resolution, the Security Council, having considered the report of the Secretary-General (S/2008/251), endorsed the recommendation in the report that realism and a spirit of compromise by the parties were essential to maintain the momentum of the process of negotiations. The Council called upon the parties to continue to show political will and work in an atmosphere propitious for dialogue in order to enter into a more intensive and substantive phase of negotiations, thus ensuring implementation of resolutions 1754 (2007) and 1783 (2007) and the success of negotiations; and affirmed its strong support for the commitment of the Secretary-General and his Personal Envoy towards a solution to the question of Western Sahara.
    [Show full text]
  • ISRAEL and PALESTINE
    ISRAEL and PALESTINE Two States for Two Peoples If Not Now, When? BOSTON STUDY GROUP ON MIDDLE EAST PEACE Alan Berger Harvey Cox Herbert C. Kelman Lenore G. Martin Everett Mendelsohn Augustus Richard Norton Henry Steiner Stephen M. Walt ISRAEL AND PALESTINE Two States for Two Peoples If Not Now, When? by the Boston Study Group on Middle East Peace Contents Preface . ii Brief Biographical Sketches . .iii Policy Statement of Boston Study Group on Middle East Peace . 1 Palestinian Refugees Herbert C. Kelman and Lenore G. Martin . .15 West Bank Settlements and Borders Henry Steiner . 23 Jerusalem Harvey Cox . 38 The Challenge of Mutual Security Stephen M. Walt . 45 The Right Time, As Ever Alan Berger . 51 U .S . Presidents and the Arab-Israeli Conflict Augustus Richard Norton . .57 Timeline and Glossary of Israeli-Palestinian Conflict & Peacemaking Everett Mendelsohn . .75 PREFACE The Boston Study Group on Middle East Peace started its regular meetings in September 2008. Its members all have a strong interest in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Some have been intensely engaged with this subject for decades. Others have closely followed the conflict within the context of their professional work in conflict resolution, international law and international relations, religion and U.S. foreign policy. The biographical sketches note the principal career work of each author that is relevant to this report. The group’s principal contribution is the jointly written policy statement entitledIsrael and Palestine—Two States for Two People: If Not Now, When? The statement stands as a collegial, collective enterprise that represents a consensus view of the group.
    [Show full text]
  • The United States Has Been Looking at the PLO Through Oi !-Covered Glasses
    \ The United States has been looking at the PLO through oi !-covered glasses. The Administration seems to be writing the scenario as it wishes it cou~d be~ rather than analyzing coldly what is. A I ittle history might be useful. In September 1975, the United States and Israel agreed that the U.S. wi I I not recognize or negotiate with the PLO so long as it does not accept Israel's right to exist and does not accept U.N. Security Counci I Resolutions 242 and 338. The U.S. did not make that commitment because of a sentimental interest in Israel. A distinction was made between the PLO and the Palestinians in general. The PLO is dedicated to war against Israel, which means war in the Middle East-­ and that is bad for the U.S., including its interest in oi I. The U.S. adversary in the Middle East is sti I I the Soviet Union, which can use the disorder of war to extend its influence. The PLO is an arm of the Soviet Union, armed and educated by the Soviet Union. The PLO's aims are not I imited to a Palestinian state. It is engaged in helping to topple regimes friendly to the U.S. --as its far-flung activity in Germany, Japan, Uganda, Nicaragua and elsewhere has shown. It would also I ike to topple the Saudi regime, with Soviet help, and isolate the U.S. altogether from the Middle East and its oil fields. Saudi Arabia would I ike to appease the PLO, but it won't work.
    [Show full text]
  • Sino-Tibetan Dialogue in the Post-Mao Era: Lessons and Prospects
    Policy Studies 12 Sino-Tibetan Dialogue in the Post-Mao Era: Lessons and Prospects Tashi Rabgey and Tseten Wangchuk Sharlho East-West Center Washington Policy Studies A publication of the East-West Center Washington Editor: Dr. Muthiah Alagappa The aim of Policy Studies is to present scholarly analysis of key contemporary domestic and international political, economic, and strategic issues affecting Asia in a policy rel- evant manner. Written for the policy community, academics, journalists, and the informed public, the peer-reviewed publications in this series will provide new policy insights and perspectives based on extensive fieldwork and rigorous scholarship. Each publication in the series presents a 15,000- to 25,000-word investigation of a sin- gle topic. Often publications in this series will appear in conjunction with East-West Center research projects; stand-alone investigations of pertinent issues will also appear in the series. Submissions Submissions may take the form of a proposal or completed manuscript. Proposal. A three- to five-page proposal should indicate the issue, problem, or puzzle to be analyzed, its policy significance, the novel perspective to be provided, and date by which the manuscript will be ready. The editor and two relevant experts will review proposals to determine their suitability for the series. The manuscript when completed will be peer-reviewed in line with the double-blind process. Complete Manuscript. Submission of complete manuscript should be accompanied by a two-page abstract that sets out the issue, problem, or puzzle analyzed, its policy signifi- cance, and the novel perspective provided by the paper. The editor and two relevant experts will review the abstract.
    [Show full text]