DOCSLIB.ORG

“Together We Are Power!”: Identities and Values in Euromaidan Slogans

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
“Together We Are Power!”: Identities and Values in Euromaidan Slogans “Together we are power!”: Identities and Values in Euromaidan Slogans NADIYA TRACH NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF “KYIV-MOHYLA ACADEMY” Abstract: This article examines the issues of identity and values in Euromaidan slogans. Different types of identities and the ways of their expression are highlight- ed: gender, national, regional, social, European and so on. A spectrum of values is portrayed – the values of love, friendship, mutual help, freedom, and dignity. Various linguistic representations of identities and values are examined by using the methodological tools of discourse-analysis on the data obtained from a field research and publications immediately appearing as a reaction to Maidan events. Keywords: identity, value, Euromaidan, revolutionary slogan, protest rhetoric. “Together we are power!”: Identities and Values in Euromaidan Slogans 97 vents in contemporary Ukraine have revolution timeline, whereas in the abstracts where the feeling of fear and distrust are domi- a singer Ruslana Lyzhychko, who was a mod- become the field for research for the ex- that are dense with linguistic details I provide nant, and the main wish of inhabitants is to find erator for the students participating in Eperts from diverse realms. As Volodymyr an extra explanations. The language of the ma- a safe place for themselves and their families Euromaidan, was addressing the protesters Kulyk states, One of the most noteworthy conse- jority of slogans I analyze below is Ukrainian, (Hrytsak, 2014, p. 93). with the calls Peaceful protest!, Maidan is!, Sign! quences of the recent events in Ukraine is a dra- and for the reasons of text economy and cohe- However, as Yaroslav Hrytsak duly noted, (a call addressed to Yanukovych to sign the matic change in Ukrainian national identity. In sion I provide only their English translation. If in the last few years in Ukraine, along with EU-Ukraine Association Agreement). A young various media one can regularly encounter asser- the language of a concrete slogan or citation is domination of the values of “surviving”, the political party “Demaliance”, in the period of tions of individuals’ increased self-identification not Ukrainian, I flag this fact. values of “self-expression” have increased their protests not represented in the public authori- as Ukrainian, greater pride in being a citizen of I do believe that language is a fruitful field importance (that is seen not only in sociologi- ties structures, in particular, produced stickers the Ukrainian state, stronger attachment to the for a research on identities and values. As cal data, but also in expression of creativity with the slogans Yanukovych pidaresht (a word- symbols of nationhood, enhanced solidarity Deborah Schiffrin holds, (…) language al- during Maidan). The society where the values play is present; its meaning can be explained with compatriots, increased readiness to defend ways occurs in some kind of context, including of “self-expression” prevail is less disposed to as a demand that Yanukovych should be ar- Ukraine or work for Ukraine, and increased cognitive contexts in which past experience and authoritarian regime. rested and at the same time as an affirmation confidence in the people’s power to change the knowledge is stored and drawn upon, cultural As a matter of fact, an average that Yanukovych is a pederast, subtly referring country for the better (Kulyk, 2016, p. 588). contexts consisting of shared meanings and Euromaidaner, whether consciously or un- to his criminal past), Territory free of berkutushki Therefore, identity issues are still in the main world views, and social contexts through which consciously, directly or indirectly, has become (another wordplay is detected; berkutushka is focus, since the Maidan revolution and the on- both self and others draw upon institutional an author or a co-author of revolutionary a diminutive form for a name of a riot militia going Russian-Ukrainian war have become the and interactional orders to construct definitions slogans. The community of Maidaners has formation “Berkut”), Only victory and others. triggers to actively discuss the current social, of situation and action (Schiffrin, 1987, p. 4). created numerous slogans that were repre- Also, the members of a non-governmental political and cultural identities and values. The Cognitive, cultural and social elements were sented: 1) in an oral form during the Sunday organization “Common Case” was distribut- recent studies revealed that the main values crucial for identity construction during the meetings (such gatherings were called viche ing stickers with the slogans I am here not for of Euromaidan are the following: Actually, the Maidan events. And furthermore, (…) the act as an allusion to the democratic order in the money; I will not leave Maidan till Yanukovych is above-mentioned dominant values of Maidan of narrating is considered an act of constructing former Kyiv Rus) and on the blocking demon- resigned. Those stickers were massively pasted give an understanding of what a “Revolution identity (Taniguchi, 2010, p. 212). strations close to the state institutions – the over the territory of Maidan, on the protesters’ of Dignity” means and consists of: 1) creativity, A sociopolitical protest called Euromaidan Parliament of Ukraine, the Cabinet of Ministers, clothes and on the entrances to the buildings freedom, independence, self-esteem, curiosity – has caused not only creation of a brand-new the President’s Administration, the General in the living districts of Kyiv as a call for those Self-direction; objectivity, integrity, compassion, social discourse, but also renewing of politi- Prosecutor’s Office, the Ministry of Interior citizens of the city who by that time had not loyalty, responsibility – Benevolence; 3) wisdom, cal vocabulary and rhetoric. How have the Affairs, as well as at the protests close to Kyiv joined the protest movements yet. social justice, equality, peace, beauty, tolerance, protesters’ identities and values been mirrored courthouses; 2) in a written form on the plac- However, the majority of slogans appeared unity with nature, protecting the environment – in this rhetoric? As Yaroslav Hrytsak states, the ards, streamers, posters and self-made decora- as a result of a ‘folk creativity’”. They were pro- Universalism (Sviatnenko Vynogradov, 2014, identities and values are important factors tions for the “Christmas tree” (in the Ukrainian duced in a bottom-up manner by the protest- p. 49). Therefore, the goal of this article is to due to which a society may foresee the further language it sounds like jolka – it was one of the ers. Mainly, the names of their authors did not examine how identities are reflected in linguis- development of its history or even change it: main symbols of Maidan, situated in its very become known to public, first of all because of tic representations and how values are seen During the last few years me and my colleagues center), during the protests in other cities in the Maidaners’ anonymity, except for the rare through linguistic lenses. have been saying that Ukraine has significantly Ukraine and abroad that supported the pro- cases. For instance, the authors of the slogan This article is a part of my bigger research more serious problems not with its identities, but test, in the form of graffiti on the walls of the I am a drop in the ocean that will change Ukraine on Euromaidan slogans that was published as with its values; because identities in Ukraine, no buildings on the Square of Independence in were the community of creative artists and a separate book in 2015 (see a review of this matter how, ensure its existence as a stable po- Kyiv where the main events of the protest oc- designers ‘Strike Placard’”. The idea appeared book made by Łukasz Kutyło in this volume). litical community. However, a set of values which curred and in the nearby neighborhoods; 3) in in a critical moment of the protest, right after However, the book was published in Ukrainian, the majority of Ukrainian population shares – a virtual form on the web pages of a Facebook the Berkut riot militia attacked and beat up and this is my first article on the topic available and it does not matter where, on the West or on social network, in blogs, memes etc. students carrying a peaceful demonstration. in English. I do believe that the Euromaidan the East – does not allow introduce any radical Some of the slogans, of course, represented The placard immediately was spread in the contexts are in general terms familiar to political and economic reforms in Ukraine. These a certain political group or were over-imposed Internet, the slogan became extremely popu- a Polish reader, therefore, I do not expose the are the values of a so called “closed society” by politicians from the “stage”. For instance, lar among the protesters and was transformed “Together we are power!”: Identities and Values in Euromaidan Slogans 99 into a few other versions: We are the ocean, not is high moral standards; gender – Ukrainian are on Maidan and to motivate them to join us on Maidan. From their side, men expressed a skating rink (a hint about the militia’s attack women are against slave future, Free hugs!, re- (Havryliuk, 2014, p. 40). their gratitude in a slogan Bow to the girls and of students, as the official reason for “cleaning” gional – Kolomyia is Europe!, social – Scientists Special attention must be paid to a gender, women of Maidan. the square was to prepare the area for instal- are against violence, national civic, politi- and a female identity in particular. Women During the military conflict the emphasis lation of a Christmas tree (jolka) and a skat- cal – Ukraine is united, Ukrainians are power!; were an active part of the protest. They on a female identity did not disappear, but ing rink for kids); The ocean consists of drops; Ukrainians have no fear; We have one Ukraine.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine by Timothy Snyder | the New York Review of Books Page 1 of 8
    Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine by Timothy Snyder | The New York Review of Books Page 1 of 8 Font Size: A A A March 20, 2014 Issue Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine Timothy Snyder This article will appear in the coming March 20, 2014 issue of The New York Review. Valery Sharifulin/ITAR-TASS/Corbis The opposition leader Vitali Klitschko attending a protest rally in Maidan square, Kiev, December 16, 2013 The students were the first to protest against the regime of President Viktor Yanukovych on the Maidan, the central square in Kiev, last November. These were the Ukrainians with the most to lose, the young people who unreflectively thought of themselves as Europeans and who wished for themselves a life, and a Ukrainian homeland, that were European. Many of them were politically on the left, some of them radically so. After years of negotiation and months of promises, their government, under President Yanukovych, had at the last moment failed to sign a major trade agreement with the European Union. When the riot police came and beat the students in late November, a new group, the Afghan veterans, came to the Maidan. These men of middle age, former soldiers and officers of the Red Army, many of them bearing the scars of battlefield wounds, came to protect “their children,” as they put it. They didn’t mean their own sons and http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2014/mar/20/fascism-russia-and-ukraine/?... 20/02/2014 Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine by Timothy Snyder | The New York Review of Books Page 2 of 8 daughters: they meant the best of the youth, the pride and future of the country.
    [Show full text]
  • (Re)Conceptualization of Memory in Ukraine After the Revolution of Dignity
    ARTICLES (Re)conceptualization of Memory in Ukraine 46 Csilla FEDINEC István CSERNICSKO after the Revolution of Dignity (Re)conceptualization of Memory in Ukraine after the Revolution of Dignity Csilla FEDINEC István CSERNICSKO Abstract In Ukraine, having arrived at a critical stage of its history, three areas can be highlighted at the level of legislation during the struggle for the way forward since the end of 2013: the language issue, the constitutional process, and the efforts to eliminate the Soviet legacy. The subject of our analysis is the four laws belonging to the 2015 legislative package on decommunization, with an outlook to the broader context, as well. The four laws in question decide about who are heroes and who are enemies in history; what Ukraine’s relationship is with World War II, as well as with the Communist and Nazi regimes. The laws point out firmly and excluding any further debate the primacy of the country’s independence over all else, and the protection of the ideal of independence by any means concerning both the past and the present. The laws prescribe impeachment as a sanction for denying their contents. This story – hot memory influenced by politics – will be summarized for the period of 2015–2016. Keywords Ukraine, "decommunization package", national memory, identity crises, democratic values Jan Assmann’s impactful concept of memory developed in the 1990s breaks up the unitary categories of history and memory, and offers a nuanced typology of the typical uses of the past today. Regarding the latter, Assmann distinguishes between ‘hot’ and ‘cold’ memory. Hot memory directly shapes our present lives.
    [Show full text]
  • Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract
    In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2014, Baden-Baden 2015, pp. 219-235. Iryna Solonenko Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract This is the Maidan generation: too young to be burdened by the experi- ence of the Soviet Union, old enough to remember the failure of the Orange Revolution, they don’t want their children to be standing again on the Maidan 15 years from now. Sylvie Kauffmann, The New York Times, April 20141 Introduction Ukrainian civil society became a topic of major interest with the start of the Euromaidan protests in November 2013. It has acquired an additional dimen- sion since then, as civil society has pushed for reforms following the ap- pointment of the new government in February 2014, while also providing as- sistance to the army and voluntary battalions fighting in the east of the coun- try and to civilian victims of the war. In the face of the weakness of the Ukrainian state, which is still suffering from a lack of political will, poor governance, corruption, military weakness, and dysfunctional law enforce- ment – many of those being in part Viktor Yanukovych’s legacies – civil so- ciety and voluntary activism have become a driver of reform and an import- ant mobilization factor in the face of external aggression. This contribution examines the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during the period between the 2004 Orange Revolution and the present day. Why this period? The Orange Revolution and the Euromaidan protests are landmarks in Ukraine’s post-independence state-building and democratiza- tion process, and analysis of the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during this period offers interesting findings.2 Following a brief portrait of Ukrainian civil society and its evolution, the contribution examines the rela- tionships between civil society and three other actors: the state, the broader society, and external actors involved in supporting and developing civil soci- ety in Ukraine.
    [Show full text]
  • The Media As a Mirror of Putin's Evolving Strategy in Ukraine
    Tomila Lankina and Kohei Watanabe ‘Russian Spring’ or ‘Spring betrayal’? The media as a mirror of Putin’s evolving strategy in Ukraine Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Lankina, Tomila V. and Watanabe, Kohei (2017) ‘Russian Spring’ or ‘Spring betrayal’? The media as a mirror of Putin’s evolving strategy in Ukraine. Europe-Asia Studies. pp. 1526- 1556. ISSN 0966-8136 DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2017.1397603 © 2017 University of Glasgow This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/68226/ Available in LSE Research Online: January 2018 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. 1 Tomila Lankina* and Kohei Watanabe** ‘Russian Spring’ or ‘Spring Betrayal’? The Media as a Mirror of Putin’s Evolving Strategy in Ukraine Abstract We develop a novel Russian-language electronic content analysis dictionary and method to analyse Russian state media’s framing of the Euromaidan protests.
    [Show full text]
  • Resuscitate Healthcare
    #8 (114) August 2017 First conclusions in the Supreme Old and new promising sectors Student activism in Ukraine Court selection process of Ukraine’s agriculture and post-Soviet states RESUSCITATE HEALTHCARE WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION CONTENTS | 3 BRIEFING 32 Merchants of peace: How the “civil 4 Crime and (illusory) punishment: war” rhetoric is used to gain political What counterarguments Berkut capital lawyers use in Maidan trials 34 Student force: The strengths and POLITICS weaknesses of Ukrainian youth movements 7 Delay in court: First results in the selection of candidates for the 38 Between Komsomol and protests: Supreme Court The trajectory of student movements in former USSR countries over the past ECONOMICS 25 years 10 Cultivating change: Production and NEIGHBOURS export transformations in Ukraine's 40 Michael Binyon on divides agricultural industry in the UK’s political establishment 14 Payback time! Is Ukraine ready to pay as Brexit talks start back the bulk of its external debts? 42 Karl Schlögel: 18 An uneven recovery: How the “We have to fight for Ukraine to once economy of regions has changed over again get in the center of attention in the past three years European affairs” German historian on Ukraine FOCUS on the European mental map 22 Seeing the obvious: Why Ukraine’s and the challenges of the new current healthcare system must be historical situation changed HISTORY 24 A major deficit: Staff and funding as the key driver of transformation 46 A view from 2017:
    [Show full text]
  • A President's Portrait in Domestic Protest
    A President’s Portrait in Domestic Protest: 133 The Anatomy of Hate A President’s Portrait in Domestic Protest: The Anatomy of Hate Natalia Lysiuk Taras Shevchenko National University of Kiev Kiev, Ukraine Abstract The extreme level of tension during the Euromaidan in Ukraine has caused a real explosion of urban post-folklore creativity. These folklore forms have many distinctive features of traditional folklore, but they are also characterized by their means of transmission. For instance, anonymous inscriptions could appear anywhere. Such texts have their own dramaturgy, and they recreate the development of the Euromaidan events (from simple appeals to give people an opportunity to determine their own destiny to openly hostile discourse that portrayed the former President of Ukraine, Victor Yanukovich, as the main enemy of the Euromaidan). Among those attested: distortions of Yanukovich’s name; demonstration of contempt for his image; insults; mention of his criminal past and ongoing corruption; and prophecies of his fate. One of the defining features of such texts is the violation of prohibitions on the use of dysphemisms and vulgarity as a verbal weapon against an enemy. We will also discuss the basic functions of protest folklore and hate speech. Crowds on the Maidan (author’s photo) The Euromaidan was the second Ukrainian revolution of this century. It was a public protest that took place in the main Kiev’s square Maidan Nezalezhnosti (Maidan) from November 2013 until February 2014. It was characterized by an unprecedented rise of patriotism and strengthening of national identity (as reflected in the wide usage of national colors, symbols, and images).
    [Show full text]
  • Rebuilding the Ukrainian Navy
    King’s Research Portal Document Version Peer reviewed version Link to publication record in King's Research Portal Citation for published version (APA): Sanders, D. L. (2017). Rebuilding the Ukrainian Navy. US Naval War College Review, 70(4), 61-78. Citing this paper Please note that where the full-text provided on King's Research Portal is the Author Accepted Manuscript or Post-Print version this may differ from the final Published version. If citing, it is advised that you check and use the publisher's definitive version for pagination, volume/issue, and date of publication details. And where the final published version is provided on the Research Portal, if citing you are again advised to check the publisher's website for any subsequent corrections. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the Research Portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognize and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. •Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the Research Portal for the purpose of private study or research. •You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain •You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the Research Portal Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 30. Sep.
    [Show full text]
  • Resilient Ukraine Resilient
    Resilient Ukraine: Safeguarding Society from Russian Aggression Russian from Society Ukraine: Safeguarding Resilient Research Paper Mathieu Boulègue and Orysia Lutsevych Ukraine Forum | June 2020 Resilient Ukraine Safeguarding Society from Russian Aggression Mathieu Boulègue and OrysiaLutsevych Chatham House Contents Summary 2 1 Introduction 3 2 The Impact of the Armed Conflict 13 3 Creating Resilience Dividends: Case Studies 27 4 Recommendations 33 5 Conclusion 37 About the Authors 38 Acknowledgments 39 1 | Chatham House Resilient Ukraine: Safeguarding Society from Russian Aggression Summary • Despite military conflict and an increasingly adversarial relationship with Russia, Ukraine has largely maintained its democratic reforms thanks to its resilience and determination to decide its own future. The country is gradually developing the capacity of its state institutions and civil society to address the political and social consequences of Russian aggression. • Russia’s three main levers of influence in Ukraine include the ongoing armed conflict, corruption, and the poor quality of the political sphere. The Kremlin seeks to exploit these vulnerabilities to promote polarization and encourage a clash between Ukraine’s citizens and its governing elite by taking military action, manipulating the corruption narrative, supporting pro-Russia parties, and fuelling religious tensions through the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC). • The ramifications of the military operation in Donbas reverberate strongly across the country and domestic politics. The most prominent spillover effects include the circulation of firearms and the weakened capacity of authorities to reintegrate internally displaced people (IDPs) and war veterans. • With no clear way to end the armed conflict, there is a growing risk of societal polarization. This could have negative consequences for any prospective peace agreement.
    [Show full text]
  • Memory of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in Post-Soviet Ukraine
    ACTA UNIVERSITATIS STOCKHOLMIENSIS Stockholm Studies in History 103 Reordering of Meaningful Worlds Memory of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in Post-Soviet Ukraine Yuliya Yurchuk ©Yuliya Yurchuk, Stockholm University 2014 Södertörn Doctoral Dissertations 101 ISSN: 1652-7399 ISBN: 978-91-87843-12-9 Stockholm Studies in History 103 ISSN: 0491-0842 ISBN 978-91-7649-021-1 Cover photo: Barricades of Euromaidan. July 2014. Yuliya Yurchuk. Printed in Sweden by US-AB, Stockholm 2014 Distributor: Department of History In memory of my mother Acknowledgements Each PhD dissertation is the result of a long journey. Mine was not an exception. It has been a long and exciting trip which I am happy to have completed. This journey would not be possible without the help and support of many people and several institutions to which I owe my most sincere gratitude. First and foremost, I want to thank my supervisors, David Gaunt and Barbara Törnquist-Plewa, for their guidance, encouragement, and readiness to share their knowledge with me. It was a privilege to be their student. Thank you, David, for broadening the perspectives of my research and for encouraging me not to be afraid to tackle the most difficult questions and to come up with the most unexpected answers. Thank you, Barbara, for introducing me to the whole field of memory studies, for challenging me to go further in my interpretations, for stimulating me to follow untrodden paths, and for being a source of inspiration for all these years. Your encouragement helped me to complete this book.
    [Show full text]
  • New Civic Activism in Ukraine: Building Society from Scratch?
    New Civic Activism in Ukraine: Building Society from Scratch? Susann Worschech European University Viadrina Abstract Since Euromaidan, civil society in Ukraine faces new challenges and a new role in society. Volunteer work, donations and civic activism have increased vis-à-vis the humanitarian crisis and the war in Eastern Ukraine in an unprecedented dimension. Civil society’s takeover of state responsibilities depicts the compensation of state failure. But it is questionable whether the post-Euromaidan civil society contributes to Ukraine’s democratization process. Based on two case studies, in this article I examine new issues civil society in Ukraine deals with, what forms the basis of a new quality of civic activism and participation. Further, I describe structures, activities and interrelations of this new Ukrainian volunteer movement, with the aim to discuss its ambivalent role in fragile democratization. Key Words: civil society; democratization; volunteer movement; Euromaidan; Ukraine, trust networks. 3 Introduction Euromaidan, or the “Revolution of Dignity”, marked a watershed for Ukrainian civil society and scholars alike. Until that event, civil engagement, self-organization and societal solidarity were considered low in the post-soviet space.1 At the same time, the existing organized civil society was described as elitist, artificial, and donor-driven.2 But since the nation-wide protests of 2013– 2014, civil society in Ukraine grew to an unprecedented dimension. The huge and unexpected 1 David Ost, “The Decline of Civil Society After ‘Post-Communism,’” in The New Politics of European Civil Society, ed. Ulrike Liebert and Hans-Jörg Trenz, Routledge Studies on Democratizing Europe (London; New York: Routledge Chapman & Hall, 2011).
    [Show full text]
  • Migration and the Ukraine Crisis a Two-Country Perspective This E-Book Is Provided Without Charge Via Free Download by E-International Relations (
    EDITED BY AGNIESZKA PIKULICKA-WILCZEWSKA & GRETA UEHLING Migration and the Ukraine Crisis A Two-Country Perspective This e-book is provided without charge via free download by E-International Relations (www.E-IR.info). It is not permitted to be sold in electronic format under any circumstances. If you enjoy our free e-books, please consider leaving a small donation to allow us to continue investing in open access publications: http://www.e-ir.info/about/donate/ i Migration and the Ukraine Crisis A Two-Country Perspective EDITED BY AGNIESZKA PIKULICKA-WILCZEWSKA & GRETA UEHLING ii E-International Relations www.E-IR.info Bristol, England 2017 ISBN 978-1-910814-27-7 (paperback) ISBN 978-1-910814-28-4 (e-book) This book is published under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC 4.0 license. You are free to: • Share – copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format • Adapt – remix, transform, and build upon the material Under the following terms: • Attribution – You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. • Non-Commercial – You may not use the material for commercial purposes. Any of the above conditions can be waived if you get permission. Please contact [email protected] for any such enquiries, including for licensing and translation requests. Other than the terms noted above, there are no restrictions placed on the use and dissemination of this book for student learning materials / scholarly use.
    [Show full text]
  • REDUX: the 'Euro' in Euromaidan, in Hindsight #BORDERS #UKRAINE
    [tabgroup layout="vertical"] REDUX: The ‘Euro’ in Euromaidan, in Hindsight #BORDERS #UKRAINE written by Karolina Follis April 16, 2015 On March 18th, 2014 Putin delivered a speech to the Russian Duma where he reclaimed Crimea for Russia. The Russian President did not declare a new Cold War, but he made it known that as far as he was concerned, the post-Soviet order of the past 25 years has come to an end. From now on Russia would be prepared to fight back against any perceived interference in the territories that it considers its sphere of influence, or its blizhneye zarubezhye, the ‘near abroad.’ Implicit in Putin’s statements was the ultimate strategic goal of Russian policy towards Ukraine: to transform it into a protectorate of Russia. On April 7th, pro-Russian protesters seized city administration buildings in Donetsk launching a chain of events which may lead to a repeat of the Crimean scenario in the South-East of Ukraine. With this much clear, we look back at events in Kyiv, where not long ago Ukrainian citizens came out en masse to protest against the then-Ukrainian 1 of 6 [tabgroup layout="vertical"] government’s decision not to sign the Association Agreement with the European Union. Back then, in November of 2013, many observers in the West were puzzled by the protesters’ apparent enthusiasm for the EU. As Euromaidan swelled and turned into an expression of a desire for wholesale political change in Ukraine, the postulate of EU accession receded into the background but never vanished. On the 21st of March in Brussels, four months after the start of the protests and two days after the annexation of Crimea, Arseniy Yatsenyuk and Herman van Rompuy finally signed the political part of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement.
    [Show full text]