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Maria Clara in the Twenty-First Century: the Uneasy Discourse Between the Cult of the Virgin Mary and Filipino Women’S Lived Realities

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Maria Clara in the Twenty-First Century: the Uneasy Discourse Between the Cult of the Virgin Mary and Filipino Women’S Lived Realities RST 36.2 (2017) 139–153 Religious Studies and Theology (print) ISSN 0829-2922 https://doi.org/10.1558/rsth.35155 Religious Studies and Theology (online) ISSN 1747-5414 Maria Clara in the Twenty-first Century: The Uneasy Discourse between the Cult of the Virgin Mary and Filipino Women’s Lived Realities JEANE C. PERACULLO DE LA SALLE UNIVERSITY [email protected] ABSTRACT The Virgin Mary looms large as the image of a “good” Filipina or Fili- pino woman in both cultural and religious landscapes in the Philippines. A “good Filipina” imagery points specifically to the weak or passive woman, who is represented by a satirical character named Maria Clara. The Roman Catholic Church reinforces such imagery to highlight the Madonna-Whore dichotomy. However, in the twenty-first century, Filipino women have come to challenge the image of a good woman as weak and passive person. This paper explores the challenges that Filipinas face in their everyday lives, which call for a re-examination of the role of Catholic faith in their lived experiences. Keywords Filipina, rights, religion, gender Introduction A photograph, which appeared in the Philippine Daily Inquirer on July 23, 2016, would become the haunting image of the human cost of the present administration’s “war on drugs.” A grieving woman cradled her slain partner, a rickshaw driver, and a suspected illegal drug peddler, who was killed in execution-style supposedly by vigilante killers. Raffy Lerma, who photographed the haunting scene, named it as “La Pieta,” an obvious reference to The Pieta by Michelangelo. Newly-elected President Rodrigo Duterte, in his first-ever State of the Nation Address (SONA) on July 25, 2016 regarded the picture (and the reference to Pieta) as “melo- dramatic.” His precise words: “Then there you are, sprawled, and you are portrayed in a broadsheet like Mother Mary cradling the dead cadaver of Jesus Christ. These people, we’ll be doing dramatics here.” The mention of The Pieta in the historic SONA reveals the power that photographs wield in framing the perceived association of Filipino women to the long-suffering Virgin Mother. © Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2018, Office 415, The Workstation, 15 Paternoster Row, Sheffield, S1 2BX 140 Jeane C. Peracullo The Madonna and Child images abound—a fitting image of a loving mother. The Pieta provides a magnificent background for a, self-sacrific- ing and passive mother. These images loom heavily and provide a fitting representation of a loving mother. Indeed, The Pieta offers a magnificent impression of a long-suffering mother (Peracullo 2015, 38). What desta- bilizes or problematizes this image however is another image of Filipino women as “empowered” and “highly educated.” Representations of educated Filipino women, bravely and resolutely leaving their loved ones and country behind to work in strange lands as domestic helpers, nurses, caregivers and performers abound in mainstream media. These images are, at first glance, contradictory inasmuch as they represent Filipino women being tied to their traditional roles as mothers and caregivers. Yet, such images are also representations of empowered Filipino women as Overseas Filipino Workers. These images suggest that workers live these contradictions and they negotiate with them, all the while refusing to be held down by stereotypes of what it means to be a woman. It is notable that the Philippines is ranked highest among all other Asian countries in the World Economic Forum (WEF) Gender Gap Report for several years. This high rank seems to create an assumption that being a Filipino woman is definitely much better than say, being a Korean or a Jap- anese woman. Nevertheless, there is dissonance between the WEF Gender Gap Report and the lived experiences of many other Filipino women who are not well-educated, do not have jobs, and do not have access to repro- ductive health clinics. The conflict is partly due to the centuries-old representation of the “Vir- gin Mary” describing who they ought to be, and how they ought to live their lives. The effects of such an idealized representation are manifested in the double-talk that the local Roman Catholic Church makes regarding migrant female workers. The internal conflict with which Filipino women have been struggling holds them back from making authentic choices. As a result, there is a general lack of sustained collective resistance among Filipino women themselves to rally against the continuing production of motherhood that is oppressive. This is possibly why rights have not yet featured in their repertory. This paper presents the complex journey of modern Filipino women as they embark towards greater access to full participation in the discourse surrounding women, rights and religion. It also offers accounts of resist- ance against the hegemonic attempts of the Roman Catholic Church to frame their identities and experiences within the totalizing discourse of the “Virgin Mother.” These accounts can be observed in several fronts: within the local Roman Catholic Church through the re-claiming of pre-colonial © Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2018 Maria Clara in the Twenty-first Century 141 ideas on the nature of God; in the re-imagining of Mary using post-colo- nial discourse; and from the migrant Filipino workers themselves who, through their sacrifices, allow us re-examine the meaning of re/productive work, hanap-buhay (in English, looking for life), in motherhood and care. Filipino women, human rights and the Catholic Church The 2015 Global Gender Gap Report of the World Economic Forum (Here- after WEF) places the Philippines in the seventh place for its strong show- ing of female presence in various economic and political areas. The Phil- ippines is the only Asia country in the top 10. The high ranking might not come as a surprise to those who have seen up close how Filipinas, a collo- quial term for Filipino women, are highly literate and hard-working. After the historic EDSA revolution in February 25, 1986 that toppled a reviled dictator, the Filipino people have since elected two female presidents. In Southeast Asia, where dictators abound and machismo is a reality, this feat is worth noting. In almost all areas that the WEF considered as key areas to measure gender gaps, Filipinas do much better compared to their male counterparts, except in the area of the human development index. The Philippines has several laws that pertain to, and are considered to be, highly beneficial to women, such as the Republic Act 10354 or The Responsible Parenthood and Reproductive Health Act of 2012; the Republic Act 9710 or the Magna Carta of Women; the Republic Act 10398 or An Act Declaring November Twenty-Five Of Every Year As “National Consciousness Day For The Elimination Of Violence Against Women And Children”; the Republic Act No. 10361 or Domestic Workers Act; Republic Act 9995 or the Anti-Photo and Video Voyeurism Act of 2009; the Republic Act 9775 or the Anti-Child Pornography Act of 2009; the Republic Act 9262 or the Anti-Violence Against Women and Their Chil- dren Act of 2004; the Republic Act 8972 or the Solo Parents’ Welfare Act of 2000; the Republic Act 8505 or the Rape Victim Assistance and Protec- tion Act of 1998. Moreover, the country is also a signatory to many United Nation treaties on addressing gender inequality and violence against women and children. The first notable international agreement pertaining to women and gender equality that the Philippines ratified in 1981 was the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), which was adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1979. Since 1981, The Philippines has, over the years, shown institutional commitment to the ideals of the United Nations.1 1. However, the country’s healthy cooperation with the United Nations is being threatened by the President Dutarte’s perception that the UN is meddling in the affairs of the nation when one of the UN rapporteurs expressed her intention of visit to look © Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2018 142 Jeane C. Peracullo In the 2014 Gender Development Index (GDI) of the United Nations, the Philippines was placed in the Group 1 category of countries that have achieved high scores in areas that were considered, namely: Human Development Index; Life Expectancy; Expected Years of Schooling; Mean Years of Schooling; and Estimated GNI (Gross National Income) per Capita. Again, Filipinas fared better than their male counterparts in all areas except one. These progressive and advanced laws were promulgated despite the long, hard and bitter fights between Filipino feminists and the Roman Catholic Church. The Magna Carta Law of Women, (the Republic Act 9710), which was signed into law in 2009, saliently underscores in section 8 that “All rights in the Constitution and those rights recognized under international instruments duly signed and ratified by the Philippines, in consonance with Philippine law, shall be rights of women under this Act to be enjoyed without discrimination.” Nevertheless, the Catholic Church opposed its ratification. Its objections revolved mainly around provisions that protect women’s health, at the same time as maintaining an explicitly anti-abortion approach (Parmanand 2014, 71). The 14-years journey of the Responsible Parenthood and Reproductive Health Act of 2012 (Republic Act No. 10354) , promulgated in December 21, 2012, is a testament to a long drawn-out struggle between progressive and liberal sectors in civil society and the Catholic Church. In a 2012 article on the Reproductive Health Bill, I had wondered why the Catholic Church should position itself against a potential law that was anchored in freedom of conscience and autonomy, which are considered to be norma- tive moral standpoints that the Church promotes. I argued for the primacy of autonomy and self-determination in framing a perspective on the repro- ductive health debate.
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