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Majority and Minority Leaders”, Available At
Majority and Minority Party Membership Other Resources Adapted from: “Majority and Minority Leaders”, www.senate.gov Available at: http://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/common/briefing/Majority_Minority_Leaders.htm Majority and Minority Leaders Chapter 1: Introduction Chapter 2: Majority and Minority Leaders Chapter 3: Majority and Minority Whips (Assistant Floor Leaders) Chapter 4: Complete List of Majority and Minority Leaders Chapter 5: Longest-Serving Party Leaders Introduction The positions of party floor leader are not included in the Constitution but developed gradually in the 20th century. The first floor leaders were formally designated in 1920 (Democrats) and 1925 (Republicans). The Senate Republican and Democratic floor leaders are elected by the members of their party in the Senate at the beginning of each Congress. Depending on which party is in power, one serves as majority leader and the other as minority leader. The leaders serve as spokespersons for their parties' positions on issues. The majority leader schedules the daily legislative program and fashions the unanimous consent agreements that govern the time for debate. The majority leader has the right to be called upon first if several senators are seeking recognition by the presiding officer, which enables him to offer motions or amendments before any other senator. Majority and Minority Leaders Elected at the beginning of each Congress by members of their respective party conferences to represent them on the Senate floor, the majority and minority leaders serve as spokesmen for their parties' positions on the issues. The majority leader has also come to speak for the Senate as an institution. Working with the committee chairs and ranking members, the majority leader schedules business on the floor by calling bills from the calendar and keeps members of his party advised about the daily legislative program. -
Indiana Magazine of History
INDIANA MAGAZINE OF HISTORY - VOLUMEXXXI MARCH, 1935 NUMBER1 The Nomination of the Democratic Candidate in 1924 By SEXSONE. HUMPHREYS One of the strangest among the phenomena of American party history is the Democratic National Convention of 1924, in which all the elements that tend to divide the Democratic party combined to produce a bitterness such as had never been seen in a political convention before and to send the number of ballots required to name a candidate to the record figure of 103. Historians are familiar with the problems that caused the impasse and have frequently analyzed their significance. Students of politics find in the convention a demonstration of how diverse are the interests represented in the Democratic party. There is one question regarding the convention, how- ever, that has largely gone unanswered, and frequently un- asked. That is the question of how it happened that John W. Davis became the nominee of the party. This is an impor- tant question, for it represents the first time since 1860 that the party had gone south of the Mason-Dixon line for its candidate, unless Woodrow Wilson, born in Virginia, but nominated from New Jersey, be considered an exception. The nomination indicates also the triumph of the metropolitan element in the party that was to lead it to defeat in 1928. John W. Davis was the second choice, not of the forces which had kept William G. McAdoo in the lead during most of the convention, but of the forces of A1 Smith-the urban, Catholic, and financial interests in the party. -
CRS Report for Congress Received Through the CRS Web
Order Code RL30665 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web The Role of the House Majority Leader: An Overview Updated April 4, 2006 Walter J. Oleszek Senior Specialist in the Legislative Process Government and Finance Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress The Role of the House Majority Leader: An Overview Summary The majority leader in the contemporary House is second-in-command behind the Speaker of the majority party. Typically, the majority leader functions as the Speaker’s chief lieutenant or “field commander” for day-to-day management of the floor. Although the majority leader’s duties are not especially well-defined, they have evolved to the point where it is possible to spotlight two fundamental and often interlocking responsibilities that orient the majority leader’s work: institutional and party. From an institutional perspective, the majority leader has a number of duties. Scheduling floor business is a prime responsibility of the majority leader. Although scheduling the House’s business is a collective activity of the majority party, the majority leader has a large say in shaping the chamber’s overall agenda and in determining when, whether, how, or in what order legislation is taken up. In addition, the majority leader is active in constructing winning coalitions for the party’s legislative priorities; acting as a public spokesman — defending and explaining the party’s program and agenda; serving as an emissary to the White House, especially when the President is of the same party; and facilitating the orderly conduct of the House’s business. From a party perspective, three key activities undergird the majority leader’s principal goal of trying to ensure that the party remains in control of the House. -
The Rhetoric of Polarization at the 1896 Democratic Convention William D
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Scholar Commons - Institutional Repository of the University of South Carolina University of South Carolina Scholar Commons Faculty Publications Communication Department 2001 Bryan’s ‘A Cross of Gold’: The Rhetoric of Polarization at the 1896 Democratic Convention William D. Harpine University of South Carolina - Aiken, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/ aiken_communications_facpub Part of the Communication Commons Publication Info Postprint version. Published in Quarterly Journal of Speech, Volume 87, 2001, pages 291-304. © 2001, Quarterly Journal of Speech, Taylor and Francis Harpine, W. D. (2001). Bryan's “a Cross of Gold:” The rhetoric of polarization at the 1896 democratic convention. Quarterly Journal of Speech, 87(3), 291-304. This is an Author's Accepted Manuscript of an article published in The Quarterly Journal of Speech, 2001, © Taylor & Francis, available online at:http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/00335630109384338 DOI:10.1080/00335630109384338 This Article is brought to you by the Communication Department at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “A Cross of Gold” 1 Bryan‟s “A Cross of Gold:” The Rhetoric of Polarization at the 1896 Democratic Convention His arms spread wide, William Jennings Bryan thundered at the huge, cheering crowd, “You shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold” (Coletta 141; “Bryan‟s Great Speech”). Bryan‟s speech of July 9, 1896, given during the platform debate at the Democratic convention, is one of the most discussed speeches in the history of American public address. -
Plantation Progressive on the Federal Bench: Law, Politics, and the Life of Judge Henry D
Alabama Law Scholarly Commons Working Papers Faculty Scholarship 3-10-2008 Plantation Progressive on the Federal Bench: Law, Politics, and the Life of Judge Henry D. Clayton Paul Pruitt University of Alabama - School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.ua.edu/fac_working_papers Recommended Citation Paul Pruitt, Plantation Progressive on the Federal Bench: Law, Politics, and the Life of Judge Henry D. Clayton, (2008). Available at: https://scholarship.law.ua.edu/fac_working_papers/624 This Working Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Alabama Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Working Papers by an authorized administrator of Alabama Law Scholarly Commons. THE UNIVERSITY OF ALABAMA SCHOOL OF LAW Plantation Progressive on the Federal Bench: Law, Politics, and the Life of Judge Henry D. Clayton Paul M. Pruitt, Jr. Revised from Southern Studies, Volume XIV (Fall-Winter 2007), 85-139 This paper can be downloaded without charge from the Social Science Research Network Electronic Paper Collection: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1104005 Electronic copy available at: https://ssrn.com/abstract=1104005 1 Plantation Progressive on the Federal Bench: Law, Politics, and the Life of Judge Henry D. Clayton* Note: This is a lightly revised version of an article previously published in Southern Studies, XIV (Fall-Winter 2007), 85-139. I. Preface From the fall of 1901 to the spring of 1914, Thomas Goode Jones was judge of Alabama’s Middle and Northern districts.1 A former governor, Jones had been a well- known figure in Alabama before receiving judicial appointment from President Theodore Roosevelt. -
Download Press
“ … measuring him by the sentiment of his country, a sentiment he was bound as a statesman to consult, [Lincoln] was swift, zealous, radical, and determined.” — FREDERICK DOUGLASS, APRIL 14, 1876 LINCOLN AT PEORIA The Turning Point by Lewis E. Lehrman Lincoln at Peoria: The Turning Point explains how Lincoln’s speech at Peoria on October 16, 1854 was the turning point in the development of his antislavery campaign and his political career and thought. Here, Lincoln detailed his opposition to slavery’s extension and his determination to defend America’s Founding document from those who denied that the Declaration of Independence applied to black Americans. Students of Abraham Lincoln know the canon of his major speeches — from his Lyceum Speech of 1838 to his “Final Remarks” delivered from a White House window, days before he was murdered in 1865. Less well-known are the two extraordinary speeches given at Springfield and Peoria two weeks apart in 1854. They marked Mr. Lincoln’s reentry into Book Information the politics of Illinois and, as he could not know, his preparation for the U.S. History Hardcover Presidency in 1861. These Lincoln addresses catapulted him into the July 2008 debates over slavery which dominated Illinois and national politics for the $29.95 rest of the decade. Lincoln delivered the substance of these arguments 978-0-8117-0361-1 Published by Stackpole Books several times — certainly in Springfield on October 4, 1854, for which there www.LincolnAtPeoria.com are only press reports. A longer version came twelve days later in Peoria. To understand President Abraham Lincoln, one must understand the Peoria Press Contact speech of October 16, 1854. -
Seeking Competitive Advantage: How Presidential Candidates and Party Networks Adapt to Times of Social, Economic, and Technological Change"
"Seeking Competitive Advantage: How Presidential Candidates and Party Networks Adapt To Times of Social, Economic, and Technological Change" Wayne Steger (DePaul University), Andrew Dowdle (University of Arkansas), and Randall Adkins (University of Nebraska at Omaha Abstract: The 1970s are universally recognized as a period of tremendous transition and instability producing nomination campaigns with a momentum-driven system (e.g., Ceaser 1979; 1981; Aldrich 1980; Bartels 1985, 1987). While the 1970s were a transformative era in presidential nomination politics and process, nomination campaigns before and after the McGovern-Fraser Commission show evidence of innovation and adaptation. Innovation and adaptation occur continuously as political actors seek competitive advantage in a changing environment. Innovation and adaptation occurs among candidates seeking advantage in the campaign, among news media seeking audience share, and among the factions of party activists and elites seeking a champion of their causes. Draft: V 1.0 This is an admittedly early version of a big-picture paper, written by committee with too little coordination of busy folks. For a first draft, we believe that it isn’t bad but we apologize in advance if appropriate credit is not given for the ideas and evidence we are building on. Paper prepared for the State of the Parties Conference, Ray Bliss Institute, University of Akron, Oct. 15-16, 2009. Presidential nomination politics continuously evolve though the rate of change varies (e.g., Ceaser 1979; Reiter 1985), with periods of considerable change such as the early 1970s (e.g., Ranney 1975; Shafer 1983) and periods of relative stability such as the 1980s and 1990s (e.g., Barilleaux and Adkins 1993). -
Woodrow Wilson, Congress, and the Income Tax by Don
Woodrow Wilson, Congress, and the Income Tax By Don Wolfensberger An Introductory Essay for the Congress Project Seminar on “Congress and Tax Policy” Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Tuesday, March 16, 2004 At almost every session Congress has made some effort, more or less determined, towards changing the revenue system in some essential portion; and that system has never escaped radical alteration for ten years together. Had revenue been graduated by the comparatively steady standard of the expenditures, it must have been kept stable and calculable; but depending as it has done on a much debated and constantly fluctuating industrial policy, it has been regulated in accordance with a scheme which has passed through as many phases as there have been vicissitudes and vagaries in the fortunes of commerce and the tactics of parties. – Woodrow Wilson Congressional Government (1885) Introduction The modern American tax system was conceived during the presidency of Woodrow Wilson (1913-1921). The Sixteenth Amendment to the Constitution, empowering Congress “to lay and collect taxes on incomes, from whatever source derived....” was ratified on February 23, 1913, just nine days prior to Wilson’s inauguration as president. One of Wilson’s first acts as president was to call Congress into special session on April 7 for the purpose of legislating lower tariffs and thereby fulfilling one of the campaign pledges of the Democratic Party platform and of Wilson the candidate. The next day, April 8, Wilson traveled to Capitol Hill to deliver his tariff message in person before a joint session of Congress–the first president to do so since John Adams.1 Part of Wilson’s “New Freedom” platform was to dismantle monopolies, and one of the ways of doing so was to take away high protective tariffs which he saw as one of the economic foundations of monopolies. -
The Law Treaty Negotiation: a Presidential Monopoly?
The Law Treaty Negotiation: A Presidential Monopoly? LOUIS FISHER Library of Congress In “The Law” section of the March 2007 issue, I analyzed misconceptions by Justice George Sutherland in his decision in United States v. Curtiss-Wright (1936), where he described the president as “sole organ” in foreign affairs. This article examines his erroneous statements about the president’s authority to negotiate treaties. Sutherland stated that the president makes treaties with the advice and consent of the Senate “but he alone negotiates. Into the field of negotiation the Senate cannot intrude; and Congress itself is powerless to invade it.” That statement was false when written, false when Sutherland served earlier as a U.S. senator from Utah, and false in contemporary times, especially in light of fast-track procedures that bring both chambers of Congress closer to the negotiation process for trade agreements. United States v. Curtiss-Wright (1936) involved a dispute over legislation passed by Congress two years earlier authorizing the president to impose an arms embargo in a region in South America. The issue was whether Congress had delegated too much of its legislative power to the president. In 1935, the Supreme Court had struck down two delegations of power to the president involving domestic policy.1 The question presented in Curtiss-Wright was a narrow one: could Congress delegate greater discretion to the president in foreign affairs? Writing for a 7-1 Court, Justice George Sutherland decided that it could. Justice James C. McReynolds dissented, stating his opinion that the district court reached the right conclusion by striking down the delegation as excessive. -
Chapter 3 the Creation of the US Tariff Commission
Chapter 3 The Creation of the U.S. Tariff Commission Photo: Frank Taussig, the first Commission Chairman. Page | 71 Chapter 3: The Creation of the U.S. Tariff Commission W. Elliot Brownlee155 Introduction The great movement for economic and political reform that swept the nation in the early 20th century—the movement that historians commonly refer to as “progressivism”—provided the impetus for the creation of the U.S. Tariff Commission. At the national level, the progressive movement had as one of its major targets the tariff system that had emerged from the American Civil War. The high-water mark of progressive reform of tariffs was the enactment in 1913 of the Underwood-Simmons Tariff Act as a central expression of the “New Freedom” agenda that President Woodrow Wilson had championed in his successful bid for the presidency in 1912. (The sponsors of the act were Oscar W. Underwood, a Democratic Representative from Alabama, and Furnifold M. Simmons, a Democratic Senator from North Carolina.) In framing this agenda Wilson called for sweeping reforms that would constrain corporate power and expand economic opportunities for middle-class Americans. The result was an unprecedented burst of federal legislation. It began with the Underwood-Simmons Tariff (referred to below as the Underwood Tariff) and was followed in short order by the Federal Reserve Act (1913), the Federal Trade Commission Act (1914), and the Clayton Antitrust Act (1914). In the process of enacting these measures Wilson displayed more effective executive leadership than had any another President since Abraham Lincoln. And, the measures themselves permanently expanded the role of the federal government in the economy and, at the same time, enhanced the power of the executive branch. -
Horseshoe Bend National Military Park Administrative History
NATIONAL PARK SERVICE • U.S. DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR Horseshoe Bend National Military Park Administrative History Keith S. Hébert and Kathryn H. Braund Auburn University July 2019 Horseshoe Bend National Military Park Administrative History July 2019 Keith S. Hébert and Kathryn H. Braund Auburn University Horseshoe Bend National Military Park Daviston, Alabama Administrative History Approved by: Superintendent, Horseshoe Bend National Military Park Date Recommended by: Chief, Cultural Resources, Partnerships and Science Division, Southeast Region Date Recommended by: Deputy Regional Director, Southeast Region Date Approved by: Regional Director, Southeast Region Date ii CONTENTS Executive Summary ................................................................................................................xiii Introduction .............................................................................................................................xv Horseshoe Bend National Military Park .....................................................................................xvi Chapter One: Horseshoe Bend in the Nineteenth Century .................................................... 1 The Creek War of 1813–1814 .................................................................................................. 1 Creek Indian Land Cessions: 1814–1832 ................................................................................... 6 Horseshoe Bend Battlefield: 1832–1900 .................................................................................. -
The Culture of Congress Introductory Essay Don Wolfensberger Wilson Center-Bipartisan Policy Center Roundtable Discussion Monday, April 30, 2012
The Culture of Congress Introductory Essay Don Wolfensberger Wilson Center-Bipartisan Policy Center Roundtable Discussion Monday, April 30, 2012 Political culture is the set of attitudes, beliefs, and sentiments which give order and meaning to a political process and which provide the underlying assumptions and rules that govern behavior in the political system. It encompasses both the political ideals and the operating norms of a polity….[and]is the product of both the collective history of a political system and the life histories of the members of that system, and thus it is rooted equally in public events and private experiences. --The International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences It is not unusual for people to talk loosely about the culture of Congress without thinking deeply or clearly about what that entails. Nevertheless, for those who have been around the institution for the last three or four decades, there seems to be agreement that the culture of Congress has changed in dramatic ways since the time of what political scientists refer to as the “textbook Congress” when committee chairmen were the dominant forces driving the legislative process and a conservative coalition of southern Democrats and Republicans seemed to rule the roost. There is little disagreement that the “textbook Congress” came slamming shut in the early 1970s and was replaced by a new book titled, “the congressional reform revolution,” which opened with a new generation of liberal Democrats reclaiming control of their party caucus and with it, the Congress itself. The development was initially more noticeable in the House of Representatives than in the more individualistic Senate.