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Seeking Offense: Censorship and the Constitution of Democratic Politics in India
SEEKING OFFENSE: CENSORSHIP AND THE CONSTITUTION OF DEMOCRATIC POLITICS IN INDIA A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Ameya Shivdas Balsekar August 2009 © 2009 Ameya Shivdas Balsekar SEEKING OFFENSE: CENSORSHIP AND THE CONSTITUTION OF DEMOCRATIC POLITICS IN INDIA Ameya Shivdas Balsekar, Ph. D. Cornell University 2009 Commentators have frequently suggested that India is going through an “age of intolerance” as writers, artists, filmmakers, scholars and journalists among others have been targeted by institutions of the state as well as political parties and interest groups for hurting the sentiments of some section of Indian society. However, this age of intolerance has coincided with a period that has also been characterized by the “deepening” of Indian democracy, as previously subordinated groups have begun to participate more actively and substantively in democratic politics. This project is an attempt to understand the reasons for the persistence of illiberalism in Indian politics, particularly as manifest in censorship practices. It argues that one of the reasons why censorship has persisted in India is that having the “right to censor” has come be established in the Indian constitutional order’s negotiation of multiculturalism as a symbol of a cultural group’s substantive political empowerment. This feature of the Indian constitutional order has made the strategy of “seeking offense” readily available to India’s politicians, who understand it to be an efficacious way to discredit their competitors’ claims of group representativeness within the context of democratic identity politics. -
Kleine Anfrage Der Abgeordneten Bodo Ramelow, Dr
Deutscher Bundestag Drucksache 16/718 16. Wahlperiode 16. 02. 2006 Kleine Anfrage der Abgeordneten Bodo Ramelow, Dr. Dagmar Enkelmann, Dr. Gesine Lötzsch, Dr. Barbara Höll, Dr. Dietmar Bartsch, Michael Leutert, Roland Claus, Katrin Kunert und der Fraktion DIE LINKE. Perspektiven der Länderfinanzen im Rahmen der Föderalismusreform und des EU-Finanzkompromisses Seit dem Amtsantritt der Bundesregierung sind mit der angestrebten Föderalis- musreform, den steuerpolitischen Beschlüssen der Koalitionsvertrag sowie dem EU-Finanzkompromiss Vereinbarungen getroffen worden, die die Finanzen der Länder unmittelbar berühren. Wir fragen die Bundesregierung: A. Entwicklung der Länderfinanzen 2002 bis 2005 1. Wie gestalteten sich die Einnahmen und Ausgaben je Einwohnerin bzw. Ein- wohner sowie die Ausgabe-Einnahme-Relation in den Ländern in den Jahren 2002 bis 2005 (bitte aufschlüsseln nach Land, Jahr sowie Vergleich ost- und westdeutsche Länder und Bund), und wie bewerten die Bundesregierung und der Finanzplanungsrat diese Entwicklung? 2. Wie gestalteten sich die Personalausgaben sowie die Ausgaben für Bau- investitionen je Einwohnerin bzw. Einwohner in den ostdeutschen Ländern in den Jahren 2002 bis 2005 (bitte aufschlüsseln nach Land, Jahr sowie Vergleich ost- und westdeutsche Länder und Bund), und wie bewerten die Bundesregierung und der Finanzplanungsrat diese Entwicklung? 3. Wie gestaltete sich der Schuldenstand in den ostdeutschen Ländern im Ver- gleich zu den westdeutschen Ländern und dem Bund im Zeitraum seit 2002, und wie erklärt bzw. bewertet die Bundesregierung diese Entwicklung? 4. Wie gestaltete sich der Deckungsgrad der Ausgaben der ostdeutschen Län- der im Vergleich zu den westdeutschen Ländern und dem Bund im Zeitraum seit 2002, und wie erklärt bzw. bewertet die Bundesregierung diese Entwick- lung? 5. Wie hoch sind die Kosten der DDR-Sonder- und Zusatzversorgung für die ostdeutschen Länder, und wie sind diese Kosten im föderalen Finanzsystem aufgeteilt (bitte aufschlüsseln)? 6. -
Ian Bremmer on the Drift in Global Governance
1 M A R C H 2 0 11 Ian Bremmer on the drift in global governance The head of Eurasia Group discusses the absence of G20 leadership in resolving economic imbalances and the current China–US relationship. 2 As a coauthor of Eurasia Group’s annual risk forecast, president and founder Ian Bremmer identified the top risk in 2011 as “G-Zero”: a lack of leadership on the part of G20 countries in guiding an international economic agenda and resolving subsequent conflicts. Instead, the G-Zero model features policies driven by self-interest, uneven growth, and strained political ties between developed and emerging economies—among them China and the United States, whose bilateral relationship is an integral part of this shifting world order. In this interview, conducted at this year’s World Economic Forum, in Davos, Switzerland, Bremmer talks with McKinsey’s director of publishing, Rik Kirkland, about the implications of G-Zero and the current state of China–US relations. Ian Bremmer: There is this backdrop of extraordinary unease because we’re in a new world order that is so uncharted, and so much more volatile. What is clear is that the G20 that we put together after the financial crisis is aspirational. It doesn’t actually work, it’s not providing leadership—too many countries, different values. The ones that can provide leadership, the economies are doing badly. The biggest risk from a G-Zero is probably protectionism, because the geopolitical balance, which used to be about military [and] conventional nuclear security, is now really about economics. -
The Siloviki in Putin's Russia
Ian Bremmer and Samuel Charap The Siloviki in Putin’s Russia: Who They Are and What They Want The July 2006 meeting of the Group of Eight (G-8) major indus- trialized nations in St. Petersburg focused the attention of the international media on Russia. On issues ranging from Middle East conflict to energy se- curity, President Vladimir Putin sought to demonstrate that his increasingly self-confident government has earned its seat at the G-8 table. Coverage of the summit focused squarely on Putin—his international priorities, control over domestic politics, personal relationships with other heads of state, and leadership style. These stories created the impression that Putin is Russian politics, reinforcing the view that to understand Putin himself is to under- stand Kremlin policy. Since Putin was named acting president on December 31, 1999, ana- lysts have poured over his personal history, public statements, and writings, confidently forecasting political and economic trends based largely on their interpretations of what they found. Those who portray him as an autocrat underline his KGB background. Others point to his tutelage under former St. Petersburg mayor and liberal reformer Anatoly Sobchak or his preference for pragmatism over ideology. Recently, Western scholars unearthed his doc- toral thesis and used it to explain Russian state involvement in the energy sector.1 President George W. Bush famously contributed to this line of analysis by implying in 2001 that his “sense of the man’s soul” provided a reliable foun- dation for U.S.-Russian relations. Despite its parsimony and popularity, this approach to understanding Kremlin policy, which some have called “Putinol- ogy,” creates a misleading impression of how Russia is ruled. -
An Introspection of Film Censorship in India
Corpus Juris ISSN: 2582-2918 The Law Journal website: www.corpusjuris.co.in AN INTROSPECTION OF FILM CENSORSHIP IN INDIA -SUBARNO BANERJEE1 AND RITOJIT DASGUPTA2 ABSTRACT Cinema has been considered to be one of the most potent instrument of expression over a considerable amount of period. It is often considered to be a magnificent medium to communicate with people and impart knowledge and awareness. A traditional theatre system existed much before screen cinema could assert its authority in India and is said to have played a major role in nurturing emotions of freedom struggle through its plays in the pre-independence era. It was in 1913 India produced its first full-length feature film Raja Harishchandra. Cinema gradually became a powerful medium and went on to impact the lives of people, thoughts and even their political views. The medium has been witnessed to gain huge popularity and at present has become an integral part of common man’s leisure. Various statistics claim that India constitutes one of the largest film industries in the world in terms of number of films produced every year. Freedom of speech and expression is one of the most sacrosanct rights and is regarded as an integral concept in modern liberal democracies3. Society can develop only by free exchange of ideas4. However, since the drafting of the Constitution in 1947, freedom of speech and expression was considered controversial and received periodical dissent. According to Article 19(1) (a) of Part III of the Constitution of India, citizens shall have a right to freedom and expression. Films enjoy the same status and right so far as constitutional freedom relating to expression of ideas and spreading of ideas and messages are concerned but at the same time it places certain necessary restrictions on the content, with a view towards maintaining integrity of the state, public order, decency and morality and also communal and religious harmony, given the history of communal tension in the nation. -
Annual Report 2010 Contents
ANNUAL REPORT 2010 CONTENTS EDITORIAL 2 BUILDING BRIDGES: 20 YEARS OF THE ROSA LUXEMBURG FOUNDATION 4 Award-winning east-west projects 5 Posters from 20 years of the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation 6 KEY ISSUE: AUTOMOBILES, ENERGY AND POLITICS 8 «Power to the People» conference of the Academy of Political Education 9 «Auto.Mobil.Krise.» Conference of the Institute for Social Analysis 10 THE ACADEMY OF POLITICAL EDUCATION 12 PUBLICATIONS OF THE ROSA LUXEMBURG FOUNDATION 16 EDUCATIONAL WORK IN THE FEDERAL STATES 20 CENTRE FOR INTERNATIONAL DIALOGUE AND COOPERATION 32 Interview with the new director of the Centre, Wilfried Telkämper 33 New presences: The Foundations in Belgrade and Quito 34 Africa Conference «Resistance and awakening» 35 Visit by El Salvador’s foreign minister 36 Israel and Palestine: Gender dimensions. Conference in Brussels 36 RELAUNCH OF THE FOUNDATION WEBSITE 40 PROJECT SPONSORSHIP 42 FINANCIAL AND CONCEPTUAL SUPPORT: THE SCHOLARSHIP DEPARTMENT 52 Academic tutors 54 Conferences of the scholarship department 56 RosAlumni – an association for former scholarship recipients 57 Scholarship recipient and rabbi: Alina Treiger 57 ARCHIVE AND LIBRARY 58 Finding aid 58 What is a finding aid? 59 About the Foundation’s library: Interview with Uwe Michel 60 THE CULTURAL FORUM OF THE ROSA LUXEMBURG FOUNDATION 61 PERSONNEL DEVELOPMENT 64 THE FOUNDATION’S BODIES 66 General Assembly 66 Executive Board 68 Scientific Advisory Council 69 Discussion Groups 70 ORGANIGRAM 72 THE FOUNDATION’S BUDGET 74 PUBLISHING DETAILS/PHOTOS 80 1 Editorial Dear readers, new political developments, the movements for democratic change in many Arab countries, or the natural and nuclear disaster in Japan all point to one thing: we must be careful about assumed certainties. -