No. 189 ISSN 1559-9736 Fall 2011

Transportation, Accessibility and Equity

Also In This Issue • Community-Centric Telecommunications Planning • Urban Space in the Spanish 15-M Movement

www.plannersnetwork.org “This Square is Our Home!” The Organization of Urban Space in the Spanish 15-M Movement

By Álvaro Sevilla-Buitrago

hy should a progressive planner pay attention Wto the Spanish 15-M movement? One of its most complex and interesting aspects is its spatiality. Today, just a few months after the hatching of the #spanishrevolution—a hashtag used by Twitterers to inform about the movement—the movement’s political content continues to be vague. The agenda fluctuates between a program that partially repeats old proposals put forward by the left-wing parties across the parliamentary spectrum in and the ambitious but minority calls for self-government propounded by more radical groups. Perhaps the movement’s political positions will mature slowly in the future, however, the spatial practices of its camps and committees have proven to be a solid achievement, one of its more successful facets in promoting the spreading and organization of the protest. Combining social networks with temporary encampments, the 15-M movement demonstrates that activists can devise new uses of public space and new virtual political spaces through a collective, practice-oriented production of place.

Chronicle of the First Steps of the Movement

Following a series of preliminary actions during the month of April 2011, a demonstration was called on

Álvaro Sevilla-Buitrago ([email protected]) is a professor of town planning in the School of Architecture of . He has taken part in urban and regional plans and research projects in different parts of Spain, in addi- tion to publishing articles on urban theory and history in several international journals.

42 Progressive Planning “This Square is Our Home!” The Organization of Urban Space in the Spanish 15-M Movement

By Álvaro Sevilla-Buitrago Photo: Julio Albarrán Photo: Demonstration held on 17 May after the first camp was evicted.

No. 189 | Fall 2011 43 Sunday 15 May, one week before regional and local elections. It was a joint initiative by two recently created organizations: Juventud Sin Futuro, which involves univer- sity students protesting about the difficult economic situation suf- fered by young people in Spain, and Democracia Real Ya, a group with a wider spectrum protesting against the poverty and corrup- tion of Spanish politics, the virtual two-party system, the consensus regarding neoliberal economic re- forms and the submittal of crisis policy to the whims of financial markets. The protest was a suc- cess, and almost 25,000 people took part in more than fifty cities. The demonstration organized in Madrid ended at Puerta del , an emblematic square in the center of the city; minor disturbances broke out at the close of the meeting and twenty-four demonstrators were ar- rested. In protest against this and in order to demand their release, dozens of people set up a camp in the square and spent the night there.

The camp was broken up the next day by the police, which hailed the real start of the revolt. The evic- tion was spread on social networks and new actions were spontane- ously called. That same evening, more than 5,000 people went to Puerta del Sol to make themselves heard and protest against the police intervention. The crowd contin- ued to concentrate until late and a new, much larger camp was set up during the night. The crowds con- tinued to gather and grow during the following days and the camp Photo: pak Photo: increased in size until it occupied Demonstration in Madrid. practically the whole square, with

44 Progressive Planning Photo: Pablo G. Albarraco Pablo Photo: Two days later, with the new camp in full swing. new camps springing up simultane- in the country. The judicial body fear of a new police intervention ously in , , regulating the ongoing electoral waned. The crowds in Puerta del and many other Spanish cities. The process banned demonstrations, Sol and neighboring streets—which motto of Juventud Sin Futuro—“no based on its opinion that “it could on occasions numbered 10,000— home, no job, no future, no fear”— influence the decision of voters were too large to be stopped. appeared to have taken root among during the elections of 22 May.” In the demonstrators. Protesters faced response, the rebels chanted slo- The day of the election arrived, but an increasing police crackdown gans such as “the people’s voice is the repercussions of the demonstra- and requests made by right-wing not illegal.” As the days passed and tions on the results were minimal. politicians to “clean up” the squares the crowds continued to grow, the The right wing inflicted a historic

No. 189 | Fall 2011 45 defeat on the Social Democratic organization down, it is one of the On the symbolic plane, the occu- Party, which was hard hit by the reasons for its success and survival pation of Puerta del Sol, center of economic crisis and abandoned to over time, helping it attract the at- the city and country—the square its fate by traditional voters due to tention of the media while also is the origin of the main Spanish its neoliberal reforms. The camps, making it hard for politicians to road network—has allowed it to however, continued to exist for understand the movement, estab- occupy a prominent place in the lo- another three weeks. During this lish links with it or suffocate it. cal and national media. Logically, time, the camp in Sol doubled in the press compared the occupation size, with the organization becoming The most striking aspect of the of Puerta del Sol to that of Tahrir more and more sophisticated and #spanishrevolution has been its Square in Egypt and later, the complex. Specific thematic commit- ability to occupy public space and Syntagma Square of Athens. There tees were established—international eradicate the mercantilization and are as many similarities between affairs, health, environmental af- alienation of the city’s central places them as there are differences: while fairs, education, cities, etc.—that for a prolonged length of time. The the occupations shared a common made use of the adjoining streets recurring slogan chanted during the origin of a gradual deterioration and squares for holding assemblies. concentrations, “this square is our in the material conditions of social An initiative was set up to transfer home!” expresses this aspect. It is reproduction among the middle the movement and debates to other worth highlighting the functional and and lower classes, they differ in the districts of Madrid and cities in the symbolic dimensions of this occupa- extremely specific political contexts metropolitan region —coordinated tion. With respect to the former, intrinsic to that social and economic by the so-called Popular Assembly the occupation was open to many deterioration. However, beyond this of Madrid—with a march to Madrid different types of people. Many were obvious comparison, a deeper com- being organized from the most surprised by the heterogeneous na- mon thread is quite evident in these important Spanish cities. In view ture of the demonstrators in terms experiences. All three demonstrate of the increasing criticism by local of their social class and age—al- the idea of Henri Lefebvre accord- traders and local and regional au- though this heterogeneity was not ing to whom the right to the city thorities—both in the hands of the evident with respect to ethnicity is expressed, firstly, as the right to Conservative Party—the General and race, which is certainly worth centrality, the right to occupy cen- Assembly, responsible for coordinat- reflecting on. Of course, traffic was tral areas, physically and in terms ing the decisions of the sub-assem- interrupted or slowed down during of the organization and circulation blies within the movement, decided most of the day, and although tour- of power, taking the form of a revo- to dismantle the camp. They left an ists continued to visit the square, the lutionary program that claims the information point as a physical ele- main force of attraction for them self-government of public space. ment of reference, symbolizing the was to witness the event. This led occupation in the center of Spain. to protests by retailers, who lost Second, we should emphasize clients, demanded compensation the massive use of virtual social from the government and called for networks, which has allowed the The Spaces of the Movement the camp to be evicted on many 15-M Movement to be everywhere occasions. Instead, the zone has before physically being anywhere What were the movement’s spatial been used for a wide array of new or occupying any space. During practices? What lessons can progres- processes, as the members of the May, considering only exchanges in sive planners learn from them? The camp and external groups proposed Twitter in Spain, there were more 15-M movement produced places to carry out new activities which than 580,000 messages related to that were complex as a direct re- soon accompanied the concentra- the hashtags of the concentrations, flection of the plural, spontaneous tions and assemblies, for instance, a submitted by almost 88,000 users. nature of the movement. Although popular library, a nursery, theaters Even though these figures are this has on occasions slowed the and an organic market garden. significant, the most important

46 Progressive Planning / http://madrid.tomalaplaza.net/2011/05/21/plano-acampada-so Source: Source: Photo: José MaríaGarcía Moreno Photo:

top Camp organization map.

center The camp’s library.

bottom Organic market garden in the flowerbeds of the fountains. Photo: Gabriela Lovera Photo:

No. 189 | Fall 2011 47 48 Progressive Planning Assembly ofonethethematic committees. townships other to and districts city the all to transferred actions and center city the in squares and streets other to expanded assemblies its as time same the at place took camp the of organization internal and growth the Madrid, of case the In participation. common of space virtual a in cities seventy than more together brought movementhas regime.conventional scalar The the break and spread movementto the of capacity dimension,the spatial third a to contributed has networks social of role leading The events.of course the on opportunity of conditions the on exclusively dependent was which of success eventual the users,anonymousby actions of manner all for calling process open an into period that it.organizing and converted This movementthe mobilizing in role democratic radically their is aspect repoliticization of neighborhood of repoliticization and revitalization the to led region. metropolitan the in This in districts in a more remote part part remote more a in districts in square,the away from blocks two corners street on forum, virtual a in established those as level same the on function to began soon bodies centrality,symbolic political its its maintained space.Sol Although of division scalar and social the subvert to ability the centrality—is distribute and administer to right contents,the its rewrite and city the of heart functional and symbolic the occupyto right centrality—the to right the regaining of consequence conventionalhierarchies. direct The awayactivity,with doing gradually political of spaces the decentralized has construction simultaneous This years.many for demobilized been 1970s,had the of process transition democratic local the in role essential an playing after associations,which in which we regard the city.the regard we which In in manner the on effect lasting havea could them to relatewe which in way the and places of meaning the of redefinition collective This area. peripheral mute eternally an towardsemanate rules and decisions which powerfrom of stronghold a as not reception,and political of site non-differentiated a as projected was space social the places.Consequently,of center the other in initiativesformulated debating and accommodating of purpose the for done was this spaces,other to respect with role different a on took center country.the of part the When another in city a in or city the of initiatives in other spheres and areas. and spheres other initiativesin existing already to meaning new give and resistance of spaces new of building the encourage to served haveMay in days few fact,those

Photo: José María Moreno García Conclusions social networks as a new space mon capacities, without being for political activism and radi- controlled by planned orga- So what opportunities does the cal democracy. nizations or hetero-regulated Spanish 15-M movement hold for participatory processes. The relationship between these reflection about urban planning? networks and physical spaces These dynamics suggest the need to The possibility and conse- and its ability to reshape and review some ideals and guidelines quences of prolonged occupa- re-scale social practices. assumed by progressive planners. tion of public space and the We should pay attention to them The capacity of persons to reorganization of its contents, in establishing new criteria for create new sites and identi- outside the scope of estab- comprehending urban and socio- ties related to them; in sum, lished institutional codes. spatial phenomena and in collective to rewrite urban landscapes efforts aimed at building spaces The relationship of that oc- through a commitment to so- of hope for social change and cupation and organization cial justice, self-government emancipation. P2 with the massive use of virtual and the deployment of com- Photo: Adicae15M Photo: General Assembly

No. 189 | Fall 2011 49