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Governing Urban Food Systems in the Long Run Comparing Best Practices in Sustainable Food Procurement Regulations

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Governing Urban Food Systems in the Long Run Comparing Best Practices in Sustainable Food Procurement Regulations 260_270_Fesenfeld 09.12.16 15:24 Seite 260 260 Governing Urban Food Systems in the Long Run Comparing Best Practices in Sustainable Food Procurement Regulations Today’s food and agricultural systems are closely linked to pressing challenges for sustainable human life. Longer-term policy-making Lukas P. Fesenfeld is seriously needed. Urban decision-makers have considerable power to shape the food and agricultural sector by, among other things, changing public food procurements towards greater sustainability. Governing Urban Food Systems in the Long Run. oday’s food and agricultural systems are closely linked to the Comparing Best Practices in Sustainable Food T most pressing challenges to sustainable human life such as Procurement Regulations climate change, the exploitation of natural resources, and antibi - GAIA 25/4 (2016): 260–270 o tic resistance. Notably, around 31 percent of global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions are associated with the food system (Welles - Abstract ley et al. 2015).1 Our food system is thus confronted with an in- The aim of this comparative study is to explain variation in the creasing number of long-term problems, with cost implications ambitiousness of policy targets and the successful implementation reaching far into the future. Over 50 percent of the world popula - of urban food policies in the cities of Zurich, Munich and Nurem- tion and over 70 percent of the European population (UN 2014) berg. I conducted an in-depth process-tracing analysis of the mech- live in cities. Cities can act as a catalyst for societal and technolog - anisms behind the adoption and implementation of 13 sustainable ical innovations to solve humans’ most pressing challenges. One food procurement regulations officially adopted by the city councils example of urban decision-makers’ considerable power to shape from 2003 to 2014. In all 13 cases, high electoral safety, credible the food and agricultural sector involves introducing urban food expectations of long-term policy benefits and high executive insti- strategies and regulations with the goal to change public food pro - tutional capacity are necessary conditions for the adoption of long- curements towards greater sustainability (Carey 2013, Lohrberg et term policies. However, they do not explain variation in target’s al. 2015, Mansfield and Mendes 2013, Moragues et al. 2013, Mor- ambition and implementation’s success. Based on theory-building gan 2015, Moschitz and Kueffer 2016). process-tracing, I argue that the variation in the degree of adoption Sustainable food procurement regulations (SFPRs) are defined and implementation success of long-term policies can be explained according to a number of concrete social, economic and environ - by five policy process and design features: 1. deliberative and cor- mental criteria (Barling et al. 2013, p.2) and aim to strengthen pub- poratist governance mechanisms, 2. a high level of central coordi- lic procurement of seasonal, plant-based, local and organic food nation for crosscutting policy implementation, 3. involvement of products. As policy instruments, they are sometimes integrated decision-makers in policy networks, 4. strong use of evidence-based into more holistic urban food strategies 2 to reduce the environ- instruments, 5. bundling of short-term and long-term benefits. mental footprint of food production and consumption and de- crease future health costs related to poor nutrition. This study fo- Keywords bundling, comparative study, corporatism, deliberation, long-term governance, policy design, process-tracing, 1 In terms of short-term climate effects and the risks associated with danger- sustainable food procurement, urban food policy, veto player ous tipping points in the global climate system, agriculture contributes a disproportionate amount of high impact GHGs: approximately 47 percent and 58 percent of total anthropogenic emissions of CH4 and N2O respectively Contact: Lukas P. Fesenfeld, M.Sc. | Swiss Federal Institute of (Bajželj et al. 2014). It is estimated that the global economic benefits of Technol ogy Zurich (ETH) | International Relations, Bernauer | dietary change could produce savings of about 1.5 trillion dollars by 2050 Haldenegg steig 4 | 8092 Zurich | Switzerland | on healthcare, unpaid informal care and lost working days as well as E-Mail: [email protected] reduced climate change damages. 2 Such strategies aim to integrate the complexity of urban food systems ©2016 L.P. Fesenfeld; licensee oekom verlag. This is an article within a single policy framework, including food production, processing, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, access and waste management (Carey 2013, Mansfield and distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. Mendes 2013, Moragues et al. 2013, Morgan 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.14512/gaia.25.4.8 260_270_Fesenfeld 09.12.16 15:24 Seite 261 Lukas P. Fesenfeld RESEARCH | FORSCHUNG 261 cuses on SFPRs as an example of long-term policies, that is, poli- Third, institutional capacity is a prerequisite for political insti - cies that specifically tackle long-term problems such as climate tutions to “lend proponents within the state the capacity to enact change, water pollution or poor nutrition, which are all character - policy investments” (Jacobs 2011, p. 29). Notably, it is the political ized by impacts beyond at least one human generation, deep un- system’s openness to diverse societal groups that enables the adop- certainty and substantial public good aspects (Hovi et al. 2009). tion of long-term policies with high investment costs for organ- The underlying objective of this comparative study is to explain ized interests. Nevertheless, knowing the conditions that enable the variation in target ambitiousness and successful implemen- long-term policies in the first place does not explain long-term tation of 13 officially adopted food policies in the cities of Zurich pol icies’ varying success rates. (Switzerland), Munich and Nuremberg (Germany). Munich and Nuremberg serve as best practice examples for advanced sustain - able food procurement and indicate high levels of policy success Methodology for some SFPRs, whereas Zurich indicates intermediate sustain- able food procurement and serves as an enlightening compara - Process-tracing tive case. This small-N explorative and comparative study examines 13 SF- PRs officially adopted by three European city councils between 2003 and 2014. The empirical research was conducted between Foundations for Building a Theory of Long-term November 2014 and March 2015. I employ a two-fold strategy us- Governance ing a mixture of theory-testing and theory-building process-trac- ing 4. First, I test Jacobs’ theoretical conditions for long-term poli- I define long-term governance as all governing and decision-mak- cy-making. Second, I inductively analyze the fundamental mech- ing processes taking place in long-term policies’ adoption and im- anisms behind the adoption and implementation of urban food plementation phases. These processes are not restricted to the state policies, in order to develop new theoretical arguments to explain but also involve non-state actors. Jacobs (2011,2016) derives three variation in the success of long-term policies. necessary conditions for long-term policy-making, namely, 1. elec- toral safety, 2. the generation of credible expectations of long-term Most Similar Cases Design social returns, and 3. institutional capacity. I hypothesize that all I choose a most similar cases design, that is, comparing similar three conditions also need to be met with regard to long-term food processes to understand the differences, for several reasons: first, policies such as SFPRs. I expect that Jacobs’ (2011, 2016) three conditions for long-term First, electoral safety rests on the assumption that voters evalu - policy-making all are present, thus making adoption of the 13 SF- ate policy-makers retrospectively but not prospectively (Nordhaus PRs possible in the first place. Second, holding potentially influ- 1975). Thus, policy-makers face strong incentives to maximize ential contextual factors constant, this design enables clear focus shortsighted policy benefits because investing in long-term deci - on the effect of altering policy-process and policy-design factors in sions can be a risky approach to securing votes (Jacobs and Mat - explaining varying outcome success (Beach and Pedersen 2013). thews 2012). Jacobs (2011, 2016) hypothesizes that electoral safety Zurich, Munich and Nuremberg were selected as a sample of for executive decision-makers is greater where electoral competi - the cities that have adopted and implemented SFPRs. Munich and tiveness is low(Kayser and Lindstädt 2015). He further argues that Nuremberg were chosen due to high contextual similarity (same electoral risks are low if politicians have the opportunity to mini - state/political system, geography, and socio-demographics). As mize the relative impact of short-term costs through policy design described in table 1 (p. 262), Zurich offers slight but interesting or strategic framing, and particular events focus voters’ attention variation with respect to its progress towards a sustainable urban on long-term policy consequences. food system. Munich and Nuremberg serve as best practice cases Second, long-term policies will hardly be enforceable if long- for the adoption and
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