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Zabdai ben DICTIONARY OF ANCIENT 462

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ZABDAI BEN LEVI: Palestinian amora of the fi rst generation (third century). He belonged to the scholarly group of which Hoshaiah Rabbah was the chief (Yer. Dem. vii. 26a), and his halakot were trans- mitted by R. (Zeb. 28b; Ker. 5a). Zabdai was particularly prominent in the Haggadah and in Biblical , in both of which he disputed with Rab, b. Levi, and Jose b. Petrus. Thus the words “le-ruah ha-yom” (Gen. iii. 8; A. V., “in the cool of the day”) are explained by Zabdai to mean “the side of the setting of the sun,” in op- posi tion to Rab’s interpreta tion, “the side of the ris ing of the sun” (Gen. R. xix. 8). The phrase “Ka-‘et hayyah” (Gen. xviii. 14; A. V., “At the time appoint ed”) is explained by Zabdai as meaning “in a year from hence.” God made a scratch on the wall, say ing that when a year later the sun should ar rive at that mark would bear a son (Pesik. R. 6 [ed. Friedmann, p. 24b]; Tan., Wayera, 36; see also Pesik. xxv. 158a; Gen. R. lxxiv. 11; Lev. R. vii. 2). Two proems to Lam. R. (Nos. 29 and 30) are by Zabdai; in the second of them he contrasts the different prayers of four kings with regard to their ene mies. Dav id prayed to God that he might overtake his foes and defeat them (Ps. xviii. 38); and his prayer was granted (I Sam. xxx. 8). Asa prayed to God that he might pursue the enemy, but that God would smite him; and it was so (II Chron. xiv. 12). said that he was too feeble to pursue the enemy, and prayed God to exterminate the foe while he would sing the praises of his divine help er; and his prayer was satisfi ed (ib. xx. 22). Final ly, said that he had no strength even to sing the praises of God, but he prayed that his ene my might be routed while he himself would lie in his bed; and it so happened (II Kings xix. 35). It is relat ed that Zabdai, having survived Joshua b. Levi, wished to see him in a dream. Joshua ac cording ly appeared to him, and showed him people with fac es raised and people with faces cast down. When Zabdai asked the reason for the dif ference in posture, Joshua an- swered that those who ar rived there with the study of the Law in their memories had their faces raised, while those who had forgot ten it had their faces cast down (Eccl. R. ix. 10). BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bacher, Ag. Pal. Amor. iii. 640–642; Heilprin, Sed er ha-Dorot, ii. J. M. SEL. : 1. A priest, perhaps the high priest dur ing the reign of . He was the son of (II Sam. viii. 17), but the attempt to trace his geneal ogy back to , the third son of , as op posed

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to , his contemporary and colleague, who was regarded as a descend ant of and considered a member of the house of , was fi rst made by the Chron icler (I Chron. v. 30–34 [A. V. vi. 4–8]; comp. vi. 35–38 [A. V. vi. 50–53]), thus as suring the preem inence of the Zadok- ites over the descend ants of Eli. In the beginning of his career he was as soci at ed with Abiathar (II Sam. xx. 25) and with his son (ib. viii. 17; I Chron. xxiv. 3, 6, 31). The hypothesis has accordingly been advanced that Zadok offi ciated in the at (I Chron. xvi. 39; comp. I Kings iii. 4), while the sons of Eli were stationed as high priests at or, more probably, at (comp. Keil on I Kings i. 8). Such a division of functions is very doubtful, howev er; and it is more plausible to suppose that Zadok gradu al ly won equality of rank with the sons of Eli by his good fortune in gaining the favor of David. According to the somewhat improbable state ment of the Chronicler, a certain Zadok, as a young man, had been one of those who joined David at and helped him win the crown of all Isra el, his house then including twenty-two captains (I Chron. xii. 29); and expressly identifi es this Zadok with the high priest of the same name (“Ant.” vii. 2, § 2). During the rebellion of Absalom, Zadok gained still greater promi- nence. He and the wished to accompany the fl eeing David with the , but the king begged them to remain at Jerusa- lem, where they could do him better service (II Sam. xv. 24–29; comp. 35), so that it actually hap pened that , the sou of Zadok, and Jonath an, the son of Abiathar, brought the king an important message (ib. xvii. 21). In all these pas sages Zadok is mentioned before Abi athar. According to the Hebrew text of II Sam. xv. 27, Dav id addressed the priest with the words “ha-ro’eh attah,” and the consequently regards Zadok as a seer, although this interpretation is incorrect. These two diffi cult words are emended by Wellhausen to äúà ùàøä ïäëä, thus implying the promise of the high-priesthood to him. On the suppres sion of the rebel lion, the king sent Zadok and Abiathar to the elders of Ju- dah, urging them to hasten to bring the monarch back (ìb. xix. 12). Zadok again manifested his loyalty to the king when he espoused the cause of against Adon ijah (I Kings i. 8 et seq.), and in his gratitude the new king appointed him sole high priest (ib. ii. 35). In his account of this event Josephus states (“Ant.” viii. 1, § 3) that Zadok was a scion of the house of , and consequently a descend ant of Eleazar. Reliable historical data show that the high-priesthood remained in the hands of the Zadokites from this time until the rise of the Mac- cabees. The descendants of Zadok increased in rank and infl uence, so that his son was one of the princ es of Solomon (I Kings

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iv. 2), and the Ahimaaz who mar ried a daughter of Solomon was prob- ably anoth er of Zadok’s children (ib. iv. 15). Either Zadok himself or his grandson was the ruler of the Aaronites (I Chron. xxvii. 17), and Jerusha, the mother of Jotham, is apparently termed the daughter of Zadok to emphasize her noble line age, since her father may have been a descendant of the fi rst Zadok (II Kings xv. 33; II Chron. xxvii. 1). A Zadok is also mentioned in the geneal ogy of , the father of (Matt. i. 14). G. S. KR. 2. Sadducean leader. The only data concerning the origin of the Sad- ducees are based on certain deductions drawn from their name, for a late rabbinical source alone appears to be found ed on actu al knowl- edge. Two pupils of ANTIGONUS OF SOKO are said to have misinterpreted their teacher’s statement that God should be worshiped without hope of reward as meaning that there is no recompense, either for good or for evil, in the world to come. These two scholars, Zadok and Boethus, are accordingly regarded as the founders of the here sies of the SADDU- CEES and the (Ab. R. N. recension A, 5; recension B, 10). This state ment is devoid of historic ity, however, since it incor rectly postulates deni al of the future life as the cardinal doctrine of the Sad- ducees, while it betrays also its lack of authenticity by making the origin of the Boethusians synchronous with the rise of Sad duceeism, although the former sect derived its name from the high priest Boethus, who fl ourished dur ing the reign of Herod. The only historical portion of this legend is the part which con- nects the origin of each of these here sies with a personal name, for the Hebrew íéÔåãö is derived from ÷åãö just as are íéñåúéá from ñåúéá and íéñøå÷éôà from ñåøå÷éôà, while Herod was the eponym of the party of the . Geiger’s theory of the derivation of the name of the Sadducean party from the Biblical ap pella tive “Zadok” is, therefore, the most probable one. This name ÷åãö, which occurs ten times in , , and , is transliterated Óáääïýê throughout by the in these books, as well as in oth er passages in Lucian’s version of the Septuagint. The same form ap pears in Josephus; and even a manu- script of the (Codex De Rossi No. 138) vocalizes the name of the Zadok ÷µåµã±ö (= “Zadduk”). The only moot point is the problem whether the appellation of the sect is to be derived from a Zadok who is no longer known or from the priestly family of the Zadokites. An unknown Zadok was assumed to be the found er of the by Kuenen (though he later adopt ed the opposing the ory), Graetz, Montet, and Lagar de; while the second hypothesis, which is

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the more probable, was maintained by Geiger and Schür er, and is now confi rmed by the Hebrew Ben Sira (see Schechter’s note in “The Wisdom of Ben Sira,” 1899, p. 35). A third conjecture, deriving the word from the adjective ÷éãö, which was advocat ed in ancient times by Jerome and Epiphanius, and was defended more recently by Joseph Derenbourg and Hamburger, is unten able both on linguistic and on historical grounds. From the days of Solomon the descendants of the priest Zadok were regarded with great rever ence, which must have been much increased by the Deuteronomic legislation concentrating all cults at Jerusalem. In Ezekiel’s prophetic vision the “” are described as the only priests worthy to discharge their holy offi ce (Ezek. xl. 46, xliii. 19, xliv. 15, xlviii. 11); and although in the certain preroga- tives were al lowed the sons of Ithamar, the Zadokites alone formed the priestly aristocra cy, so that the Chron icler assigns twice as many priestly divi sions to the Zadokite descend ants of Eleazar as to the Ith- amarites (I Chron. xxiv.). In Ec clesiasticus (Sirach), in like manner, the Zadokites alone receive praise (li. 12 [9], Hebr.). Despite the fact that those members of this powerful fam i ly who adopt ed the Sad ducean doctrines were but few, they gave the teachings such support that the entire sect bore their name, and Josephus express ly states that scions of the priest ly aristocracy, i.e., the Zadokites, were preem inent ly ad- herents of Sad duceeism. See SAD DUCEES. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Geiger, Urschrift, pp. 20, 102; Wellhausen, I. J. G. 4th ed., p. 294; idem, Pharisäer und Sadducäer, Göttingen, 1874; Schürer, Gesch. 3d ed., ii. 408–411. J. S. KR. 3. Tanna of priestly descent; father of Eleazar. He fl ourished in the years preced ing and fol low ing the beginning of the common era. Ac- cording to an ac count which must refer to him in the prime of life, he was taken as a captive to Rome, where he was sold to an aristocratic house. Its mistress attempted to force him to marry one of her beauti ful slaves, but Zadok refused, claiming that not only did he belong to one of the most infl uential families of Jerusalem, but that he was of priestly lineage, whereup on his mistress gave him his freedom (Ab. R. N., ed. Schlechter, p. 32a and note 11; Kid. 40a). A histor ical account dating from the time of the Temple vouch es for the fact that he was a priest. During a sacrifi ce a strife broke out between two priests, perhaps brothers, because one had taken prece dence of the other at the altar, and one of them was stabbed. There was great excite ment among the congregation, whereupon Zadok ascended the steps of the “ulam,” from which the priests were ac customed to give the bene dic tion, and there calmed the people by an address based on Deut. xxi. 1 et seq. Since,

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howev er, it has been proved that only priests were allowed to mount the ulam, Zadok must have been a priest ( 23a; Tosef., Yoma, i. 12; Yer. Yoma ii. 39d). Together with b. Hyrcanus and Joshua b. Hananiah, Zadok was present at the mar riage of the son of II. in Jabneh. On that occasion Gamaliel II. himself poured out the wine and hand ed it round. Joshua and Eliezer began to praise Gamaliel, whereupon Zadok became angry, declar ing that they should not turn away from the wor- ship of God, who had cre ated everything for man, and worship a mortal (Kid. 32a). According to Bacher, however, this incident oc curred not at a wedding, but at another feast, which Gamaliel gave to the scholars of Jabneh. The whole life of this tanna fell within the peri od of the dissolution of the Jew ish state, and he declared that he had fasted forty years in his endeav or to prevent the destruction of the Temple. When this took place, however, Zadok had become so weak that Johanan b. Zakkai was obliged to ap peal for him to Titus, who had him treated by a physician (Git. 56b; Lam. R. i. 5). Zadok moved to Jabneh togeth er with Johanan b. Zakkai and other scholars, and his few halakot, found in ‘Eduy. vii. 1–5, date from this period. He was the most infl uential personality in Gamaliel’s tribunal, and always sat at the right of the latter (Yer. Sanh. 19c), while on one oc casion he was present at the eat ing of the sac- rifi cial lamb in Gamaliel’s house (Pes. 74a). Together with Johanan b. Zakkai and Gamaliel, he rendered a decision on the condi tions under which food might he eaten outside the Tabernac le during the Feast of Weeks (Suk. 26b). Although he was the oreti cal ly an adherent of the principles of the Bet Sham mai, in practise he always made his rulings in ac cordance with the Bet Hillel (Yeb. 15b). His mot to in eth ical mat- ters was, “Do not make learning a crown to make thyself great thereby, nor a spade to dig with it” (Ab. iv. 5). The thirtieth chapter of the Tanna debe Eliya hu Rabbah relates that Zadok once came to the place where the Temple had former ly stood. In his grief at the desolation he re- proached God Himself, whereup on he fell into a sleep in which he saw God and the mourn ing over the destruction of Zion. The Pirke de-Rabbi Eli‘ezer ascribes to Zadok haggadic say ings concern ing the descendants of the giants (ch. xxii.), the sacrifi ces of and Abel (ch. xxi.), the Flood (ch. xxiii.), and ’s prayer in the ark (ib.). BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bacher, Ag. Tan. i. 43–46; Derenbourg, Hist. pp. 342–344; Za- cuto, Sefer Yuhasin ha-Shalom, ed. Filipowski, pp. 32a, 76a, b; Frankel, Darke ha-Mishnah, pp. 70–71; Heilprin, Seder ha-Dorot, ii. 319–320; Büch- ler, Die Priester und der Cultus, p. 126, note 1, Vienna, 1895: Neubauer, G. T. p. 375. J. S. O.

Dictionary of Ancient Rabbis.indd 466 23.06.03, 20:45:54 467 DICTIONARY OF ANCIENT RABBIS Zechariah

ZAKKAI: 1. Palestinian tanna of the second centu ry; contempo- rary of Judah ha- I. and apparently a pupil of b. Yohai. He is mentioned as having transmit ted a halakah of R. and one of Simeon b. Yohai (Tosef., Yad. ii. 9; Shab. 79b); and he had a hala- kic controver sy with Sime on b. Gamaliel and Simeon b. Eleazar, the former being the father and the lat ter the companion of Judah ha-Nasi (Ber. 25b). Zakkai was prominent in the Hag gadah, where he is styled “Zakkai Rabbah” (Zakkai the Great). He interpreted the words “we- yidgu la-rob” (Gen. xlviii. 14) as referring to the hag ic statement that 600,000 children were once thrown into the river by command of Pharaoh, but were saved through the merits of (Gen. R. xcvii. 5; comp. Cant. R. vii. 5; Yalk. Isa. 472). Zakkai at tained to a very great age, and when his pupils asked him through what virtue he lived so long, he said that he never called his neighbor by a nickname and never neglected to buy wine for the Kiddush of the Sab bath. His aged mother even once sold her cap to purchase wine for him, and when she died she left him 300 kegs of wine, while he himself bequeathed to his chil- dren 3,000 kegs (Meg. 27b). 2. Babylonian amora of the third century. He em igrated to , where he was the chief lecturer in R. Johanan’s school (‘Er. 9a; Yeb. 77b; Sanh. 62a; and elsewhere). In Sanh. 62a and in Yer. Shab. vii. 2, R. Johanan calls him “the Babylonian.” The press-house (àúøöòî) which he left in Bab ylon was the meeting-place of certain rabbis (‘Er. 49a; B. B. 42b). From Palestine he sent a halakah to the ex ilarch Mar ‘Ukba (Ket. 87a), who transmitted a hag gadah of Zakkai (Sanh. 70a). The lat- ter seems to have been a good preacher; and in one of his sermons he gives an interpretation of iv. 10 (Yer. Suk. 54c). BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bacher, Ag. Pal. Amor. iii. 642–643; Heilprin, Sed er ha-Dorot, ii. J. M. SEL. ZECHARIAH BEN ABKILUS (Amphikalos): Palestinian scholar and one of the lead ers of the ZEALOTS; lived in Jerusalem at the time of the destruc tion of the Second Temple. Ac cording to the , the authority which he enjoyed among the rab bis of Jerusa- lem was the cause of the downfall of the city. Zechariah was present at the banquet famous for the affair of KAMzA and BAR KAMz A (comp. Josephus, “Vita,” § 10); and though his infl uence might have prevent ed the disgrace of Bar Kamza, he did not exercise it. Again, when the em- per or sent a blemished calf as an offering to the Temple, the Hillelites would have accepted it to frustrate Bar Kamza, had not Zechariah, act- ing in the interest of the school of , given a cast ing vote, or (according to Lam. R. iv. 2) refrained from voting, and thus rendered the decision neg a tive. The people wished to kill Bar Kamza so that he

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should not be able to tell the emperor of the refus al, but Zechariah once more restrained them from carrying out their design. R. Johanan, on the other hand, or, according to another source, R. Jose, declared that the humility of Zechari ah b. Abkilus, in refusing to cast his vote, caused the destruction of the Temple (Git. 56a; Tosef., Shab. xvi. [xvii.] 6; Lam. R. iv. 2). He is recorded as fol lowing neither the Bet Hillel nor the Bet Shammai with regard to holding date-stones on the Sab bath (Shab. 143; Tosef., Shab. l.c.). He is probably referred to by Josephus (“B. J.” ii. 17, §§ 2–3). BIBLIOGRAPHY: Grätz, Gesch. iii. 458, 509, 817–819; Derenbourg, Hist. p. 257. E. C. M. SEL.—K. ZECHARIAH BEN .—Biblical Data: A reforming priest who lived under King of Judah. He reproved the idola- ters, announcing God’s judgment against them; and a conspiracy was formed against him that resulted in his being stoned in the court of the Temple at the command of the king, who “remembered not the kind- ness which Jehoiada his father had done to him” (II Chron. xxiv. 22). Zechariah’s dying words were: “YHWH look upon it, and require it” (ib. verses 20–22). E. G. H. B. P. ——In Rabbinical Literature: According to the Rabbis, Zechariah was the son-in-law of the king, and, being also a priest, prophet, and judge, he dared censure the monarch. He was killed in the priests’ courtyard of the Temple on a Sabbath which was likewise the Day of Atone ment. Later, when NEBUZAR-ADAN came to destroy the Temple, Zechariah’s blood began to boil. The Assyrian asked the what that phenomenon meant, but when they replied that it was the blood of sacrifi ces, he proved the falsity of their answer. The Jews then told him the truth, and Nebuzar-adan, wishing to appease Zechariah’s blood, slew in suc cession the Great and Small , the young priests, and school-children, till the number of the dead was 940,000. Still the blood continued to boil, whereupon Neb uzar-adan cried: “Zechariah, Zechariah! for thee have I slain the best of them; wouldst thou that I destroy them all?” And at these words the blood ceased to effervesce (Git. 57b; Sanh. 96b; Lam. R. iv. 13). E. C. M. SEL. ZE‘ERA: Palestinian amora of the third generation; born in Babylo- nia, where he spent his early youth. He was a pupil of Hisda (Ber. 49a), of Huna (ib.), and of Judah b. Ezekiel in Pumbed ita. He associ at ed also with other prominent teach ers of the Babylonian school, as Nah man b. Jacob (Yer. Ber. 8c), (Zeb. 105b; Ber. 24b), and , who called him a great man (“gabra rabba”; ‘Er. 66a). His love for the Holy

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Land led him to decide upon leaving his native country and emigrating to Palestine. This resolve, however, he kept secret from his teach er Judah, who disap proved of any em igration from Bab ylonia. Before leav- ing, he spied upon Judah while the latter was bathing, and the words which he then overheard he took with him as a val u a ble and instruc- tive memento (Shab. 41a; Ket. 110b). A favorable dream, in which he was told that his sins had been forgiven, encour aged him to undertake the journey to the (Ber. 57a); and before starting he spent a hundred days in fasting, in order to forget the di alectic meth od of in- struction of the Babylonian schools, that this might not handicap him in Palestine (B. M. 85a). His journey took him through Akrokonia, where he met Hiyya b. Ashi (‘Ab. Zarah 16b), and through Sura (ib.). When he reached the River he could not control his impatience, but passed through the water without removing his clothes. When jeered at by an unbeliev er who stood by, he answered, “Why should not I be impatient when I pursue a blessing which was denied even to Moses and Aaron?” (Yer. Sheb. 35c). Ze‘era’s arrival in Palestine and his fi rst experiences there have been recorded in various anecdotes. He was small of stature and of dark complexion, for which reason Assi called him “Black Pot” (‘Ab. Zarah 16b), according to an expression current in (comp. Meg. 14b; Pes. 88a; Ber. 50a); this name probably also contained an allusion to his sputtering manner of speech. With refer ence to a malformation of his legs, he was called “the lit tle one with shrunk en legs,” or “the dark, burned one with the stubby legs” (comp. Bach er, “Ag. Pal. Amor.” iii. 7, note 2). With these nicknames is con nected a legend which throws light upon Ze‘era’s ascetic piety (B. M. 85a). In Palestine he as soci at ed with all the prominent scholars. Eleazar b. Pedat was still living at the time ( 48), and from him Ze‘era received val ua ble instruction (Yer. Ter. 47d). His most intimate friends were Assi and Hiyya b. Abba. In his intercourse with Assi he was gener al ly the one who asked questions; and on one oc casion Assi made known his ap proval of one of Ze‘era’s questions by saying: “Right you are, Bab ylonian; you have understood it correctly” (Yer. Shab. 7c). Ze‘era especial ly acknowledged the authority of Ammi, the principal of the school at Tiberias; and it is relat ed that he asked Ammi to decide ques tions pertain ing to religious law that had been ad dressed to himself (Yer. Dem. 25b; Yer. Shab. 8a; Yer. Yeb. 72d). Ze‘era was highly esteemed by Ab bahu, the rector at Cæsarea, of whom he considered himself a pupil. He was ordained rabbi, a distinction usu- al ly denied to members of the Bab yloni an school; and though in the beginning he refused this honor (Yer. Bik. 65c), he later accepted it on learning of the aton ing powers connected with the dignity (Sanh. 14a). His insignifi cant ap pearance was humor ously referred to when at his

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ordination he was greeted with the words of a wed ding-song: “Without rouge and without orna ment, but withal a lovable gazel” (Ket. 17a). With regard to Ze‘era’s private voca tion, the only facts known are that he once trad ed in linen, and that he asked how far he might go in improv ing the outward appearance of his goods without rendering himself liable in the slight est degree to a charge of fraud (Yer. B. M. 9d). Informa tion regard ing his fam i ly relations is also very scanty; it is as serted that he became an orphan at an early age (Yer. Pe’ah 15c), and that his wed ding was cele brat ed during the Feast of (Suk. 25b); and he had one son, Ahabah or Ahava, who has become well known through var ious haggadic maxims (comp. Bacher, l.c. iii. 651–659). Ze‘era occupies a prominent place in the Halakah as well as in the Haggadah; with regard to the former he is especially distinguished for the correctness and knowledge with which he transmits older maxims. Among his haggadic sayings the following may be mentioned as throw- ing light upon his high moral standpoint: “He who has nev er sinned is worthy of reward only if he has withstood temptation to do so” (Yer. Kid. 61d); “One should never promise a child an ything which one does not intend to give it, because this would ac custom the child to untruth- fulness” (Suk. 46b). On account of his lofty morals and piety Ze‘era was honored with the name “the pious Babylonian.” Among his neighbors were several people known for their wickedness, but Ze‘era treated them with kind ness in order to lead them to moral reforma tion. When he died, these people said, “Hitherto Ze‘era has prayed for us, but who will pray for us now?” This refl ection so moved their hearts that they really were led to do penance (Sanh. 37a). That Ze‘era enjoyed the respect of his contemporar ies is ev idenced by the com ment upon his death writ ten by an elegist: “Bab ylonia gave him birth; Palestine had the pleasure of rearing him; ‘Wo is me,’ says Tiberi as, for she has lost her precious jew el” (M. K. 75b). BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bacher, Ag. Pal. Amor. iii. 1–34; Heilprin, Seder ha-Dorot, ii. 117–120. J. J. Z. L. ZE‘IRI: Amora of the third century; born in Babylonia. He so- journed for a long time in Alexandria, and later went to Palestine, where he became a pupil of Rab bi Johanan. In the name of b. Hama he transmitted the maxim that he who in the presence of a teacher ventures to decide a legal ques tion, is a trespasser (‘Er. 3a). He also transmitted a saying by Hanina to the effect that the Mes si ah would not arrive until all the ar rogant ones had disappeared (Sanh. 98a). During his sojourn in Alexandria he purchased a mule which,

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when he led it to water, was transformed into a bridge-board, the water having lifted the spell which rested on the animal. The pur- chase-money was refunded to Ze’iri, and he was advised to ap ply the water-test thenceforth to everything he purchased, in order to ascer- tain whether it had been charmed (ib. 67b). When Eleazar arrived in Palestine he sought information from Ze’iri concerning men known in ancient traditions (B. B. 87a). Ze’iri was praised by Raba as an exegete of the Mishnah (Zeb. 43b). He was prof fered the daughter of Rabbi Johanan for a wife, but refused because he was a Bab ylonian and she a Palestin ian (Kid. 71b). Among those who transmitted in his name may be mentioned Rabbi Hisda (Ber. 43a), R. Judah (‘Ab. Zarah 61b; Men. 21a), R. Joseph (Ned. 46b), R. Nah man (‘Ab. Zarah 61b), and Rabbah (Ned. 46a). BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bacher, Ag. Pal. Amor, iii. 644; Heilprin, Seder ha-Dorot, ii. 123a; Blau, Altjüdisches Zauberwesen, p. 158, note 5, Strasburg, 1898; Yuhasin, ed. Filipowski, p. 134b. J. S. O. (lit. “pairs”): Name given to the leading teachers of the Law in the time preceding the . The period of the Zugot begins with Jose b. Joezer and ends with Hillel. The name “Zugot” (comp. Latin “du- umviri”) was given to these teachers because, according to the tradition in Hagigah, two of them always stood at the same time at the head of the , one as president (“nasi”) and the other as vice-presi- dent or father of the court (“ab bet din”; see SANHEDRIN). There were fi ve pairs of these teachers: (1) Jose b. Joezer and Jose b. Johanan, who flourished at the time of the Mac cabean wars of independence; (2) Joshua b. Perahyah and Nit tai of Arbela, at the time of John Hyrca- nus; (3) Judah b. Tabbai and Simeon b. Shetah, at the time of Alexander Jannæus and Queen Salome; (4) Shemai ah and , at the time of Hyrcanus II.; (5) Hillel and Shammai, at the time of King Herod. J. J. Z. L. ZUTRA, MAR, I.: from 401 to 409. He was the succes- sor of Mar Kahana and a contemporary of R. Ashi, whose enactments he had to follow in spite of his exalted position. He was obliged to leave and take up his res idence in Sura, where he held an annual reception at the open ing of the harvest season for the dele- gates of all Babylonian communities, the recep tions being called “rigli” (àúååìâ éùéøã àìâéø). In ad di tion received various oth er del- ega tions at Sura. Nothing further is known about his career. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Gräte, Gesch. iv. 351, note 3; Neubauer, Anecdota, i. 32–33; Heil- prin, Seder ha-Dorot, i. 167a. J. S. O.

Dictionary of Ancient Rabbis.indd 471 23.06.03, 20:45:55 Zutra, Mar, II. DICTIONARY OF ANCIENT RABBIS 472

ZUTRA, MAR, II.: Exilarch; born about 496; died about 520; ruled from 512 to 520. He was the son of Huna, who was appointed exilarch under Firuz; and he was born at the time when Mazdak endeavored to introduce communism in all Persia. The op position against Mar Zutra, his imprisonment, and his early death have given rise to a number of legends. The fol lowing anecdote is told about his birth and the events preceding it: Mar Zutra’s father was engaged in constant strife with his father-in-law, the school principal Mar Hanina, because the latter refused to obey the orders is sued by the exilarch. Hanina was accord- ingly punished for his dis obedi ence; and, being embittered and humili- ated, he went into the prayer-house at night, and there shed a dishful of tears, whereup on he fell asleep. He dreamed that he was in a cedar for est, engaged in felling the trees; and when he came to the last ce- dar-tree King David ap peared and forbade him to fell it. On awakening, Hanina learned that the entire house of the exilarch had perished, ex- cept his daughter, who was pregnant and had been spared. Soon after- ward she gave birth to a son, whom the grandfather named Mar Zutra, at the same time as suming personal charge of his train ing. During Mar Zutra’s infancy the ex ilarchate was administered by his broth er-in-law Mar Pahra, or Pahda. The latter bribed King Kobad in order that he might remain in offi ce; but when Mar Zutra had reached the age of fi f- teen, his grandfather presented him to the king as the legit imate ruler, whereupon the monarch installed him as ex ilarch. Mar Pahda op posed this, but was killed by a fl y which entered his nostril; and after that event the exilarchs had a fl y on their seal. Mar Zutra took up arms against the Persians, and organized an up- rising to oppose the introduction of communism, although the king himself was in favor there of. The immediate cause of the upris ing, however, was the assassination of the school principal , regarding which no accurate informa tion exists. From the fact that Mar Hanina took part in the struggle, it may be deduced that it was of a religious character. At the head of a company of 400 Jewish war riors Mar Zutra advanced against the opposing Persian forces; and the battles fought by him have furnished material for various legends. It is told that a pillar of fire always preced ed his army; and it is further stated that Mar Zutra founded an independ ent Jewish state, with Mahoza as his residence. He ruled as an independent king, and imposed heavy taxes on all non-Jews. In spite of his able govern ment, howev er, immorality spread among his people, whereupon the pillar of fire disappeared. In a subsequent battle between Mar Zutra and the Persians the former was defeated; and both he and his grandfather Hanina were taken prison- ers and decap itat ed, their bodies be ing suspended from cross es on the bridge at Mahoza.

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The account of Mar Zutra’s life is based on a mixture of historic facts and legendary nar ra tives. Thus, the description of the uprising of the Jews against Persian reforms, the statement regarding the promi- nent position held by Mar Zutra, and the account of his death are all based on historical data, whereas the stories of the extinction of the exilarchal house are legendary, as are also the dream of Hanina (which corresponds with that of Bostanai) and the account of the pillar of fi re. All those legends, however, which tend to prove that the later rulers of Babylonia were usurpers have a basis of truth, inasmuch as Mar Zutra’s only son emigrated to Jerusalem. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Grätz, Gesch. v. 4–6, note 1; Neubauer, Anecdota, ii. 76; Heilprin, Seder ha-Dorot, i. 167. J. S. O. ZUTRA, MAR, BAR MAR ZUTRA: Palestinian scholar. On the day of his birth his father was cruci fi ed, and his mother fl ed with him to Palestine, where he was later appointed archipherecite. According to Brüll, he was ac tive in causing the scientifi c material col lected in Palestine to be gathered together and examined and the Palestinian Tal- mud is said to have been complet ed in his lifetime. During his term of offi ce the order of Justinian in relation to reading from Holy Scripture was promulgated; and the fi rst opposing ut terance is said to have been made by Mar Zutra. His place of residence was probably Tiberias, and by virtue of his title he was the of fi cial leader of the Palestinian Jews. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Brüll’s Jahrb. v. 94–96; Heilprin, Seder ha-Dorot, i. 173; Yuhasin, ed. Filipowski, p. 93; Weiss, Dor, iv. 2, 304; Grätz, Gesch. iii. 386. J. S. O.

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