A Church Dedicated to the Virgin Mary in the Temple of Isis at Aswan?

ECA 7 (2010), p. 1-16; doi: 10.2143 / ECA.7.0.2136901

Jitse H.F. DIJKSTRA and Gertrud J.M. VAN LOON

INTRODUCTION The resulting publication, which appeared in 1978, contains in the first place an edition of the hiero- Ancient Syene is almost completely covered by the glyphic reliefs of the temple and the decorated southern part of modern Aswan (‘Old Aswan’), blocks of other buildings found in the surrounding which makes archaeological excavation of the site area that were dumped here.5 But the Italian team difficult1. As a result, only two ancient monuments also published several textual and figural graffiti have been preserved, the temple of Domitian and from the temple’s walls, and a useful map of the the temple of Isis. In the 1980s and 1990s success- building (which served as the basis for Fig. 2)6. ful surveys in the area around the Isis temple led to The temple as it stands today actually consists only the creation, in the year 2000, of a joint project of of its nucleus (the naos), that is, of three chapels for the Swiss Institute of Architectural and Archaeo- cult statues (Fig. 2, nos H, F, J) with a small hall logical Research on Ancient Egypt and the Supreme in front of it (the pillared hall, D) containing two Council of Antiquities. This project, under super- square pillars (PI and PII)7. vision of Cornelius von Pilgrim, the director of the A first inventory in 2001 by the first author of Swiss Institute, constitutes the first systematic exca- this article revealed that the publication of the vations ever to take place in Aswan. Apart from graffiti by the Italian team was far from exhaustive. excavating the small plots of land surrounding the As a result, a separate project was started, the Isis temples of Isis and Domitian (Fig. 1, Areas 1 and 3), Temple Graffiti Project, that was aimed at publish- several emergency excavations have been conducted ing all graffiti (352 in total, both figures and texts) whenever the occasion arose after building activities from the temple8. From the study of the graffiti it in this densely populated part of Aswan had revealed ancient remains. Thus far, no less than 65 sites have been explored and three preliminary 1 We would like to thank Sabrina Higgins and Justin Kroesen reports covering the first six seasons (2000-2006) for comments on an earlier version of this article. have been published2. 2 Von Pilgrim et al. 2004, 2006, and 2008. For the surveys, In the first four seasons the activities of the see Jaritz/Rodziewicz 1994 and Jaritz/Rodziewicz 1996. 3 Swiss-Egyptian mission concentrated in large part Bruhn in Von Pilgrim et al. 2004, 127-134; Bruhn in Von Pilgrim et al. 2006, 238-251, 272-277. on the excavation of the mudbrick houses dating 4 Mariette/Maspero 1889, 6 (Pls 22-26); de Morgan et al. to the first to eleventh centuries CE around the 1894, 47-57. temple of Isis (Fig. 1, Area 1)3. The excavations 5 Bresciani/Pernigotti 1978. 6 revived an interest in this temple, which lies buried Hieroglyphic-demotic graffiti: Bresciani in Bresciani/Perni- gotti 1978, 124-143 (nos 1-43). Greek graffiti: Foraboschi deep in the middle of the ancient houses (Pl. 1). in Bresciani/Pernigotti 1978, 144-145 (nos 1-2; a third, The temple of Isis, a small but completely pre- undecipherable text did not receive a number). Coptic served Ptolemaic temple, was discovered in 1871 graffiti: Pernigotti in Bresciani/Pernigotti 1978, 146 by engineers working on a railroad from Aswan to (nos 1-8). Figural graffiti: Bresciani in Bresciani/Pernigotti 1978, 34-39. Map: Bresciani/Pernigotti 1978, Pl. VI. Shellal (on the east bank of the Nile at Philae). Fol- 7 Bresciani in Bresciani/Pernigotti 1978, 17. lowing its discovery, some plans and copies of 8 Dijkstra, in press. This study will contain a detailed reliefs were published at the end of the nineteenth description and documentation (in the form of a drawing century4, but nothing much happened until an or photograph) of each graffito, as well as introductions to the different groups of graffiti, and a general introduction Italian team under supervision of Edda Bresciani that will place this (in large part) new body of material in started work on the temple a century later, in 1971. a wider context.

94164_ECA7_2010_01.indd 1 28/11/11 14:26 Fig. 1. Topographical map with areas investigated during the first six campaigns of the Swiss-Egyptian mission (Von Pilgrim et al. 2008, Fig. 1)

94164_ECA7_2010_01.indd 2 28/11/11 14:26 Pl. 1. The temple of Isis at Aswan (© G.J.M. van Loon, February 2010)

Fig. 2. Key map to the temple of Isis at Aswan with a tentative reconstruction of (parts of ) the church (Von Pilgrim et al. 2006, Fig. 7)

94164_ECA7_2010_01.indd 3 28/11/11 14:26 soon became clear that they had much to tell about Despite this detailed study, two issues regarding the architectural history of the building, especially the church have thus far remained open: When was its reuse as a church in Christian times. The Italian the temple dedicated as a church? And to whom team had already found traces of the reuse of the was it dedicated? Both questions have been temple as a church, such as Christian graffiti, addressed by Bresciani on the basis of the Christian hacked away reliefs, certain adaptations in the pave- wall paintings the Italian team discovered. She dated ment, wall niches and, especially, two Christian the paintings to the sixth century CE and identified wall paintings on the opposite faces of the northern an enthroned figure on the northern pillar as the and southern pillars (PI-II)9. On the basis of these Virgin Mary. Therefore, she thought it ‘highly features they surmised that the church was built in probable’ that the church was dedicated to the the pillared hall and that the altar of the church Virgin12. Since it lies beyond the expertise of the stood in front of the entrance to the main sanctuary former author to properly assess these statements in (E), which was closed off with an apsidal niche10. the light of the ample comparative material now As this reconstruction was only assumed but not available, he asked the latter author to take a closer proven by a systematic study, in 2002-2003 a look at the paintings13. The present article is the meticulous analysis was made of the graffiti and result of our collaborative efforts. In the following other architectural features of the building. In addi- we shall start with a description of the wall paintings. tion to confirming Bresciani’s hypothesis that the We shall then try to interpret the composition. church was located in the pillared hall (D) this The following section discusses the scenes in the study has resulted in a tentative reconstruction of larger setting of the church interior by comparing several essential parts of the church (indicated in it to the decorative programme of contemporary Fig. 2) and the establishment of different phases of church interiors known so far. This discussion will reuse of the building in Late Antiquity and later lead to a reassessment of the date of the wall paint- times11. ings and, as a consequence, of the foundation of the church. In the final section we shall come back to the question whether the church could have been dedicated to the Virgin Mary. We shall argue that both of Bresciani’s statements need to be treated 9 Bresciani in Bresciani/Pernigotti 1978, 39: ‘Ma certamente with caution. gli elementi più interessanti, archeologicamente, della cris- tianizzazione dell’antico tempio come chiesa cristiana, sone THE WALL PAINTINGS le vestigia di affreschi sulle due facce centrali, contrapposte, dei pilastri della sala (…)’. 10 Bresciani in Bresciani/Pernigotti 1978, 38-41 (Pls XXVII- The wall paintings were located on the south face XXVIII). Cf. Grossmann 1995, 194, who seems to take of the northern pillar and the north face of the over Bresciani’s hypothesis, yet remarks that the church southern pillar (Fig. 2, nos PI and PII). The earlier was built in ‘das Allerheiligste des Tempels’, that is, the investigators of the temple did not notice the paint- main sanctuary of the temple. 11 ings, which suggests that the traces were probably Dijkstra in Von Pilgrim et al. 2006, 228-238. 14 12 Bresciani in Bresciani/Pernigotti 1978, 39-41 (Pls XXVII- already very faint from the beginning . When the XXVIII). Quote at p. 41: ‘altamente probabile’. Italian team discovered them in 1971 they had 13 A preliminary version of this paper, focussing on art- become barely visible and for this reason they took historical aspects, was read by the second author on the Fifth International Symposium on Early Christianity and photographs on infrared film. Cristina Guidotti Monasticism: Aswan and Nubia (Aswan, 31 January – then made copies of the originals in situ and, with 5 February 2010), organized by the St. Mark Foundation the help of the infrared photographs, compiled for Coptic History Studies and the St. Shenouda the Archi- drawings that documented everything she could mandrite Coptic Society. 15 14 Cf. Bresciani in Bresciani/Pernigotti 1978, 41. see : one colour drawing of the south face of the 15 Bresciani in Bresciani/Pernigotti 1978, 39: ‘L’aiuto di una northern pillar and one black-and-white and one serie di foto all’infrarosso, eseguite da F. Gabrielli nel 1971, colour drawing of the north face of the southern è stato assai grande per individuare particolari non chiari pillar16. These drawings are all we have in evaluat- all’esame visivo diretto; la pazienza di M. Cristina Gui- dotti, che ha eseguito i disegni sugli originali, ha permesso ing the paintings, since the originals are now lost. di documentare l’umanamente documentabile’. Most likely, the murals have been painted on a 16 Bresciani/Pernigotti 1978, 40 (Pls XXVII-XXVIII). layer of plaster or on whitewash, although this is

94164_ECA7_2010_01.indd 4 28/11/11 14:26 with the graffiti and (approximate) position of wall paintings Fig. 3. Plans of the south face northern pillar (PIS) and north southern (PIIN)

94164_ECA7_2010_01.indd 5 28/11/11 14:26 not mentioned in the Italian description. Plain below the wall paintings, while four demotic graf- plaster or any other decoration has not been fiti, again very fragmentary, are in the area of the found. paintings21. According to the description by Bresciani the When we take a closer look at these paintings, paintings were both located around 1 m above the on the south face of the northern pillar (Fig. 4), a pavement and of 0.95 m height17. Unfortunately, female figure (according to the Italian description), she does not tell us whether the paintings cover the seated on a throne decorated with gemstones, has whole width of the pillar or just a portion of it18. been depicted in the centre. The face and the dra- If we take the approximate range she gives from the pery of the figure, from knee height down, have bottom (1 m above the pavement) to the top of the been preserved. On either side of the seated figure, scenes (1.95 m above the pavement), and compare three standing saints have been painted. The col- this position with the graffiti on the same pillar ours used are white, blue, red and black. Part of faces, the following observations can made (Fig. 3). the red frame (with a corner) can be seen below. On the south face of the northern pillar (PIS) a The description also speaks of a hand of the seated series of crosses can be seen, incised just above the figure, but there is no hand visible in the drawing. paintings19. The crosses show that the paintings In addition, it can be noted that the seated figure on the pillars were restricted to the strip indicated and four of the six standing persons (and presum- by Bresciani. Some of the crosses, especially the ably all of them) are wearing shoes; the standing cluster of more elaborate crosses to the right, might persons are wearing a basic ankle long garment, have belonged, like the wall paintings, to the origi- covered with a draped upper garment. The pre- nal decoration of the church. In the area where the served face of the seated figure shows no traces of a paintings were located, several demotic graffiti nimbus. The Italian team has interpreted this per- (indicated in the drawing as ellipses) can be found son as the Virgin Mary, most probably with her dating to the Graeco-Roman period, which are child on her lap, surrounded by standing saints22. much effaced, no doubt because of the surface The painting on the north face of the southern treatment for the Christian paintings20. On the pillar (Fig. 5) contains a series of four standing, north face of the southern pillar (PIIN) a similar bearded saints with, at the far right, according to pattern emerges, though the graffiti are fewer in the Italian team, an angel. Also here, part of the red number here. Two crosses are found, in this case, frame has been preserved. In addition, the standing figures seem to wear a nimbus, although they are of various sizes. Their set of clothes looks like a basic ankle long garment and a draped upper garment, 17 Bresciani/Pernigotti 1978, 39: ‘(…) a 1 m. circa dal pavi- with shoes. While these figures have been depicted mento. L’altezza delle scene sono di circa 0,95 m.’. It is frontally, the so-called angel seems to have been unclear how the wall paintings fit in with the screen wall depicted in a three quarter pose. that is assumed to have been in between the pillars (Fig. 2; see Dijkstra in Von Pilgrim et al. 2006, 233, and Dijkstra NTERPRETATION OF THE ALL AINTINGS 2008, 104). Most likely the wall was not higher than 1 m, I W P as in many sanctuary barriers in Egyptian churches from this period (Grossmann 2002, 122-125; Bolman 2006b, To start with the painting on the south face of the 76-80), and the wall paintings would have been visible northern pillar, the person in the centre is sitting above it. 18 The drawings have no scale. on a high backed throne or a stool. The back of this 19 PIS 2, 10-5 (catalogue nos 125-131). For these and the piece of furniture has not been preserved but both following graffiti see the edition by Dijkstra, in press types were used to depict seated persons of high (the demotic ones by E. Cruz-Uribe in Dijkstra, in press). rank. The Virgin Mary is a good option for such a Further up on the wall are five modern graffiti (PIS 1, 6-9 [344-348]). seated figure. However, there are more persons who 20 PIS 3-5, 16-7, 19-24 (234-244). PIS 18 (174) is an uni- can be portrayed on a throne or stool. Since the dentified figure. interpretation of the central figure in this fragmen- 21 Crosses: PIIN 6-7 (132-133). Demotic graffiti: PIIN 1, 3-5 tary composition is not unambiguous, we shall (252, 254-256), cf. PIIN 2 (253), which seems to be just above the painting and is better legible. therefore consider all the options. 22 Bresciani in Bresciani/Pernigotti 1978, 41: ‘La figura cen- Apart from the Virgin Mary and Christ, kings trale del pilastro nord è certamente una Madonna’. or commanders can also be depicted on a throne or

94164_ECA7_2010_01.indd 6 28/11/11 14:26 Fig. 4. Wall painting on south face of the northern pillar (Bresciani/Pernigotti 1978, Pl. XXVII)

Fig. 5. Wall painting on north face of the southern pillar (Bresciani/Pernigotti 1978, Pl. XXVIII)

94164_ECA7_2010_01.indd 7 28/11/11 14:26 stool. The latter are often sitting on a high backed This leaves us with Mary and Christ. According throne, a stool or a folding chair. Although in to the Italian team, arguments for the identification most examples they are depicted in three quarter of the seated figure as Mary are the shape of the pose, like King Herod in a painting in the quarry face (especially the shading), and the position of the church of Dayr Abu Hinnis (sixth-seventh century, left knee and the hand (not visible), which support sitting on a stool)23, King Saul represented at Bawit the idea of a child on her lap26. The face, beardless (Chapel III) is sitting on a high backed throne and round, might indeed indicate a woman; there decorated with gemstones (sixth-eighth century?)24. are, on the other hand, also a number of examples He is dressed in an ankle long, dark red draped of an enthroned, beardless Christ. For example, garment, with shoes (Pl. 2)25. Kings or commanders a beardless Christ enthroned among archangels and occur mainly in narrative scenes and although the saints can be found in Dayr Abu Maqar (haykal remains of the central figure from Aswan bear a of Benjamin, west wall, ninth century)27, and in an strong resemblance to King Saul at Bawit, a narra- exceptional image of Christ and Mary seated tive scene on the northern pillar is unlikely. together on a throne in Bawit and surrounded by saints (Chapel LIX, east wall, eighth-ninth century?)28. Double compositions of Christ enthroned in niches in several other rooms in this monastery also show a young beardless Christ29. The colour of the garment, dark red, is generally used for both 23 Clédat 1902, 49 and Pl. I; Van Loon/Delattre 2006, 123- Mary and Christ. The position of the knees, some- 124, Figs 1-4 and Pl. V; Zibawi 2003, Figs 55, 58-59. 24 Clédat 1904/06, 20, Fig. 12, Pls XII-A and XVII; Zibawi what apart as to carry a child, might point in the 2003, Fig. 82. direction of the Virgin. But this pose is also quite 25 In three textile roundels, a king or commander is depicted common for seated male figures, including the in three quarter pose, seated on a stool. One portrays mentioned examples of King Saul and Christ Herod in the Massacre of the Innocents (Athens, Greek Folk Museum, inv. no. 1382, sixth-seventh century; Apos- enthroned. A positive point for the identification of tolaki 1932, 151-152, no. 1382 and Fig. 119), the cycle of the figure as Mary is the fact that she wears shoes. scenes in the other two roundels remains unclear (Riggis- The Virgin is never depicted barefooted or wearing berg, Abegg Stiftung, inv. no. 589a, eighth-tenth century; sandals whereas Christ most often has sandals. Schrenk 2004, 335-337: no. 154; Manchester, Whitworth Art Gallery, inv. no. T.8441a; Schrenk 2004, 337, photo- Considering the evidence and comparisons, the graph). In the latter two textiles, the person on the throne pendant seems to swing towards Mary rather than is dressed in a long dark red tunic. Herod in the roundel Christ as interpretation of the central figure of the and in Dayr Abu Hinnis is dressed in a military uniform. painting on the northern pillar. If the figure repre- For the interpretation of the scenes in the Riggisberg and Manchester roundels, see Van Loon 2008. sents Mary, she would almost certainly carry her 26 Bresciani in Bresciani/Pernigotti 1978, 41: ‘(…) il con- son. Furthermore, the child would have been quite torno del viso, – l’ombreggiatura –, è segnato con un tratto high in her arms. For if he would be sitting on her spesso del pennello; poco resta del velo sulla testa; manca knees, the feet of the Christ Child would still have purtroppo tutta la parte centrale della pittura, ma dalla been visible and the drawing gives no indication of posizione del ginocchio sinistro e da quella della mano, si 30 può forse avanzare l’ipotesi che la Madonna sorregesse un feet . While holding her child high in her arms, piccolo Gesù’. the feet could rest on her knee, as in a textile pre- 27 Leroy 1982, diagram A and Pls I-III. served in the Cleveland Museum of Art31, she could 28 Clédat 1999, 175-176 and photographs 153-155. 29 Chapels XVII and XXVI: Clédat 1904/06, 75-76 and be nursing, like in the majestic composition in the Pls XL-XLIV, 136-137 and Pls XC-XCI; Zibawi 2003, north conch of the Church of Anba Bishay near Figs 87 and 86. Sohag (seventh-eighth century; Fig. 6)32, or holding 30 See, for example, a relief in the Coptic Museum (inv. no. 8006, a clipeus with the image of her son, as can be seen in sixth-seventh century, Gabra/Eaton-Krauss 2007, 111: no. 73) 33 and paintings found in the Monastery of Apa Jeremias at Chapel XXVIII at Bawit (Pl. 3) . Furthermore, in Saqqara (Quibell 1908, 64 and Pls XL-XLI; Quibell 1912, the examples discussed (whether with Mary or Christ 23 and Pls XXI-A and XXIII-B). enthroned) it is clear that more often than not, arch- 31 Cleveland Museum of Art, inv. no. 67.144, sixth century angels are part of the composition. They are flanking (photograph in Bolman 2002, Fig. 3.5). 32 Bolman 2006a, Pls 1 and 5; Bolman 2008, with earlier the enthroned figure (which is always the focal point literature; Laferrière 2008, 26-28 and Pl. IV. of the image) or are standing among the saints. 33 Clédat 1904/06, Pls XCVI-b and XCVIII. In the painting on the north pillar, it is impossible

94164_ECA7_2010_01.indd 8 28/11/11 14:26 Pl. 2. Bawit, Chapel III, north wall: David in King Saul’s armour (Clédat 1904/06, Pl. XVII)

Pl. 3. Bawit, Chapel XVIII, niche in east wall: the Virgin Mary accompanied by archangels (Clédat 1904/06, Pl. XCVI-B)

94164_ECA7_2010_01.indd 9 28/11/11 14:26 Fig. 6. Sohag, Red Monastery, Church of Anba Bishay, northern conch of the sanctuary (Laferrière 2008, Pl. IV)

to distinguish wings but, in all probability, angels 34 In a domestic context, a fragmentary painting of Mary and were also included in this design34. child on a gemmed throne accompanied by archangels and an unidentified figure has been reconstructed on the north- To turn to the south pillar, the three standing ern wall of the courtyard of House D at Kom el-Dikka saints that can be detected, are most probably (Alexandria), which has been dated by the excavators to the bearded, hence they are male. They might be first half of the sixth century (Rodziewicz 1984, 194-204 monks but too little has been left to identify them. [Figs 226-236]; the reconstruction of the scene [Fig. 236] can also be found in McKenzie 2007, 238, Fig. 406). Some lines at the far left indicate a fourth saint and 35 Passim in Clédat 1904/06; Clédat 1916; Clédat 1999; the figure in three quarter pose at the far right Maspero/Drioton 1931/43. Church of the Archangel might be an angel. Rows of standing saints or Michael (formerly called the North Church): Clédat 1999: (saintly) monks are extremely common, in churches photos 196, 198-199; Bénazeth, in press; Bénazeth et al., forthcoming. Despite this abundant documentation, the as well as in monastic buildings from Egypt, for series of saints have not been specifically studied. example in churches, cells and utility buildings 36 For example in Cell A, north wall (Quibell 1908, 64 and in the Monastery of Apa Apollo at Bawit35 and the Pl. XLIV) and Cell F, east wall, niche (Quibell 1908, Pls LIV- Monastery of Apa Jeremias at Saqqara36, at the LVI); Room 728, north wall (Quibell 1909, 16-17, Pls VI 37 and XIV-3), Room 1764, north wall (Quibell 1912, 4 and quarry church of Wadi Sarga , and in the side Pl. VII) and Room 1772 N (‘refectory’), north wall (Qui- aisles of the church at Karm al-Ahbariya38. In a bell 1912, Pl. X). monastic environment, the series of standing fig- 37 ii Doresse 2000, 2 : Figs 31-35, 36b-d, 39, 41. The famous ures often contain a large number of monks. Monks painting of Saints Cosmas and Damian and their brothers from Wadi Sarga (now in London, BM EA 73139) is said and saints usually carry objects like a book, a cen- to have come from a ‘villa about two miles north of Wadi ser, a key, a staff, or a scroll, or are depicted in Sarga’ (Dalton 1916, 35). praying position, their hands at chest height or as 38 Fragments testify to rows of standing saints among plant orantes, with arms outstretched. The figures are motifs and animals. Inscriptions identify Cosmas, Dan(iel), (Ma)ria and Anr… (Witte-Orr 2010, 96, 99, Fig. 19 and painted side by side or are separated by trees, plants Pl. 32c-d). or columns. They are usually dressed in a tunic and

94164_ECA7_2010_01.indd 10 28/11/11 14:26 pallium or one or two tunics with a shawl or cape. the beginning of the eighth century dates the Some compositions show a certain hierarchy or apse composition of the Cathedral of Paulos at rhythm, for example in Room 40 at Bawit: a frieze Faras (Pachoras), this time in three registers46. of the Archangel Uriel, flanked by saints (northern Although the Virgin figures in these apse designs, wall)39. An often reproduced (fragmentary) paint- her significance is to underline both Christ’s divin- ing from Saqqara, now in Cairo (Coptic Museum), ity and humanity. Christ, king in past, present and shows Apollo in the orans-position between Saint future (as visualized in the upper register), has become Macarius and Apa Amoun, both holding a book. man: ‘…Your radiance rests on my knees, the throne To the left of Saint Macarius, Saint Onophrius has of your Majesty is held in my arms…’47. From Faras been painted, also in the orans-position40. The Cathedral we also have an interesting design from the complete arrangement is unknown. In Dayr Abu same, eighth-century phase of decoration in the east- Hinnis, a monk, monastic saints, perhaps a bishop, ern end of the north aisle, to the left of the apse: still and medical saints flank Saint John the Baptist41. visible were the Virgin, holding her son high in her It has been proposed to identify the saints shown left arm, with an angel on the left hand side and Saint in the painting from Aswan as Victor (the few lines John the Evangelist on the right hand side. Probably, at the far left), Shenoute, Antony, and Pachomius, there were more persons depicted48. with the angel reading from Pachomius’ Rule42. This identification is not based on any evidence, however: the iconography does not give any clue 39 Maspero/Drioton 1931/43, Pls XLVIIb, XLVIII-L. There about the identity of the saints and, as far as we was a similar composition in Chapel 1/south-west, east wall 43 (Palanque 1906, 9-10 and Pl. X-XII). Another example has know, a comparative composition does not exist . been found in Chapel LVI, west wall: seven monks, two The only thing that can be said is that we are dealing equestrian saints, a female saint in orans-position, two here with standing, most probably male saints. equestrian saints; north wall: monk with staff, monk in orans- Whether they were monastic saints, or whether an position, four monks with staff, monk in orans-position, two monks with staff (Clédat 1999, 156-159, photos 135-141, angel was included, cannot be ascertained anymore. 144-145). 40 Cell A, north wall (Quibell 1908, 64 and pl. XLIV; Rassart- THE WALL PAINTINGS AS PART OF A DECORATIVE Debergh/Debergh 1981, 187-192; Wietheger 1992; 58-60, PROGRAMME 74; Zibawi 2003, Fig. 96). 41 Van Loon/Delattre 2004; Van Loon/Delattre 2005; Zibawi 2003, Figs 64-65. The fragments of the two paintings on the pillars 42 MacCoull 1990, 154-155. are the only remains of painted decoration in this 43 Cf. Dijkstra 2008, 99 n64, who calls this identification church44. Compared to the decorative programmes ‘dubious’. 44 The reliefs on both sides of the entrance to the main sanc- known from excavations or still extant in church tuary (Fig. 2, no. E) were hammered out, probably in order buildings in Egypt, it is almost certain that these to contain wall paintings, but no traces of this decoration murals were part of a more extended iconographical have been preserved, Dijkstra in Von Pilgrim et al. 2006, programme. Up until about 1000 CE, decorative 231, 237, and Dijkstra 2008, 104, 106. 45 Godlewski 1992, 289-291. With many thanks to Mag- programmes of the eastern part of a church in which dalena ™aptas and Dobrochna Zielinska for their biblio- the Virgin plays a role have seldom survived in Egypt. graphical help. In northern Nubia, on the other hand, early apse 46 Godlewski 1992, 287, 289-291, Fig. 15, 296-298. In the compositions, which are modelled on the Egyptian church at Debeira (now in Ghana) only a fragment of the upper register survives, which belongs to Christ enthroned double composition of Christ enthroned (upper reg- surrounded by the four living creatures (Godlewski 1992, ister) and the Virgin surrounded by apostles (lower 289). register), are better preserved45. 47 Van Loon in Gabra/Van Loon 2007, 32, with earlier lit- For example, the churches at Naga el-Oqba erature; quote from a poem on Mary, in which she sings to her son attributed to Ephraem the Syrian (d. 373; Brock (seventh century), Wadi es-Sebua (seventh-eighth 1984, 60). century), and the central church at Abdallah Nirqi 48 Godlewski 1992, 298 and Fig. 28, who claims that the (end of the seventh century?) contained fragments Virgin was standing. However, only part of the mural had of such a double composition, with representations survived and the position of the Virgin is not clear; she might as well be sitting. According to Godlewski, ‘It would of the Virgin in the lower register. The sections appear that an identical composition was to be found in preserved show her standing or enthroned; it is not the same spot of the Abu Oda church…’. This painting has always clear whether she is carrying her son. From not been further studied and has disappeared.

94164_ECA7_2010_01.indd 11 28/11/11 14:26 The few examples from Egypt are all monastic semi-dome (Fig. 6). In the southern semi-dome churches; the church at Aswan, by contrast, is part Christ is enthroned among John the Baptist and his of an urban setting, as are some of the Nubian father Zachariah, and the evangelists, while the east- examples mentioned above (Abdallah Nirqi, Faras)49. ern semi-dome was also decorated with Christ Nevertheless, the primary function of these church enthroned (very fragmentarily preserved). These buildings, the celebration of the Eucharist, is the paintings are now dated to the seventh-eighth cen- same. Although details may differ, the basic decora- tury50. In the Church of the Virgin in Dayr as- tive scheme of the eastern part, in which the Suryan, there is no image left in the eastern part of Eucharist takes place, can therefore also be expected the church (the altar room has been rebuilt and to be similar. Since decorative programmes of decorated with stucco work, dating to the tenth contemporary secular churches from Egypt are century)51. In the khurus, the southern semi-dome missing, we shall compare the position of the is covered with a later layer of plaster and subse- paintings in the Aswan church with two well-stud- quent murals. The most recent layer of the north- ied monastic examples, the Church of Anba Bishay ern semi-dome was removed a few years ago and an (the Red Monastery) near Sohag and the Church Epiphany scene has come to light: the Virgin Mary of the Virgin in Dayr as-Suryan (Wadi an-Natrun). enthroned, holding a clipeus with her son, sur- In these monasteries, churches and decoration rounded by angels, the magi, and shepherds. The are on a much larger and grander scale. How- western semi-dome holds an Annunciation scene, ever, there are still some interesting parallels to be the Virgin and the archangel Gabriel being sur- noted. rounded by four prophets. The latter paintings are The eastern triconch of the Red Monastery at present dated to the eighth century52. From the church shows an enthroned, nursing Virgin, sur- surviving examples of sanctuary designs it appears rounded by prophets and saints in the northern that the Virgin Mary and Child are often found, apart from in compositions in the eastern apsidal niche or apse, in the northern part of the sanctuary. In these examples, the Virgin is enthroned, nursing53, or showing her son who is sitting in her arm or 49 For the other Nubian churches the context is not clear, but depicted in a clipeus. This investigation strengthens they were definitely not part of a monastery. There is no evidence that the churches of Naga el-Oqba and Wadi es- the identification of Mary as the enthroned figure Sebua (Monneret de Villard 1935, 78-80 and Fig. 66; 84-89 on the northern pillar at Aswan. and Figs 71-72) were part of a settlement though they were probably connected to local communities. Many thanks to The comparative material adduced thus far to aid Wlodzimierz Godlewski for this information. 50 Laferrière 2008, 22-32 and Pls III-IV; most recently Bol- in the interpretation of the fragmentary scenes from man 2008, with earlier literature. the Isis temple at Aswan, enables us to come to a 51 Immerzeel 2008. reassessment of the date of these paintings, which 52 Reports of ongoing research in the church under supervision Bresciani placed in the sixth century. She based this of Karel C. Innemée (Leiden University) are published in the on-line journal Hugoye (http://syrcom.cua.edu/hugoye), date on the shape of the eyes and mouth of the with earlier literature. The Epiphany painting has not been central figure of the painting on the northern pillar published yet but a series of photographs and a video of the and the face of the saints in the painting on the discovery can be viewed at the website of the monastery: southern pillar54. These elements cannot be taken, http://www.st-mary-alsourian.com/Monuments. 53 For the nursing Virgin, see Bolman 2005. however, as indications of a sixth-century date: sty- 54 Bresciani in Bresciani/Pernigotti 1978, 41: ‘la forma degli listic features are notoriously unreliable in dating occhi, quella della bocca della Madonna richiamano una paintings in Christian Egypt55. A date in this cen- datazione al VI secolo, come anche il volto dei santi sul tury is acceptable, but so is the seventh, eighth or pilastro sud’. It should be noted that in a footnote (n. 93) she points out the fragmentary nature of the paintings. ninth century. On the basis of the fragments on the 55 Van Loon in Gabra/Van Loon 2007, 35. pillars preserved, no more specific date can there- 56 This date seems to be in agreement with two graffiti on the fore be given than between the sixth and ninth cen- inside of the main entrance on the northern wall (Fig. 2, turies. Assuming that these murals belonged to the no. B) left by a certain Kosma, which is only attested as a personal name from the sixth century onwards. For more original decoration of the church, the date of its details see the entry for these graffiti (BN 2-3 [302-303]) foundation should also be placed within this time- in Dijkstra, forthcoming. frame56.

94164_ECA7_2010_01.indd 12 28/11/11 14:26 A CHURCH DEDICATED TO THE VIRGIN MARY? framework, however, she holds a central position. But not all churches dedicated to the Virgin Mary With the establishment of the date of the dedica- hold paintings of her, as is witnessed by the quarry tion of the church inside the temple of Isis in the church of Dayr al-Ganadla, near Assiut, which sixth-ninth centuries, the remaining question to be probably dates to the sixth century. The original answered in this section is to whom the church was eastern part of this church has disappeared, but the dedicated. Based on her identification of the first layer of decoration in the entire church, includ- enthroned figure as the Virgin, Bresciani assumed ing its ceiling consists of decorative motifs63. that the church was also dedicated to her by point- These comparanda show that a wall painting ing to the cultic continuity from the veneration of representing an enthroned Mary cannot be decisive the divine mother, Isis, to the Mother of God, in determining to whom the church in the temple Mary57. In an article published in 1990, this informa- of Isis was dedicated. Also in this case, the painting tion was combined with two papyri (dated to 585 was undoubtedly part of the iconographical pro- and 586) from the Patermouthis archive, which men- gramme of the sanctuary. Consequently, the iden- tion an ‘Isakos son of Taeion, archdeacon of (the tification of the Church of the Holy Mary of Syene church of) the Holy Mary of Syene’. According to from the papyri with the church in the Isis temple the author, ‘[t]he Church of the Holy Mary must be must also remain open. the Ptolemaic temple of Isis’58. The identification of Examples such as these therefore remind us to the Church of the Holy Mary in the papyri with the be cautious in assuming a cultic continuity in Late church inside the temple of Isis has been generally accepted by subsequent scholars59. However, on several occasions the first author of the present article has expressed his doubts about these inferences on 57 Bresciani/Pernotti 1978, 41: ‘è altamente probabile, anche, the basis of a single wall painting60. A look at the che la chiesa, impiantata nel tempio di Isi madre divina di Horo, sia stata dedicata alla Madre di Dio, confermando la available comparative material from elsewhere in continuità religiosa, nell’ambiente de Assuan, tra Isi pagana Egypt demonstrates that a wall painting of Mary does e la Madre divina del cristianesimo’. indeed not necessarily make a church of the Virgin. 58 Husson 1990, 132, referring to P.Lond. V 1731.45 and The example of the enthroned, nursing Mary P.Münch. I 11.77; add the fragment listed under P.Lond. V 1850, which mentions a ‘priest of (the church of) the from the Church of Anba Bishay in the Red Holy Mary’. For the Patermouthis archive, a bilingual fam- Monastery mentioned in the previous section shows ily archive from Aswan that consists of papyri in Greek and an elaborate composition with the Virgin Mary in Coptic ranging in date from 493 to 613 see Dijkstra 2007, the centre (Fig. 6). However, she is not depicted in with references. 59 MacCoull 1990, 154; Porten 1996, 525 n. 16; Richter her own right but as part of the iconographical pro- 2002, 138. gramme of the sanctuary: Mary was instrumental 60 Dijkstra 2007, 195-196, and 2008, 75 and 99 n. 64. Cf. in Christ’s incarnation, which is emphasized by the Papaconstantinou 2000, 90 who already remarks ‘Cette prophets surrounding her. Another example of the hypothèse paraît à première vue fragile, car la Vierge est constamment représentée dans les églises coptes, sans en previous section is the Church of the Virgin at Dayr être pour autant la dédicataire’, but still follows the identi- as-Suryan in the Wadi an-Natrun. This church, fication proposed by Bresciani. dedicated to Mary and built in the seventh century 61 In the sixth century, the Gaianite Heresy caused rifts in the as part of ‘The Monastery of the Mother of God of monastic communities in the Wadi an-Natrun. Monks Anba Bishoy’, a double-monastery of the still existing opposed to the teachings of the Gaianites, who denied the 61 incarnation and thereby the role of the Virgin Mary as the neighbouring Monastery of Anba Bishoy , has pre- Mother of God, built new monasteries dedicated to the served an iconographical programme in which the Mother of God (Van Rompay in Innemée/Van Rompay Virgin takes a prominent place. Nursing her son, she 1998, 181-182). 62 A later addition (tenth century) is the representation of the has been painted on a half column to the right of the Dormition and Triumph of the Virgin in the khurus entrance to the central altar room; enthroned with (Innemée/Youssef 2007). child, an epiphany scene with magi and shepherds, 63 Buschausen/Khorshid 1998; Van Loon in Gabra/Van Loon she can be found in the northern half dome (khurus) 2007, 266-273. The walls are partly covered with a later and an Annunciation scene with prophets has been layer of plaster with figurative paintings. Unfortunately, 62 it is not known how old this dedication to the Virgin is. painted in the western half dome . Mary is repre- For the Nubian examples mentioned earlier, it is not known sented in her role as Mother of God; within this to whom these churches were dedicated.

94164_ECA7_2010_01.indd 13 28/11/11 14:26 Antique Egypt on the basis of too little evidence. Four saints and an unidentified person are repre- Another case in point is the Church of the Virgin sented on the southern pillar. Considering the date Mary at Philae, situated on the famous temple of these murals, nothing more specific can be said island 4 km further south. ‘[T]he Holy Virgin than that they date to between the sixth and ninth Mary Theotokos’ is attested in two undated Greek centuries. There is no evidence that this church was building inscriptions from the island64. A third dedicated to the Virgin, or that it is the church of building inscription, this one in Coptic and dating the Holy Mary mentioned in the Patermouthis to 752, has been found near the so-called West archive. For the questions of the role of the Virgin Church and mentions ‘the topos of the lady of us in church decoration and the cult of the Virgin all, the Holy Theotokos Mary, on Philae’65. The Mary in Egypt, especially before the year 1000, this epithets used for Mary, ‘our lady’ and ‘Theotokos’, subject will need much more research before any- have recently been compared with much earlier epi- thing further can be said69. thets used for Isis on the same island to prove that a ‘cult adoption’ took place at Philae66. The only reason why the temple of Isis itself was not turned BIBLIOGRAPHY into a church of the Virgin Mary was that the Apostolaki, A. 1932, Ta Koptiká Ufásmata tou en Aqßnaiv temple was still functioning when the church was Mouseíou KosmjtikÉn TexnÉn, A . dedicated67. However, this argumentation is not thens Baumeister, T. 1984, ‘Das Stephanuspatrozinium der Kir- supported by any evidence, as it is problematic to che im ehemaligen Isis-Tempel von Philä’, RQA 81, 187- combine the common, eighth-century terminology 194. of Mary with the much earlier epithets for Isis68. Bénazeth, D. in press, ‘L’église de l’archange Michel à Baouit’, We should therefore be cautious in assuming a con- in: R. Boutros (ed.), Proceedings of the Ninth International tinuity of cultic practice from Isis to Mary. Congress of Coptic Studies (Cairo, 15-19 September 2008). Bénazeth D. et al., forthcoming, L’église nord du monastère copte de Baouit (Égypte), Le Caire. CONCLUSION Bolman, E.S. (ed.) 2002, Monastic Visions: Wall Paintings in the Monastery of Saint Antony at the Red Sea, New Haven/ In summary, the church built in the temple of London. Isis yields a rare example, however fragmentary, of Bolman, E.S. 2005, ‘The Enigmatic Coptic Galaktotrophousa decoration in an urban church in Late Antique – and the Cult of the Virgin Mary in Egypt’, in: M. Vassilaki early Islamic Egypt. In all probability, the Virgin (ed.), Images of the Mother of God. Perceptions of the Theo- and Child surrounded by saints, and most likely tokos in Byzantium, Aldershot, 13-19. angels have been depicted on the northern pillar. Bolman, E.S. 2006a, ‘Late Antique Aesthetics, Chromophobia, and the Red Monastery, Sohag, Egypt’, ECA 3, 1-24. Bolman, E.S. 2006b, ‘Veiling Sanctity in Christian Egypt: Visual and Spatial Solutions’, in: Sh.E.J. Gerstel (ed.), Thresholds of the Sacred. Architectural, Art Historical, Litur- gical, and Theological Perspectives on Religious Screens, East 64 I.Philae II 220.5-6, 221.4-5 (restored), not included in and West, Washington D.C., 72-104. Papaconstantinou 2000. Bolman, E.S. 2008, ‘The Red Monastery Conservation Project, 65 Richter 2002, 128-135 (lines 6-8) for an improved text (cf. SB Kopt. I 302); Dijkstra 2008, 320 for an improved trans- 2006 and 2007 Campaigns. Contributing to the Corpus of lation. Late Antique Art’, in: G. Gabra, H.N. Takla (eds), Chris- 66 Richter 2002, 125-126, 135-136, esp. 135: ‘die Inschrift tianity and Monasticism in Upper Egypt. Vol. I: Akhmim and der Westkirche zeigt, daß auf der Insel Philae eine Kult- Sohag, Cairo, 305-317. adaption stattfand’; followed by Grossmann 2002, 465; Bresciani, E., S. Pernigotti, 1978, Assuan. Il tempio tolemaico Hahn 2008, 231. di Isi/I blocci decorati e iscritti, Pisa (Biblioteca di Studi 67 See for this idea already Baumeister 1984, 187-188. Antichi 16). 68 For a detailed refutation of Richter’s arguments, see Dijkstra Brock, S. 1984, The Harp of the Spirit. Eighteen Poems of Saint and Van Ginkel 2004, 236. See also Van der Vliet 2005, Ephrem, San Bernardino (2nd enlarged ed.). 202, and Dijkstra 2008, 321-322. Buschhausen H., F.M. Khorshid 1998, ‘Die Malerei zu Deir 69 The study by Papaconstantinou 2000 collects evidence for al-Genadla’, in: M. Krause, S. Schaten (eds), QEMELIA. at least 21 churches dedicated to the Virgin Mary in Egypt from papyri and inscriptions. However, a comparable study Spätantike und koptologische Studien Peter Grossmann zum of the material remains of the cult of Mary is still lacking. 65. Geburtstag, Wiesbaden, 55-67 (SKCO 3). Sabrina Higgins, a student of the first author, is currently Clédat, J. 1902, ‘Notes archéologiques et philologiques II. writing a PhD-thesis on this topic. Deir Abou-Hennîs’, BIFAO 2, 44-67.

94164_ECA7_2010_01.indd 14 28/11/11 14:26 Clédat, J. 1904/06, Le monastère et la nécropole de Baouît, Vol. Innemée, K.C., Y.N. Youssef 2007, ‘Virgins with Censers. I, fasc. 1-2, Cairo (MIFAO 12). A 10th Century Painting of the Dormition in Deir al-Surian’, Clédat, J. 1916, Le monastère et la nécropole de Baouît, Vol. II, BSAC 46, 71-85. fasc. 1, Cairo (MIFAO 39). Jaritz, H., M. Rodziewicz 1994, ‘Syene – Review of the Urban Clédat, J. 1999, Le monastère et la nécropole de Baouit, Notes mises Remains and Its Pottery’, MDAIK 50, 115-141, en œuvre et éditées par D. Bénazeth et M.-H. Rutschow- Jaritz, H., M. Rodziewicz 1996, ‘Syene – Investigation of the scaya avec contributions de A. Boud’hors, R.-G. Coquin et Urban Remains in the Vicinity of the Temple of Isis (II)’, É. Gaillard, Cairo (MIFAO 111). MDAIK 52, 233-249. Dalton, O.M. 1916, ‘A Coptic Wall-Painting from Wadi Laferrière, P.-H. 2008, La bible murale dans les sanctuaires Sarga’, JEA 3, 35-37. coptes, Le Caire (MIFAO 127). Dijkstra, J.H.F. 2007, ‘New Light on the Patermouthis Archive Leroy, J. 1982, Les peintures des Couvents du Ouadi Natrun, Le from Excavations at Aswan: When Archaeology and Papy- Caire (La peinture murale chez les coptes 2 – MIFAO 101). rology Meet’, BASP 44, 179-209. Loon, G.J.M. van, 2008, review of S. Schrenk, Textilien des Dijkstra, J.H.F. 2008, Philae and the End of Ancient Egyptian Mittelmeerraumes aus spätantiker bis frühislamischer Zeit. Religion: A Regional Study of Religious Transformation (298- Gewebeanalysen: Regina Knaller, Riggisberg 2004 (Die 642 CE), Leuven (OLA 173). Textilsammlung der Abegg-Stiftung Band 4), ECA 5, 147- Dijkstra, J.H.F. in press, Syene I. The Figural and Textual Graf- 148. fiti from the Temple of Isis at Aswan, Darmstadt (Beiträge Loon, G.J.M. van, A. Delattre 2004, ‘La frise des saints de zur ägyptischen Bauforschung und Altertumskunde 18). l’église rupestre de Deir Abou Hennis’, ECA 1, 89-112. Dijkstra, J.H.F., J.J. van Ginkel 2004, review of S.G. Richter, Loon, G.J.M. van, A. Delattre 2005, ‘La frise des saints de Studien zur Christianisierung Nubiens, Wiesbaden (SKCO 11), l’église rupestre de Deir Abou Hennis. Addition et correc- Le Muséon 117, 233-237. tion’, ECA 2, 167. Doresse, J. 2000, Les anciens monastères coptes de Moyenne- Loon, G.J.M. van, A. Delattre 2006, ‘Le cycle de l’enfance du Égypte (du Gebel-et-Teir à Kôm-Ishgaou) d’après l’archéologie Christ dans l’église rupestre de saint Jean Baptiste à Deir et l’hagiographie (Thèse de doctorat, Paris 1971), Yverdons- Abou Hennis’, in: A. Boud’hors, J. Gascou, D. Vaillan- les-Bains (Neges Ebrix, Bulletin de l’Institut d’archéologie court (eds), Études coptes IX. Onzième journée d’études yverdonnoise 3-5). (Strasbourg 12-14 juin 2003), Paris, 119-134 (Cahiers de Gabra, G., M. Eaton-Krauss 2007, The Coptic Museum and la bibliothèque copte 14). Churches of Old Cairo, Cairo. MacCoull, L.S.B. 1990, ‘Christianity at Syene/Elephantine/ Gabra, G., G.J.M. van Loon 2007, The Churches of Egypt. Philae’, BASP 27, 151-162. From the Holy Family to the Present Day, Cairo. Mariette, A., G. Maspero 1889, Monuments divers recueillis en Godlewski, W. 1992, ‘The Early Period of Nubian Art. Mid- Égypte et en Nubie, Paris. dle of 6th – Beginning of 9th Centuries’, in: Ch. Bonnet Maspero, J., É. Drioton 1931-1943, Fouilles exécutées à Baouît (ed.), Études Nubiennes. Conférence de Genève. Actes du par Jean Maspero. Notes mises en ordre et éditées par Étienne VIIe Congrès international d’études nubiennes, 3-8 septembre Drioton, Cairo (MIFAO 59). 1990, Vol. I, Genève, 277-305. McKenzie J.S. 2007, The Architecture of Alexandria and Egypt, Grossmann, P. 1995, ‘Tempel als Ort des Konflikts in christ- c. 300 BC to AD 700, New Haven, Conn. (Pelican History licher Zeit’, in: P. Borgeaud et al. (eds), Le temple, lieu of Art). de conflit: actes du colloque de Cartigny 1991, Leuven, 181- Monneret de Villard, U. 1935, La Nubia medioevale, Vol. I, 201. Cairo. Grossmann, P. 2002, Christliche Architektur in Ägypten, Leiden Morgan, J. de, et al. 1894, Catalogue des monuments et inscrip- (Handbook of Oriental Studies, section 1: The Near and tions de l’Égypte antique, Vol. I, Vienna. Middle East 62). Palanque, Ch. 1906, ‘Rapport sur les recherches effectuées à Hahn, J. 2008, ‘Die Zerstörung der Kulte von Philae. Baouit en 1903’, BIFAO 5, 1-21. Geschichte und Legende am ersten Nilkatarakt’, in: J. Hahn, Papaconstantinou, A. 2000, ‘Les sanctuaires de la Vierge dans S. Emmel, U. Gotter (eds), From Temple to Church. Destruc- l’Égypte byzantine et omeyyade. L’apport des textes docu- tion and Renewal of Local Cultic Topography in Late Antiquity, mentaires’, Journal of Juristic Papyrology 30, 81-94. Leiden, 203-242 (Religions in the Graeco-Roman World Pilgrim, C. von, K.-Chr. Bruhn, A. Kelany 2004, ‘The Town 163). of Syene. Preliminary Report on the 1st and 2nd Season in Husson, G. 1990, ‘Houses in Syene in the Patermouthis Aswan’, MDAIK 60, 119-148. Archive’, BASP 27, 123-137. Pilgrim, C. von, K.-Chr. Bruhn, J.H.F. Dijkstra, J. Wininger Immerzeel, M. 2008, ‘Playing with Light and Shadow. The 2006, ‘The Town of Syene. Report on the 3rd and Stuccoes of Deir al-Surian and Their Historical Context’, 4th Season in Aswan’, MDAIK 62, 215-277. ECA 5, 59-74. Pilgrim, C. von, D. Keller, S. Martin-Kilcher, F.M. el-Amin, Innemée, K.C., L. Van Rompay 1998, ‘La présence des Syriens W. Müller 2008, ‘The Town of Syene. Report on the 5th dans le Wadi al-Natrun (Égypte). À propos des découvertes and 6th Season in Aswan’, MDAIK 64, 307-358. récentes de peintures et de textes muraux dans l’Église de Porten, B. (ed.) 1996, The Elephantine Papyri in English. Three la Vierge du Couvent des Syriens’, ParOr 23, 167-202. Millennia of Cross-Cultural Continuity and Change, Leiden.

94164_ECA7_2010_01.indd 15 28/11/11 14:26 Quibell, J.E. 1908, Excavations at Saqqara (1906-1907), Cairo. Knaller, Riggisberg (Die Textilsammlung der Abegg-Stif- Quibell, J.E. 1909, Excavations at Saqqara (1907-1908), Cairo. tung Band 4). Quibell, J.E. 1912, Excavations at Saqqara (1908-9, 1909-10). Vliet, J. van der 2005, review of S.G. Richter, Studien zur The Monastery of Apa Jeremias, Cairo. Christianisierung Nubiens, Wiesbaden (SKCO 11), VChr 59, Rassart-Debergh, M., J. Debergh 1981, ‘A propos de trois 219-23. pein tures de Saqqara’, AAAHP 1, 187-205. Wietheger, C. 1992, Das Jeremias-Kloster zu Saqqara unter Richter, S.G. 2002, Studien zur Christianisierung Nubiens, besonderer Berücksichtigung der Inschriften, Altenberge Wiesbaden (SKCO 11). 67. (Arbeiten zum spätantiken und koptischen Ägypten 1). Rodziewicz, M. 1984, Alexandrie III. Les habitations romaines Witte-Orr, J. 2010, Kirche und Wandmalereien am Karm al- tardives d’Alexandrie à la lumière des fouilles polonaises à Ahbariya, Münster (JbAC Ergänzungsband 36). Kôm el-Dikka, Warsaw. Zibawi, M. 2003, Images de l’Égypte chrétienne. Iconologie copte, Schrenk, S. 2004, Textilien des Mittelmeerraumes aus spät- Paris. antiker bis frühislamischer Zeit. Gewebeanalysen: Regina

94164_ECA7_2010_01.indd 16 28/11/11 14:26