The burden and the beast: An oracle of apocalyptic reform in early sixteenth-century

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ty Michael Dean Milway

Copyright © Michael Dean Milway 1997

A Dissertation Subniitted to the Faculty of the

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

In the Graduate College

THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA

1997 UMl Number: 9814454

Copyright 1997 by Milway, Michael Dean

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THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA GRADUATE COLLEGE

As members of the Final Examination Committee, we certify that we have

read the dissertation prepared by Michael D. S. Milway

entitled Burden and the Beast: An Oracle of Apocalyptic

Reform in Early Sixteenth-Century Salzburg

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Polonius did not have academia in mind when he advised Laertes, "neither a borrower nor a lender be / for loan oft loses both itself and friend / and borrowing dulls the edge of husbandry" (SHAKESPEARE, Hamlet, Liii.75-77). My debts are mountainoias, and my work is better on account of them. For financial support during two profitable periods of research, I thank the French Government (for a Chateaubriand to Paris), the American and Austrian Fulbright Commissioi^s (for a grant to Salzburg) cind the Institut fiir Europaische Geschichte (for a writing fellowship to Mainz). The staff and librarians of many institutions have been most gracious and dependable: the Bibliotheque Nationale (Paris); the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek (Munich); both the Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek and the Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv (Vienna); the Universitatsbibliothek, Stiftsbibliothek St. Peter, Erzbischofliches Konsistorialarchiv, Salzbxirger Landescirchiv and Salzburger Museum Carolino Augusteum (Salzburg); and the Heimatmuseum Schlofi Ritzen (Saalfelden). These are the institutions as well that have granted me permission to reproduce copies of photos and maps from their collectior\s. I owe a considerable debt of gratitude to my colleagues in the Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies (Toronto) and even more to those in the Division for Late Medieval and Reformation Studies (Tucson). Other individuals deserve special mention: Alan Bernstein, Donald Weinstein, Hermann Rebel and Peter Dykema (Tucson); Nicole Lemaitre and especially Bernard Roussel (Paris); Ralph Decot and Markus Wriedt (Mainz); Johaim SaUaberger, Gerhard Winkler, Heinz Dopsch and above all, for his indefatigable assistance and dear friendship, Arthur Schwaiger (Salzburg). Still others have been important at the stage of editing texts for Appendix B, notably Hans-Christoph Rublack (Tubingen), Eric Saak (Groningen), Thomas Albert (), Regina Portner (Oxford), Adolf Hahnl and Hubert Schopf (Salzburg). Many other outstanding accounts are recorded, I hope adequately, in the footnotes. My greatest debt is owed to Heiko A. Oberman, whose weekly seminars made the rigorous study of history delightful; whose public criticism made his infamous late- night seminars profitable; and whose routine reference to Latin adages made his moming-after private criticism almost sufferable: Forsan et haec olim meminisse iuvabit. Every chapter, indeed every page of this dissertation owes credit to him and his unfiling guidance. Little by little, my family has inherited stock in this dissertation — emotionally and materially — while anxious in ways opposite to that described in my research. Apocalyptic worry for them has been keenest when the end was not in sight! To their patience, prayers, love and support, I owe more than a father, son or husband could ever return: Brendan is the joy of my life; Mom and Dad are the firmest and truest pUlars of devotion; Katie is the wind beneath my wings.

St. Brendan's Day, May 1997 for my mother and father

... who read this dedication on 3 May 1997, two days after my oral defense. Shortly thereafter, on 9 June 1997, nnother died, before the final corrections were finished. 6

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 7 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 9 ABSTRACT 12

INTRODUCTION — Hour of Darkness: Apocalyptic Preliminaries 14 A. The Burden and the Beast 26 B. Historiographical Bridges 38

CHAPTER ONE — Where Fallen Angels Fly: Apocalyptic Cosmology 51 A. Space and Time 53 B. The Universe 68

CHAPTER TWO — In the Jaws of the Devil: Apocalyptic Geography 80 A. Picturing the World 91 B. Salzburg 100

CHAPTER THREE — Demons in E)isguise: Apocalyptic Demography 115 A. Monsters 118 B. Perchten 133 C. Gog and Magog 138

CHAPTER FOUR — Dangerous Times: Apocalyptic Biography 149 A. Between Attila and Antichrist 152 B. Signs and Wonders 157 C. Reformatio et deformatio 165 D. Half Dead 176

CONCLUSION — The Last Act 190 APPENDIX A — Onus ecclesiae 194 APPENDIX B — Texts 226 REFERENCES 283 7

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS INTRODUCTION 1 Gravestone (St. Peter's Cemetery, Salzburg) 30 2 The Jaws of Hell, Bourges Cathedral (BENTON, Bestiaire, 60) 30

CHAPTER ONE 1.1 The Human Sundial, Peter Flotner, 1535 (GEISBERG, Single-leaf, III, 794) 60 1.2 Hour of Death, Albrecht Durer, 1510 (KURTH, ed., Albrecht Durer, 210) 60 1.3 Hour of Death, Hans Sebald Beham, 1522 (GEISBERG, Single-leaf, III, 215) 60 1.4 The Seven Ages of the Church and the Seven Stages of the World (OE 5-9) 66 15 The Universe (m 19-26) 69 1.6 The Four Contraries 71 1.7 The Sublunar Spheres (D'AILLY, Imago mundi, fol. ivH 73 1.8 The Universe (SCHEDEL, Buck der Chroniken, fol. v^)7 73

CHAPTER TWO 2.1 Locking the Jaws of Hell, 12th c. Psalter (B.L.: MS 1846 Cott. Nero, c. 4, fol. 39) 84 2.2 Multiple Jaws of Hell, 13th c. miniature (BN: Ms. fr. 403, fol 40'") 84 2.3 Harrowing Hell, 14th c. fresco CUrschalling parish church in , near Prien) ....84 2.4 Jaws of Purgatory and Hell, 15th c. initial-D (Wurzburg U. Bib; Cod. M. ch. fol. 690). 84 23 The True Church and False Church, Lucas Cranach (OBERMAN, Luther, 167) 85 2.6 Satire of the Catholic Mass, Meircus Gheeraerts the Elder (JETZER, Himmel, 153) 85 I 2.7 Crowning the Pope over Hell, 1545 (LUTHER, WA, 54) 85 f 2.8 Mappemonde nouvelle papistique, Pierre Eskrich (SZYKULA, "Mappemonde," 94) 88 i 2.9 Mappemonde nouvelle papistique (SZYKULA, "Mappemonde," 94) 88 1 2.10 Mappemonde nouvelle papistique (LESIRING ANT, "Carto^aphie," 115) 89 f 2.11 Mappemonde nouvelle papistique, papal court QEZLER, Himmel Hdlle, 153) 89 ; 2.12 Ebstorf World Map (ca. 1235): Paradise, Gog and Magog (BN: Ge: CC1551-6) 94 I 2.13 Map of the Salzburg Ecclesiastical Province, ca. 1525 104 [ 2.14 Map of the South-East Holy Roman Empire, ca. 1525 105 I 2.15 Map of Salzburg and Chiemsee, ca. 1525 106 2.16 Salzburg in 1490 (SCHEDEL, Buck der Chroniken, fol. clii^-cliiin 110 2.17 Salzburg in 1553 (Erzstift St. Peter, Salzburg) 110 2.18 Population Growth, Distribution and Concentration for Salzburg, 1450-1550 112

! CHAPTER THREE 3.1 Three Sians over Vienna, 1520 (LYCOSTHENES, Chronicon, 523) 123 3J2 Phantom Army over Bergamo, 1517 (LYCOSTHENES, Chronicon, 523) 123 3.3 Monster in the Sky, 1528 (PAl^, Des monstres, 142) 124 3.4 A 'Siamese' Monster, 1546 (PABlfi, Des monstres, 14) 126 3.5 A 'Dwarf Monster, 1573 CPARfi, Des monstres, 31) 126 3.6 Alien Races, 1493 (SCHEDEL, Buch der Chroniken, fol. xiiH 128 3.7 A Human-Ccmine Monster, 1493 (PARfi, Des monstres, 62) 130 3.8 Perchten Mask (Salzburg Museum Carolino Augusteum) 135 3.9 Demon on the Train of a Dress CVINTLER, Pluemen, ONB, Cod. Vindob. 13 567) 135 3.10 Gog and Magog Imprisoned (Pseudo METHODIUS, Revelationes, fol. Biv^) 141 3.11 Gog and Magog Released (Pseudo METHODIUS, Revelationes, fol. CiH 141

CHAPTER FOUR 4.1 The Last Days: The Sixth and Seventh Stages of the Church 172 8

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS — Continued

APPENDIX A A.1 Onus ecclesiae, title page (Cologne, 1531; BayStB: 4 Dogm. 701 b) 202 A.2 Onus ecclesiae, title page (Landshut, 1524; SalzUB: F II 56) 203 A3 Onus ecclesiae, title page (Augsburg, 1531; SalzUB: F n 517) 208 A.4 Oni4S ecclesiae, title page (Augsburg, 1531; Ba3^tB: 2 Exeg. 400) 209

APPENDIX B B.l PtJRSTINGER to LANG, 15 Sept 1535 (HHStA, OA Sakburg, fasc. 132, fol. 235'") 227 9

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

ABP Archiv des Bistums Passau ADB Allgemeine Deutsche Biographic (1875-1912; rpnt. 1967-1971) AHR American Historical Review AHVN Annalen des historischen Vereins fur den Niederrhein ARC G. PFEILSCHIFTER (ed.). Acta reformationis catholicae ARG Archiv fiir Reformationsgeschichte AW A Archiv zur Weimarer Lutherausgabe BayHSA Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv (Munich) BayStB Bayerische Staatsbibliothek (Munich) Bd. Band BN = Bibliothdque Nationale (Paris) BRH Bibliotheque d'Humanisme et Renaissance c. century ca. drca CCath Corpus Catholicorum CQir CM Corpus Christianonim, Continuatio Mediaevalis CChr SL Corpus Christianonim, Series Latina cf. confer CH Church History CHR Catholic Historical Review COD G. ALBERIGO et al. (eds.), Conciliorum Oecumenicorum Decreta cod. codex coKs). colunm(s) CSEL Corpus scriptorum ecdesiasticorum latinorum CWE Desiderius ERASMUS, CoZ/ecfed Works of Erasmus DGB Deutsche Geschichtsbldtter DRTA Deutsche Reichstagsakten, fUngere Reihe. DSAM Dictionnaire de Spiritualite ascitique et mystique DTC Dictionnaire de Theologie catholique ed(s). editor(s); edition(s) EUBEL Conrad EUBEL (ed.), Hierarchia catholica medii aevii, I-II fasc. fasciculus fn(s). footnote(s) fol. folio FRA Pontes rerum Austriacarum GS H. DOPSCH and H. SPATZENEGGER (eds.), Geschichte Salzburgs HAIN Ludwig HAIN, Repertorium bibliographicum HDRG Handworterbuch zur Deutschen Rechtsgeschichte 10

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS — Continued

HEH BRADY, OBERMAN and TRACY (eds.). Handbook of European History HHStA = Haus", Hof- und Staatsarchiv (Vienna) HJ = Historisches fahrbuch der Gdrres-Gesellschaft HZ Historische Zeitschrift i.e. id est J(G)GP6 fahrbuch (der Gesellschaft) fur die Geschichte des Protestantismus in Osterreich fSMCA Jahresschrift des Salzburger Museums Carolina Augusteum KAS Konsistorialarchiv Salzburg KL H. J. WETZER and B. WELTE (eds.), Kirchen Lexikon (1848-1856) KLK Katholisches Leben und Kirchenreform im Zeitalter der Glaubensspaltung KdHLER H.-f. KOHLER, Bibliographie ... Flugschriften (1501-1530) KP PCRSTINGER, Keligpuchel (1535) LThK Lexikon fur Theologie und Kirche (^1957-68) MGH Monumenta Germaniae Historica MGSL Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft fiir Salzburger Landeskunde MIOG Mitteilungen des Instituts fiir Osterreichische Geschichtsforschung ms(s). manuscript(s) Mrs Munchener Theologische Studien NCE New Catholic Encyclopedia NDB Neue Deutsche Biographie N.F. Neue Folge no(s). ntunberts) n.s. new series OE PORSTINGER, Onus ecclesiae (ms. 1519) L = Landshut (^1524) [three variations: L^, L^] Ca = Cologne (^ISSl) [three variations: Ca^ Ca^, Ca^] A = Augsburg (^1531) [two variations: A^ A^] Cb = Cologne (41620) om. omisit ONB Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek (Vienna) pag- pagina P&P Past and Present PL Patrologia Latino proem prooemium QDGSLR Quellen und Darstellungen zur Geschichte der Stadt und des Landkreises Rosenheim q.v. quod vide r recto 11

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS — Continued

RE Realenzyklopadie fiir protestantische Theologie und Kirche (^1896-1913) reg. regnum; regnavit rev. revised RGG Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart (^1957-65) RfKG Rottenburger Jahrbuch fur Kirchengeschichte ROEIRICH Lutz ROHRICH, Das grofie Lexikon der sprichwortlichen Redensarten rpnt reprint(ed) RST Reformationsgeschichtliche Studien und Texte SA Salzburg Archiv s.a. sine anno SalzUB Universitatsbibliothek Salzburg SbSP Stiftsbibliothek St. Peter (Salzburg) SCES Sixteenth Century Essays & Studies SHCT Studies in the History of Christian Thought s.l. sine loco SLA Salzburger Landesarchiv s.I.a.m. supra lineam alia manu SMCA Salzburger Museum Carolino Augusteum SMFN Spatniittelalter und fruhe Neuzeit SMGB Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktinerordens SMRT Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought SuR Spatmittelalter und Reformation, Texte und Untersuchimgen s.v. subvoce SVRG Schriften des Vereins fur Reformatior\sgeschichte TG PORSTINGER, Theologia Germanica (1531) TR PORSTINGER, Tewtsch Rational tiber das Ambt heiliger Mesz (1535) TRE Theologische Realencyclopddie TTh PORSTINGER, Tewtsche Theologey (1528) UTB Uni-Taschenbucher fur Wissenschaft V verso VD16 Verzeichnis der im deutschen Sprachbereich erschienenen Drucke des XVI fhrs. VIEG Veroffentlichungen des Instituts fiir Europaische Geschichte ]AIA LUTHER, V/erke (Weimarer Ausgabe) WABr LUTHER, Briefwechsel (Weimarer Ausgabe) WAT LUTHER, Tisc/ireden (Weimarer Ausgabe) ZHT Zeitschrift fiir die historisches Theologie ZKG Zeitschrift fUr Kirchengeschichte ZRG, KA Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fiir Rechtsgeschichte. Kanonistische Abteilung 12

ABSTRACT

This study investigates the relationship between apocalypticism, criticism of the church and ecclesiastical reform at the beginning of the sixteenth century. It focuses on Berthold P&stinger (1465-1543), bishop of Chiemsee (reg. 1508-1526), and forms a commentary on his apocalyptic treatise Onus ecclesiae (1519, 1524, 1531), about a demon-infested world in perilous times. Apocalypticism was more than a theological doctrine about the end of the world. It was a terrifying reality, the vestiges of which appeared in monstrous births, blood-red comets and horrific fires. Historians are only beginning to recognize the significance of apocaljqjtic thinking in late-medieval and early-modern Europe. This study challenges the assumption that apocalypticism grew deepest on the margins of society among radical sectarians. Piirstinger was a conservative theologian and a respected bishop, at home in the heart of the church yet convinced of his place in the last days. Secondly, it shows that Piirstinger's idea of reform was different from its late-medieval antecedents. He did not think of reform as the dav\ming of a "new era" before the end of time, nor as the healthy transformation of Christendom "in head and members." For P^stinger, reform and apocalypse were one an the same. He awaited the return of Christ, who, at the end of time, would reform the militant church as the triumphant church. Thirdly, this dissertation argues that anticlericalism in Piirstinger's apocalyptic world was a preparation for reform, not only, as hitherto conceived, a manifestation of discontent that sparked reform efforts in reaction. Piirstinger criticized the world because Christ was coming to judge it, and because God directed the faithful during the last days to criticize 13

the abysmal lapse. The watchword admonition on the title-page of Onus ecclesiae is the bellicose statement from Ezekiel: "Go make war ... and start at my sanctuary" (Ezek. 9:5). That is to say, on the eve of the apocalypse, anticlericalism fed in part on God's injunction to the forerunners of Christ. Their criticism was a prelude to judgment — to the reformatio Christi. 14

INTRODUCTION

Hour of Darkness: Apocalyptic Preliminaries

Novissima hora est, et sicut audistis quia antichristus venit, et nunc antichristi multi facti sunt.^

This study investigates the relationship between apocalypticism, criticism of the church and ecclesiastical reform. It forms a commentary on the emotional content and intellectual dimensions of a controversial book called Onus ecclesiae, written in 1519 by Berthold Piirstinger (1465-1543), bishop of Chiemsee (reg. 1508-1526).2 The setting is Salzburg, early in the sixteenth century. Piirstinger knew that the world was ending. His bitter critique of ecclesiastical abuses and grisly warning of impending doom belonged to a life­ long labor of preparation for "apocalyptic reform": the return of Christ at the end of time. The Son of God would transform the militant church into the triumphant church. As Piirstinger understood reform, it was motivated by a

h John 2:18. ^About the authorship and publication history of Onus ecclesiae see Appendix A. 15

struggle between God and the Devil, unlike urban, radical and magisterial reforms, which, as we interpret them, grew in response to conflicts between upper and lower classes, cities and surrounding territories, heretics and inquisitors. What Pvirstinger believed about the reformatio, when Christ would defeat Satan, and God save the elect, was not a response to manifestations of abuse and discontent. The coming reformatio Christi was a mandate for righteous anger. It obliged Piirstinger to criticize the world that Christ would soon judge. God had directed the faithful during the last days to criticize the lapse. On the title-page of Onus ecclesiae is the belligerent divine order (Ezek. 9:5): "Go make war ... and start at my sanctuary. Berthold was bom to the bourgeois P^stinger family in 1465."^ He started school in Salzburg, attended university in Vienna and studied law in Perugia. With a double academic degree in dvil and canon law {Licentiatus utriusque iuris), he worked in the prince-archbishop's consistory (1495-1508) and later headed the treasury as Kammermeister (1498-1508). At 43, he was appointed bishop of Chiemsee and consecrating bishop (Weihbischof) of Salzburg. In both offices, he served until the second wave of the Salzburg Peasants' War, at which point, suffering from "feebleness and the setbacks of old age" (he was 61), and doubting his own capacity "to oversee the diocese especially during wicked and riotous times," he retired on 11 May 1526.^ Onus ecclesiae was his first book, written in 1519, printed only in 1524, twice again in 1531, and once finally in 1620. The subject was not particularly remarkable. Apocalyptic literature was common enough. But the book was

^See below, 201-205, with figures A1 and A2. ^For more detail on Purstinger's life see ch. 4. ^PORSTINGER, [Consilium cedendi et renunciandi], in Appendix B, no. 3, at 247.22-27. 16 daring for its favorable use of Lutheran ideas and its critical approach to popes, cardinals, bishops and princes. To avoid the problems that such a treatise might invite, Piirstinger wrote anonymously, even though in other temperaments and judgments he worked comfortably within the bounds of tradition and acceptability. Soon after he retired, he wrote Tewtsche Theologey (1528), translated later as Theologia Germanica (1531). The vernacular edition was the first handbook of in German: a far- reaching, compciratively moderate defense of the Latin church against the threat of Lutheranism. Yet because the prose was dense and the criticism liberal, it did not attract as large a readership as the Enchiridion by Johannes Eck.^ To write Tewtsche Theologey, Piirstinger secluded himself in Raitenhaslach, a Cistercian monastery near Burghausen. Three years later, he moved to Saalfelden, an alpine market-village in the Middle Pinzgau, where he established a brotherhood for priests and a hospice for poor clergy. His final work, in two parts, focused on the mass: the Tewtsch Rational iiber das Amt heiliger mefi (1535); and the Keligpuchel (1535). He died at 78, bequeathing a generous portion of his earthly inheritance to the ministry he left behind in Saalfelden (19 July 1543). By birth, he was a child of the rich; in death, his grave marker eulogized him as a "father of the poor."^

^ The Enchiridion was printed 121 times between 1525 and 1695. The first edition, written in Latin, was printed in 1525 by Johann Weifienburger in Landshut (one year after he printed OE L). The first German edition, translated by Eck himself, was printed in 1530 by Alexander WeiCenhom in Augsburg (one year before he printed OE A). ECK, Enchiridion, P. Fraenkel (ed.), 64», 72*, 96*. ^"R[everenIdo Praesuli Bertholdo Pirstinger iuris pontificii doctori, pauperum parenti, et Salfeldensis xenodochii Divo Joanni consecrati fundatori, qui cum episcopatui Chiemensi XVII annos magna cum laude prefuisset, ut temporalium rerum curis se liberaret, libere resignavit, ac tandem XIX Julii die, anno a Chr[ist]o nato MDXLin. Etatis vero sue LXXVIII pia ac sana mente ex hac vita migravit, monumentum, quod aspicis, positum." SbSP, b EX 41: 9 and 74, as cited in SALLABERGER, "Piirstinger," 484, fn. 263; cf. SCHWAIGER, 'Tiirstinger," 164. 17

Although this study fooises on Salzburg between 1500 and 1550, and on

Piirstinger particularly, its main themes, each related to three ftmdamental questions, have wider implications. They demand that we view Piirstinger against the backdrop of long-term changes and sudden catastrophes elsewhere in Europe. The questions are: What conditions led people to view present events as portending calamity? How did apocalyptic fear relate to reforming hope? And in what way were apocalypticism and anticlericalism linked in society? What is more, the scope of this inqiairy is broader than the specialized fields of research from which it draws and on which it depends: whether focused on Salzburg, Chiemsee, late-medieval prophets, astrology, sixteenth- century bishops or early-modem reform. The study of Piirstinger and Onus ecclesiae brings these various domains together. It assimies bridges where, traditionally, gulfs have separated the study of popular and elite culture, and where, historically, confessions have polarized Catholic and Protestant interests. Fimdamental to this research is the contention that apocalypticism was broader than a theological doctrine and sturdier than a fleeting wave of doomsday anxiety. It was a mature and pandemic culture, the significance of which historians are only beginning to recognize.® Research hitherto has

®C)ne of the best efforts to understand late-medieval apocalypticism as a culture is PEUCKERT, Die Grofie Wende, seldom quoted because of its unconventional approach and its questionable thesis about a transition from peasant culture to bourgeois culture. But the book follows otherwise unexplored avenues into apocalyptic culture. Other studies discuss apocalypticism as a "culture" or "mentality," but focus their investigations alone on ideas (REEVES, MCGINN" and LERNER). About the early-modem period — in an article on Luther and apocalypticism, but important for historians outside the specialized field of Luther research — see OBERMAN, "Luther—Vorlaufer der Reformation." A good but short survey, which examines reformatio in apocal3qDtic terms, is STRAUSS, "Ideas of reformatio," in HEH, II, 1-30, esp. 7-18. 18 shown that apocalypticism invaded the margins of society where extremist prophets and maverick reformers nurtiired end-time expectations.^ But the same hopes and fears crossed social boundaries,^ o did not respect limits of education,^^ tolerated various confessions^^ and flourished all across Europe.^3 One did not have to be poor and hungry to be bothered by plagues.

^Norman Cohn all but limits apocalypticism to the margins of society. COHN, Pursuit of the Millmnium. See the critical review by GRUNDMANN, in HJ 196 (1963): 661-666. Above all see SCRIBNER, For the Sake of Simple Folk, passim. ^^About apocalypticism among "common people" see RUSSELL, "Your Sons and Your Daughters"; and idem. Lay Theology, esp. 21-55. Most of Russell's examples stem from the artisan class, literate people who lacked a formal Latin education (like Argula von Grumbach and Hans Sachs). Since they called themselves "simple" as opposed to 'learned," Russell calls them "common people." Peasants, however, they were not. ^^Historians of popular culture have emphasized the Protestant element in apocalj^Jticism at the expense of the Catholic element: "The evangelical movements took up the sense of eschatological and apocalyptic crisis of the two generations before 1520 and gave it precise content and direction. Above all they took up the notion that the world was turned upside-down, the cosmic order of things perverted, and that the clergy were to blame. Reformation propaganda presented this perverted world as the effect of the activity of the Devil and the Antichrist, embodied in the papacy and its members. Such abstract ideas were made concrete in the persons of the clergy: the Antichrist was physically present in the streets of towns and villages in the visible shape of priests and monks. TTieir activities were the deeds of the Antichrist, especially their idolatrous form of worship, the Mass, with its deceitful transubstantiation." SCRIBNER, Popular Culture, 251 (italics mine). Except for the last clause about the Mass, Purstinger used identical language. Future research will have to cover a wider spectrum of like-minded people, otherwise it will reach intriguing, but only half-true conclusions, like: "This conception of a moralised cosmos was no less shaped by the prevailing prophetic and apocalyptic mood, which was to be found in throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and was indeed to continue into the nineteenth." SCRIBNER, Popular Culture, 255 (italics mine). The same "mood" is found in Pilrstinger. Even more parochial and confessional tham historians of popular culture, are historians of ideas: "Lutheranism was the only major confession of the Reformation era to give a clear, virtually doctrinal sanction to a powerful sense of eschatological expectancy." BARNES, Prophecy and Gnosis, 3. George Williams restricts this intense doomsday expectancy to the : "[Radical Reformers shared] an eschatological mood far more intense than anything to be found in normative Protestantism or Catholicism.... [^I] This intense expectancy ... marked almost the whole of the Radical Reformation and cut it off from the Catholics and Protestants." WILLIAMS, Radical Reformation, 1303. A third group of scholars holds that the greatest flowering of apocalypticism occurred in seventeenth-century England. See BALL, Great Expectation, 5, 16; and FIRTH, Apocalyptic Tradition, 10. About England see BALL, Greaf Expectation; and Firih, Apocalyptic Tradition. Concerning the Lollards sf)ecifically see BOSTICK, "The Antichrist emd the 'Trewe Men'." For France see CROUZET, "Repr^ntation du temps," and his valuable but repetitive thfese d'etat, Les guerriers. Regarding Italy see the ground-breaking study by NICCOLI, Prophecy and People; 19 nor rich and powerful to be fascinated by stars, and certainly not university trained to resort to prophecy when explaining calamity. Berthold Piirstinger, a conservative theologian and respected bishop, was every bit as steeped in apocalyptic culture as Savonarola or Luther. His apocalyptic vision nairrored perceptions of a universe "where fallen angels fly" (chapter one); it reflected a medieval myth that the world was caught "in the jaws of the devil" (chapter two); embraced fears that "demons in disguise" threatened the world (chapter three); and it made Piirstinger anxious about signs and wonders that were telling of "dangerous times" (chapter four). Vestiges of apocalyptic reality were manifest everywhere. They were as conventional as a cathedral gargoyle, as revolutionary as a theocratic kingdom and as freakish as Albrecht Diirer's illustrations for Revelation. They were at times subtle and at times outrageous, but ubiqmtously cogent. Apocalypticism was not the innovation of those outside the church, men and women suspect of heresy. It was the habitat of the clergy and the laity inside the church, people key to ecclesiastical vitality. In light of an apocalj^tic reality that was so pervasive and relevant, we have to ask: How did doomsday fear affect understandings of reform? Why did an aging bishop work to salvage a shipwrecked church if demonic hosts were poised to destroy it?^^ Bernard McGinn has outlined four models to explain the relationship between apocalypticism and reform during the Middle Ages. But his analysis does not allow for the sixteenth-century view

and for Savonarola in particular see WEINSTEIN, Savonarola; and idem, "Explaining God's Acts." About see Kampers, Die deutsche Kaiseridee; KURZE, "Johannes Lichtenberger;" and BARNES, Propheq/ and Gnosis. ^'^"Navicula autem Petri penitus non extinguetur, sed reformabitur." OE 39,8. 20 that equated reform and apocalypse.^^ Provided we read Piirstinger through lenses that filter the bright light of apocalypticism, we discover a vertical dimension to reform (the reformatio Christi) superimposed on traditional horizontal aspects of reform (preaching the gospel; returning to apostolic poverty).^^ We also find that anticlericalism plays a different role in the reformatio Christi than in reform programs for "head and members." Along the horizontal axis, reform is a response to abuses, an effort to restore the church to its former pristine state.^^ In this case, anticlericalism engenders reform.^® Along the vertical axis, the reverse is true. Manifestations of discontent are the fruit of divine judgment, the early grapes of final wrath. The inevitable reformatio Christi did not require engendering, according to Piirstinger. His criticism of the clergy was first and foremost a response in obedience to God,

^^Bemard MCGINN, "Church Reform and Apocalypticism, 1050-1400," a paper delivered at the AHA (New York, , 1997). A revised version of the paper will be included in the forthcoming three-volume Dictionary of the Apocalypse. About Luther's understanding of Christ as Reformer, the "endzeitliche Transformation" (what I call the vertical dimension), and about Luther's own role in "weltliche Besserung" (what 1 call the horizontal dimension), see OBERMAN, "Luther — Vorlaufer der Reformation," passim, but esp. 97f, 104f. Oberman's analysis of Luther's commentary on Psalm 10 (from Operationes in Psalmos, 1519-1521), is especially relevant here because Piirstinger uses Luther to explain the reformatio Christi (see 37, fe. 80, and 170 fhs. 56, 57). ^^STRAUSS, Manifestations of Discontent, ix-xxii. According to Piirstinger, reform along the horizontal axis would happen in three stages: "Hoc autem ordine fieri reformationem ponunt: Primo fratres mendicantes aliique religiosi qui ad sustentandam ecclesiam in sexto statu electi erant sed nunc deficiunt, ideo pro eorum excessibus punientur et reformabuntur. Deinde ecclesia rediet ad paupertatis integritatem, nam tempore futuri angelid pastoris et duorum suorum successorum romani pontifices sponte renundabunt omni dominio tempwrali spiritualibus dumtaxat operam daturi. Tandem per condlium generate ordinabitur quod de caetero praelati et clerus habeant solummodo victum et amictum r\aturaeque necessaria reiectis omnibus pompis, delitiis, bonis ultra necessitatem superfluis in pauperum usus distribuendis. Interim ecdesia in paupertate gloriabitur usque ad Antichristi adventum." OE 16,9 (using ABBAS JOACHIM). ^®About "Die Anfange der Reformation im Antiklerikalismus" see GOERTZ, PfaffenhafS, 52-68. This view is contested by Thomas Brady and Martin Brecht in DYKEMA / OBERMAN (eds.), Anticlericalism, 167-169, 343-350. 21 not a reaction to immorality. "The terrible act of insurrection last summer was wrought on us by God as a vile plague [Widerwartigkeit], to move us to contrition and repentance," wrote Piirstinger in a political statement to the territorial estates (January, 1526) while explaining a recent wave of peasant rebellion as the genesis of God's reform (May-August, 1525). "His divine justice requires that sinful people bewail and bemoan [their misdeeds]. The proximity of the reformatio Christi unleashed Piirstinger's anger and empowered his pen to criticize the world that Christ would judge. In one sense, he believed that the antichrist was loose because moral virtue and ethical responsibility was decaying at unprecedented speed. In another sense, he knew that during the final stage of the church, the reformatio into which he was born, an apocalyptic plague of anticlericalism would strike. God commanded the faithful in these last days to wage war on his sanctuary, instructing them specifically to start with the clergy. Piirstinger's criticism of the papacy, chastisement of bishops and reproof of princes was equally a description of what to expect as an admonition of what to change. The immoral human condition implied that God would arrive in short order to judge the world once and for all. Likewise, the signs of an imminent divine advent implied the corrupt human condition.^o

^^PORSTINGER, Ratschlag, in Appendix B, no. 2, at 238.157-161. 2®This statenient draws on the important distinction between prophecy and apocalypticism as delineated by Heiko Oberman: 'Trophecy judges the human condition on the basis of the acts of God; apocalypticism judges the acts of God on the basis of the human moral condition. The focus of attention of prophecy is directed from God's acts in history, for example, the Exodus from Egypt, to the moral implications these acts might have for the people of the Covenant. The focus of attention of apocalypticism is directed from the moral state of the people of the Covenant, that is, the Church, to the implied future acts of God." OBERMAN, Forerunners, 12. Using Oberman's distinction, Donald Weinstein argues that "Savonarola was a prophet and an apocalyptic." WEINSTEIN, "Explaining God's Acts," 207. So was Piirstinger. Indeed many "prophets" and "apocalyptics" had one foot in each world. 22

Apocalyptic anticlericalism is not limited in scope to "attitudes and forms of behavior" that engendered action against the perceived unjust privileges of the clergy.21 Behind Purstinger's anticlericalism was a divine commission. As prophets from Isaiah to Malachi were told by God to declare his righteous anger against Israel, Piirstinger preached imminent divine wrath. His invective belonged to the apocalj^se and specifically to the last chapter of the militant church, which would close with Christ's return. Piirstinger was a prophet of doom and the church was rotten at its core. Priests were "loathsome" and for that reason Christ would initiate his judgment against them.22 As soldiers normally first assault ramparts of a city then later plunder the goods, so Christ triumphs in the church by attacking the walls, namely clerics, before turning to the laity.23 Although one historian commented recently that "the Bible did not absolutely require an attack on clergy,"^^ Piirstinger argued the opposite view.^^ Indeed, the

"Anticlericalism is a collective term.... Properly understood, it describes attitudes and forms of behavior which ... engendered literary, political or physical action against what were perceived as unjust privileges constituting the legal, political, economic, sexual, sacred or social power of the clergy." A sununary of deliberations at the international conference on "Anticlericalism in Late Medieval and Early Modem Europe" (Tucson, Arizona, 1990). DYKEMA / OBERMAN (eds.), Anticlericalism, x ^"Sacerdotes sunt mihi [i.e. Christo] omnio odiosi, ideo iudicium meum in clero et ab aitari meo incipiam." OE 38,2 (citing BRIDGET, Revelationes, 2,48). ^"(2uae quidem ruina in clero incipiet; nam quando aliqua civitas expugnatur, initio turres ac muri aliaque fortalitia civitatis demoliuntur quo facilius reliquum corpus civitatis obtineatur. Ideo primum clerus tanquam murus et domus n\aior ruet, postea reliqui Christiani tanquam domus minor sdndentur." OE 38,1. 2'^KARANT-NUNN, "Qerical Anticlericalism," 526. ^"Mandavit dominus ut ei sanctuarium facerent filii Israel, in quorum medio habitaret [Ex 25:8]. Et ut paverent ne illud macularent [Lev 26:2], sed sanctifcarent ac mundarent omnemque immundidam de sanctuario auferent [2 Par 295], e quo Deus eos respiceret tanquam de excelso celorum habitaculo [Deut 26:15]. Postea domus Israel fecit abominationes magnas ut Deus procul a sanctuario suo recederet [Ezek 8:6]. Dumque enarraret calamitates obinde futuras ait: A sanctuario meo incipite, id est a viris ecclesiasticis, qui polluerunt sanctuarium meum [Ezek 9:5-6]. Hinc Amos propheta: Ecce dominus mandamt, et percutiet domum maiorem ruinis, et domum minorem scissionibus [Amos 6:12]. Et sic tota domus a Deo censetur deserta. Nunc 23

apocalyptic plague against the clergy, as prophesied in Scripttire, had in his

estimation already commenced.26 Thus, more descriptive of Piirstinger than prophetic anticlericalism is the iirgent expression apocalyptic anticlericalism. This is not to suggest that Piirstinger was unaware of abuses, and far less to intimate that he failed to ground his charges in historical example. On the one hand, he often generalized and even ventured estimates. Cardinals were arrogant, greedy and lusty — the church's rusty hinges (a play on the words cardinales and car dines).They worshipped pomp and hunted benefices. If one acquired two hundred benefices, another might have three

hundred.28 Bishops were savage wolves appointed to their office through illegitimate means rather than fair elections.They were "pimps, sycophants, idiots and low-lifers.Your average churchman "worked

itaque ab imo usque ad summum sacerdotem purganda erit ecclesia, purgabuntur namque filii Levi ab iniquitatibus suis, qui seipsos ultro purgare noluerunt, quoniam dispersi sunt lapides sanctmrii, id est membra ecclesiae [Lam 4:1].... Qerus non solum ob suam sed etiam populi culpam turbabitur. Nam in Levitico didtur, propter peccatum populi, sanctuarium esse expiandum ab immunditiis et prevaricationibus et cunctis peccatis filiorum Israel [Lev 16:32- 34]." 0£ 38, proem. 26"Ecce tribulatio modo irruninens incipiet (prout partim incepit) a clero propter suas exorbitantias." OE 38,2. ^^"Ceterum de cardinalibus loquamur, qui sunt papae collaterales, veluti apostoli fuerunt collaboratores Christi in came hie degentis, ipsi autem tanquam cardines terrae sunt domini Dei, qui posuit super eos orbem [1 Reg 2:8], id est ecclesiam terrestrem et militantem.... Cardinales extenti et effusi sunt ad omnem sufjerbiam, cupiditatem et delectamentum camis, ut formidandum sit iam finem adesse, de quo Deus per prophetam ait: Venit finis super populum meum Israel; non adiiciam ultra ut pertranseam eum. Et stridebunt cardines templi in die ilia [Amos 8:2], quasi didt quia cardines ecclesiae Romanae sunt rubiginosi." OE 19,17. 28"Quid utilitatis ecclesiae confert tam magnifica prindpum gloria tam superflua cardinalium fx)mpa? Quae utique abominatio quod unus ducenta alter trecenta beneficia ecclesiastica occupat?" OE 19,19. ^^"Ego scio quoniam intrabunt post discessionem meant lupi rapaces in vos, scilicet episcopos, non parcentes gregi [Act 20:29].... Plures ambitione perversa via quam electione et legitime tramite praelati praefiduntur." OE 20,2. ^^"Contra canonum praecepta penes se tenent lenones, adulatores, buffones, vanitatibus vacantes..." OE 20,3. 24

harder getting laid by prostitutes than at meeting the needs of the poor."^^ On

the other hand, Piirstinger referred to specific cases. In support of his claim that bishops had no business wielding temporal authority in secular affairs, he told of two bishops (one still alive in 1519), who had dressed in full armor as captains of an army and fought on the battlefield.^^ To demonstrate that the papacy itself could fall spell to evil spirits, he invoked the widely held belief about a woman pope, who had become pregnant while in office and gave birth to a child.^^ Indeed, Piirstinger kept himself abreast of current events and observed corruption in the church. Our correction means only to allow for forms of anticlericalism, which were not caused by attitudes and behavior in the clergy. Some critics discovered their mandate for faultfinding in ecclesiastical decay, others found it in divine revelation. If we underplay Piirstinger's conviction about the dawning apocalyptic plague against the clergy, we risk misunderstanding his use of Scripture. He did not need evidence of corruption to wax anticlerical, nor proof-texts to justify his

outrage. Like Gog and Magog, the plague against the clergy belonged to the last days. Anticlericalism was part of the apocalypse. The root cause of Piirstinger's anticlericalism must be understood as both horizontal and vertical: it was engendered by abuses in the clergy and mandated as a

commission from God.

^^"ecclesiastici plures expenduntur in usus meretricantium quam indigentium pauperum." OE 8,4. ^^"Novi episcopos duos, quorum alter adhuc in humanis est, qui velut duces et capitanei exercitus, cappis, rochetis librisque postergatis, gladium super brachium suum et arma sumpserunt, metati sunt castra in campis digladiati usque ad hostium pugnam." OE 20,5. ^^"Verum quidem ecclesia a spiritu sancto regitxir, sed eius rectores tanquam homines fragiles quandoque a spiritu maligno exagitantur.... Ita foemina Agnes, quae ultra biennium papatum occupavit, impregnatur ac palam peperit prolem." OE 19,4. On the place of this comment in the larger history of the legend, see DOLLINGER, Papst-Fabeln, 22. 25

Given the vast recent literature on late-medieval and early-modern reform movements — with its rich and multifaceted analysis of conciliar, rural, commimal, monastic, evangelical, radical, urban and princely aspects of reform — it is surprising how little has been written about the apocalyptic character of reform. Calls for reform everywhere, in all confessions, sounded an end-of-the-word message. Giles of Viterbo (tl532), general vicar of the Augustinians, invoked evidence of the apocalypse to swing an ecumenical coimcil toward Christian renewal: "When were signs, portents and omens from heaven so threatening, or from earth so terrifying, appearing oftener or more ghastlyAndreas Osiander (tl552), Lutheran reformer in Nuremberg, dted IJohn 2:18 to persuade city magistrates to convert to the new teaching; "This is the last hour," he warned, "as you have heard that the

antichrist is coming, even now many antichrists have arisen."^^ Likewise,

^^"Quando obiter monstra, portenta, prodigia, turn caeli minitantis turn terrae expavescentis, aut crebriora aut horribiliora, apparuere?" GILES, "Oratio prima S5modi Lateranensis," col. 675 C. The language of doomsday preaching was nothing new to the clergy gathered for Fifth Lateran (1512-1517). In their preaching decree {"Circa modum praedicandi," 1516), the bishops warned against false teachers, who, by inventing testimony and fabricating miracles, spread error, fraud and panic. The statutes prohibit preachers from specifying a fixed time for future evil, the coming of the antichrist or the precise day of judgment: "Tempus quoque praefixum futurorum malorum, vel antichrist! adventum, aut certum diem iudicii pradicare vel asserere nequaquam praesumant" (COD, 637.1-3). Moreover, they instructed preachers to abstain from pubbdy assailing the sordid pastimes of bishops, prelates and other authorities (and here Purstinger fell at odds with the offical teaching of the church): "... ab episcoporum et praelatorum ac aliorum superiorum, eorumque status scandalosa detractione, quos coram vxilgo et laicis non modo incaute, sed etiam intemperanter reprehendunt et mordent, et ab eis nrale gestorum expressis quandoque nominibus aperta et manifesta redargutione abstineant" (COD, 637.16-21). See further, MINNICH, "Concepts of Reform," esp. 168-173; and VENARD, "Laterankonzil," esp. 337f. ^^See fn. 1 (= 1 John 2:18). Osiander's German translation of the verse reads: "...es ist die letzst stunde. Und wie ir gehort habt, das der anthicrist kombt, und sein vil anthicrist worden." OSIANDER, Ratschlag (before 10 December 1524), in Gesamtausgabe, I, no. 25, 319-380, here at 363.12-14. The Ratschlag was signed by three men — Schleupner, Osiander and Venatorus — but Osiander was the principal if not only author (WONSCH and FUNK, "Der grofie Niimberger Ratschlag," 299-319, here at 314-316). Another Ratschlag, shortly 26

European Jewry at the turn of the sixteenth century, in reaction to the violence of new and renewed expulsions — forced out of Salzburg in 1498^^ — waited for the End with the return of the lost ten tribes of Israel, an apocalyptic form of messianism.^^ For Piirstinger, in Salzburg, reform belonged to the sixth stage (or status) of the church,^® during the beginning of which he himself lived and at the close of which Christ would return. Until then, Satan would seek to increase wretchedness in every situation that God would suffer it.

The Burden and the Beast

nunc magis quam tunc iniquitas abunda^^ For Piirstinger the world was rushing to meet its end at the speed of the four horsemen galloping into the apocal)^se.'^ The antichrist was unchained (figure A1 at 202). The evil Turk was killing innocent women and children (figure A4 at 209). And Gog and Magog would soon leave their mountain-top prison near the Caspian Sea (figures 3.10 and 3.11 at 141). Such was the beast. Under these circumstances, the church had to endure until the long-awaited.

thereafter, dealt directly with the antichrist (called both the entchristen and antchrist). Idem, Ratschlag (between 10 and 23 December 1524), no. 27, esp. 383.11-13 and 384.12-17. 2^See M. J. Wenninger, "Die Geschichte der Juden in S^burg," in GS 1/2, 747-56. ^^See GOW, Red Jews, esp. 26-36. 3®"Sicut enim Deus sex diebus perfedt opera sua, et sexto die factus est homo ad imaginem Dei, et sexta aetate generis humani filius Dei venit in carne et factus est filius homirus ut nos redimeret, sic sextus nunc status ecclesiae agitur, quo ecclesiae membra per divineis correptiones reformabuntur Christo tandem in spiritu adventure." OE 16, proem. TTie seven stages [status) of the church are explained below, M-66. 3yOE 36^. "^For Piirstinger on the four horsemen of the Apoccilj^jse (Rev 6:1-8) see OE 10,2 (equus albus); OE 11,1 (equus rufus); OE 12,3 (equus niger) and OE 13,7 (equus pallidus). The horse of truth had fallen back, having been bitten by the serpent, namely the son of perdition (OE 61,1). For a dramatic woodcut of the galloping four horsemen, as imagined by Albrecht Diirer, see KURTH (ed.), Diirer, 113. 27 repeatedly-promised but ever-delayed reformatio Christi, while suffering the harsher penalties of its own lengthy register of crimes, follies and misfortunes, and while experiencing the weight of God's wrath. The bride of Christ, for those daring to venture imorthodox analogies, had become the whore of Babylon.^^ The church could no longer be reformed until first destroyed.'^^ Such was the biarden. Piirstinger employed the phrase Onus ecclesiae with two meanings in mind; Burden of the Church and Oracle about the Church^^ The words "Burden" and "Oracle" in the title and subtitle of this study hearken to this double entendre. Doomsday alarm — replete with attending monsters, demons, false popes, last-world emperors, angelic pastors, antichrists and diabolic campaigns — not only engendered but also helped sustain reform movements. That is to say, the hopes and fears that created an apocalyptic

^^"Hinc ecclesia nuncupatur meretrix, non defectu sui nec in semetipsa quoad eius sacramenta, sed in suis membris, quae sunt ecclesiae per baptismum copulata s^ cum diabolo fomicata. Ecclesia quippe est hodie collecta in Babylone, id est in christianitate confusa." 0£, 43,3. This passage did not go unnoticed in 1584 by the Protestant commentator on Revelation, Sebastian Meyer: 'Torro cap. 43 disserit [= Purstinger] de ecclesia perversa sub papa falso, quae ut sit nuncupatur meretrix magna in Apocalypsi, et quod ipsa sit Roma." MEYER,/n apocalypsim, 61r (I am thankful to Irena Backus for pointing me to Meyer's Commentary). About the Council of Vienne and its condemnation of Peter John Olivi, for calling the church "magna meretrix" (pre-session, 1 March 1311), see HUCK, Ubertino, 40-45. "^"Ecclesia non nisi post suam ruinam restaurari potest." OE 31,10. '^The objective genitive, "Burden of the Q\urch," is picked up in Purstinger's use of the word "Onus" in OE 16,6; 20,12; 21,12; 24,2; 60,4. The subjective genitive, "Oracle about the Church," is used by Purstinger in OE 43,6 and draws on the frequent use of the word "Onus" in Isaiah: onus Babylonis (Is. 13:1), onus Moab (Is. 15:1), onus Damasci (Is. 17:1), onus Aegypti (Is. 19:1), onus deserti maris (Is. 21:1), onus vallis visionis (Is. 22:1). Onus ecclesiae is the incipit of Purstinger's work. Viepeckius first used it as the title (see Appendix A). In his praefatio correctoris, which refers to Isaiah, Viepeckius wrote: "Onus ecclesiae immo totius mundi inquam non (ut apud evangelicum ilium vatem Esaiam in multis sui vaticinii capitibus) onus Babylonis, onus Moab, onus Damasd, onus Aegypti, onus deserti maris, onus Duma, onus in Arabia, onus vallis visionis, onus Tyri, onus iumentorum Austri, sed Onus ecclesiae, sub gloriosissimo Austriae archigenearcha Carolo, Romanorum Augusto, mundo huic pene in omnium vitiorum baratrum demerso iamiamque superventuro. Onus ecclesiae quo futuram ac prope instantem desolatae ecclesiae calamitatem Christigenis patefecit." 28 culture also nourished it. Each new inauspicious sign and reported wonder made believable the prodigious, cataclysmic drama as predicted in Scripture or as proclaimed by modem apocalyptics. "I cannot write enough about this horrific flood," remarked a Tyrolean chronicler concerning a summer storm in 1520. Its wake of destruction has proven "fiercer and stronger" than any in memory. "God protect us from the flood coming (as learned people say) in 1524."'^^ If visions, signs, monstrous events, prophecies and prognostications were, as Ottavia Niccoli called them, "the paraphernalia of a culture,"'^^ for Piirstinger they were a citadel of darkness, signs of dangerous times. At a minimum, they provided material for moralizing on the vicissitudes of history and the penalties of chance that spare neither individuals nor institutions.

The apocalypse inspired a full spectrum of expectations, from pessimism to optimism. Indeed, faith in an inuninent end,^^ forged in hope for a blessed eternal hereafter,'^^ seldom weakened even at the disappointment of delay. And hope carried believers as far as the grave: "The day of one's death," announced an optimistic epitaph on an otherwise macabre grave-marker in Salzburg, "is better than the day of one's birth" (figure 1).^® Yet between hope for a glorious eternity and despair of the

kan von disem wasser erschrockenlichs nit genug schreiben. Got behuet uns vor dem gewasser, das erst kumen sol (als die gelerten sagen) im 1524. Jar." KIRCHMAIR, Denkwurdigkeiten, 449, 28-30. Georg Kirchmair (1481-1554) was Okonomieverwalter and Hofrichter for the monastery Neustift (canons regular) in Brixen (now south ). "^^NICCOLI, Prophecy and People, xvi. 46"Ergo nemo dubitare debet calamitates revelatas esse aliquando futuras, tametsi operationes praentinciatae diversimode eveniant." OE 2,6. ^^"Demum post extremum iudicium idem quietus status plene complebitur in vita sempitema." OE 9,7. "^^The full text reads (for Johannes Serlinger, +3 February 1511): "Melius est nomen bonum quam ugenenta predosa, et dies mortis die nativitatis. Melius est ire ad domum luctus quam ad domum convivii. Melior est ira risu, quia per tristiciam vultus corrigitur animus 29

dismal present stood final judgment, the proof of which was ever present and convincing. As long as ecclesiastical failure, social crisis, natural disaster, political scandal and individual ruin threatened the feeble order of the "macrocosm," while disease infected irmocent victims, and warfare claimed

harmless children, people had reason to believe that God would soon judge the world by allowing Satan to destroy it. Unexpected delay could even bolster doomsday faith, since no matter how terrible life seemed, circumstances could always get worse.'^^ "Get up, my lord!" shouted a servant, rousing the future emperor Carl FV from his sleep, "the end is here, for the entire world is filled with locusts."^® Little did his majesty's servant know then, in 1338, that ten years later an earthquake would kill as many as 10,000 in Carinthia,^^ and worse still a plague claim roughly one in every three Europeans during what eventually earned the indelible appellation "Black Death."52 More contagious than bubonic plague, however, was apocalyptic fever. Preachers were as quick to quote Daniel and Revelation as peasants to call

delinquentis. Cor sapientium ubi tristicia est, et cor stultorum ubi laetitia. Melius est a sapiente corripi quam stultorum adulatione decipi. Ecclesistes vii." See further, WALTZ, "Grabdenkmaler," no. 127,145-155, here at 146. '^^"in fine quinti status ecclesiae et in decursu sexti status (in quo nunc sumus ...) ecclesia praesertim latina tantam patientur tribulatationem quantam hactenus non sit perpessa." 0£ 2,4. ^^"Domine, surgatis, dies novissimus adest, quia totus mundus plenus est locustis." CARL rv (emperor). Vita caroli quarti. Die Autobiographie Karls IV, 142.12-13. About the 1348 earthquake in Villach (estimated between 7 and 8 on the Mercalli- Sieberg scale), and the range of claims for the number of dead, see BORST, "Erdbeben;" and HODL, "Die Glocken lauteten." Cf. OE 4,10. ^^The population of Europe at the time of the plague was 75-80 million; after the plague it fell to roughly 50 million. See , 'Topulation," in HEH, 1,1-50, here at 1 and 11. In Salzburg, the plague claimed 40-70% of the population in the mountains, and 25-30% in the flatlands. See Heinz EXJPSCH, "Besiedelung und Bevolkerung," in GS I/l, 347-360, here at 353f. About the Black Death and a related apocalyptic mentality see LERNER, "The Black Death," passim. mm •jn-irip

figure 1 St. Peter's Cemetery, Salzburg figure 2 The Jaws of Hell, Bourges Cathedral ^ (for a transcription of the text, see fn. 48) (see below, 81-91, with figures 2.1 - 2.11) o 31

their landlord the antichrist. Prophets announced it, actors portrayed it, theologians taught it, astrologers predicted it, monastic prayers lamented it, almanacs dated it, pamphleteers advertised it and masters of stained-glass made sure that sunlight passed through it before entering a cathedral (figure 2). Individual believers rearranged particular elements of the apocalyptic myth, to make their own mundane experiences more urgent and to add prophetic relevance to their routine lives. Physicians examined urine and blood in search of disease, while sailors studied wind and clouds looking for storms, and peasants in their "rustic" fashion predicted flooding and

drought.^3 por disease and disaster were sure signs of the end times.='^ Yet nearly everyone believed in some version of an unpleasant end approaching at imrelenting speed. Onus ecdesiae is just one example from the myriad miscellaneous artifacts to have survived the injuries of time, bequeathed to us from a sixteenth-century apocalyptic world.^^ My use of the term "apocalyptic" embraces at once more and less than Bernard McGinn's definition of "apocalypticism" and Norman Cohn's description of "millenarianism." The following chapters help clarify the larger and smaller pictures. Yet, here, a preliminary working definition is in

53purstinger warns his readers about the evils of astrology; "Medicus enim ex lotio non ex astro, ex pulsu venarum non ex motu sphaerarum pronosdt. Nauta non ex love vel Satumo, sed ex vento, ex nubibus, ex aeris conditione tempestatibus praesagit. Agricola ex rusticis observationibus pluviam vel aestum praevidet." OE 51,12. About disease (namely syphilis) see below, fn. 67; about disaster (and specifically storms) s^ OE 17,15. ^^The literature on apocalypticism during the intertestamental fjeriod, the centuries of late antiquity and the middle ages is vast: on Jewish messianism after the destruction of the second temple (167 BCE) see SCHOLEM, The Messianic Idea; regarding later Christian forms of apocalypticism see SCHMITHALS, The Apocalyptic Movement; about the late-medieval period see DOLLINGER, "Weissagungsglaube;" GRUNDMANN, Studien iiber Joachim; COHN, The Pursuit of the Millennium; MCGINN, Visions of the End; and REEVES, T/ie Influence of Prophecy. 32 order: The chief characteristic of apocaljqjtic culture is that people experience "things to come" already in the present, and that calanuty signals portending doom, indeed imminent judgment. There is no need to await the end. It has already dawned. As Osiander commented, "this is the last hour;"'^ and as

Piirstinger wrote, "it has already begun."57 Manifestations of this reality are anchored in signs and wonders that foreshadow crisis and vindication, in keeping with either theological prophecies or astrological forecasts. McGinn found three elements common to texts drawn from ancient and medieval apocalyptic traditions: 1) a sense of structured history divinely predetermined; 2) an attitude of pessimism with a conviction of imminent crisis; and 3) a belief in pending judgment accompanied by the triumph of good.^® Norman Cohn discovered five characteristics shared by millenarian sects, each group of which pictured salvation as collective, terrestrial, imminent, total and miraculous.^^ Although helpful as descriptions for apocalyptic documents and millenarian movements, these definitions are both too comprehensive and too restrictive to explain apocalyptic culture.

They say too much because not every observer inferred from signs and wonders that history was divinely predetermined or that salvation was collective. Events as common as an urban fire and reactions as homespun as horror could contribute to a climate of anxiety, suggestive of doom. To be apocal)^tic, monsters and apparitions did not have to promise the triumph of good or the advent of terrestrial salvation, only the present end of the world.

^^See above fn. 35. ^^See above fn. 26. ^®MCGINN, Visions of the End, 10. S^COHN, The Pursuit, 15. 33

The same definitions say too little because doomsday ideas were not confined to theological themes and prophetic history. McGiim characterized apocalypticism as "a species of the genus eschatology," since not all beliefs regarding the end were apocalyptic, only those with a sense of proximity to final judgment.^® This definition is helpful only if "eschatology" is understood broadly, as beliefs about the end of time, not as a single doctrine belonging to the study of theology. Books on profane topics were as apocalyptic as commentaries on Revelation — sometimes even more so — and doomsday fear in astrology was as potent as judgment-day anxiety in theology.The same sign could be interpreted by astrologers to mean a devastating universal flood and by theologians to adumbrate final divine judgment — both scenarios being eschatological, and, if imminent, even apocalyptic.^^ To be sure, not all astrology was apocalyptic, only predictions of imminent ruin. Nor was every dreadful prophecy, wondrous sign or natural disaster apocalyptic. Even so, each of these contributed to the apocalyptic reality. A blood red comet streaking across a cyan evening sky was certainly

^®MCGINN, Visions of the End, 3. ^^From our modem perspective, the line between 'sacred' and 'profane' is blurred. Paracelsus already mcikes a first rational step in that direction. According to him, David and Solomon were subject to Heaven, and therefore their destinies could not be read in the stars. But Caesar and Barbarossa belonged to ordinary history, and so their fates did fall within the competence of astrology. PARACELSUS, Von den wurderbarlichen ... Zeichen (1534), Sudhoff edition, IX, 431, as dted in KURZE, "Prophecy and History," 76. According to Purstinger, astrology and eschatology had nothing to do with each other: the former was the creation of the devil; the latter belonged to the church's treasure of divine revelation. OE 52: "De illicita astrologia." For Melanchthon, however, eschatology and astrology did overlap. See CAROTI, "Melanchthon's Astrology," passim. ^^"Darumb ich daraiiff stehe, das der hymlischen schciren bewegung sey gewiszlich die tzukunfftige constellation der planeten, daruber die stemmeyster sagen, es solle eyne syndflut bedeutten, got gebe, das der iungst tag sey, wilchen sie gewiszlich bedeuttet." LUTHER, Wartburg Advent Postille (1522), V^A 10.1/2, 108.1-4. 34 monstrous; when foreshadowing universal disaster in the near future it was apocalyptic.^^ Paintings of final judgment were always foreboding; if picturing divine vindication close at hand they were apocalj^tic, as in representations of people trapped inside the jaws of Leviathan.^"^ Rather few signs and apparitions were apocalyptic by nature, as the Great Antichrist who would come only at the end of time, or Gog and Magog who would escape only in the last days. Even so, the majority of monsters and wonders were at least potentially apocalyptic. Reports of comets and demons, while common, signaled the apocalypse when in sharp increase. The devil, boimd imtil the last days, would be loosed one final time to wreak unprecedented havoc iconfiisio);^^ and the multiplying numbers of apparitions were undeniable evidence of his unshackling. During Piirstinger's lifetime, both astrologers and theologians lamented the obvious increase in supernatural phenomena. Joseph Griinpeck, court astrologer for Maximilian I, warned of portenta and ostenta in greater numbers.^^ Luther noted that falling stars, eclipses and comets came more frequently than before, recently joined by the outbreak of an unknown French disease (namely syphilis).^^ Piirstinger was, in other words, one among many apocalyptics.

63See below, 121-125 ^See below, 81-91. 65OE 16,4. ^"Legimus, inquam, maiorum nostrorum temporibus multa in coelo prodigia et in terra portentosa monstra crebro apparuisse.... At utrum eadem tempora, quibus haec ostenta obtingerunt huic nostro saeculo huiuscemodi portentorum vel ostentorum frequentia et admiratione atque inde hiunanarum rerum turbulentia comparari possint, baud facile dixerim. Istud inficiari potest nemo: vix ulla hominum aetate tam crebra et stupenda prodigia mortasitatem [sic] occupasse quam hiis nostris diebus magno cum terrore." GRONPECK, Speculum naturalis, fols. ciiii'*' - aiv*" (.emphasis mine). ^^"Ich meyne aber, das wir ynwendig tzehen odder tzwelff iaren solch wind, solch rausschen und brauszen gehabt und gehort haben, on was noch werden will, das ich kaumet glewb, dels tzuvor yhe eyn tzeyt szo grosse unnd szo viel wind und brauszen babe erhoret. Unnd das ist auch tzu b^encken, ob vor tzeytten diszer tzeychen ettliche, und selden, auch eyntzelen 35

Doomsday alarm was neither more intense nor more influential in Salzburg during Purstinger's life than apocalypticism elsewhere, before or after. The question of quantity, that seeks to discover the great concentrations of apocalypticism, is neither answerable nor, even if it were, particularly instructive.^® We find apocalypticism everywhere in plenty.^^ The argument here does not concern the comparative degree of alarm — whether Piirstinger was more or less apocalyptic than his contemporaries elsewhere — but rather the scope of the cultvire — whether apocalypticism was as marginal as historians have painted it.

We do hear different voices, seldom novel but generally distinguishable. Living across the street from Piirstinger was the itinerant theologian, physician, prophet and alchemist, Theophrastus Bombastus von Hohenheim, better known as Paracelsus (tl541).70 Like Piirstinger, Paracelsus pictured the world in a perilous equilibrium, balanced between truth and falsehood, jxistice and inequity, light and darkness yet also between Christ and

geweszen sind. Szo gehen sie doch itzt mit dem hauffen semptlich daher, und nicht selden, szondemn viel und offt, denn unszer tzeytt die sihet tzugleych Sonn unnd Monsche5m vorlieren, steme fallen, menschen bange werden, grosse wind unnd wasser brauszen, und was mehr gesagt ist. Es kompt alle auff ejmen hauffen. Szo haben wyr auch daneben Cometen gesehen, unnd newlich sind viel creutz vom hymel gefallen, und ist mit unter auch auffkomen die new unerhorete kranckeyt der frantzosen." LUTHER, Wartburg Advent Pastille (1522),WA 10.1/2, 104.10-21. ^®See my summary of the literature toward the end of fn. 12). ^^Bryan Ball was so intent to show that apocalypticism had reached its "apogee" during the middle decades of the seventeenth century in England, that he built conclusions on hasty judgments: "By the middle of the seventeenth century men had believed for almost a hundred years that the end of the world was at hand.... The earliest interest in the Apocalypse and the Antichrist preceded the rise of Puritanism by a good many years. Even Foxe could not lay claim to pioneering the field of apocalyptic interpretation." BALL, Great Expectation, 8. ^^Between 1524 and 1525, Paracelsus lived on the Pfeifergasse, ten steps away from Purstinger's residence in Chiemseehof. About Paracelsus in Salzburg see DOPSCH / GOLDAMMER / KRAMML (eds.), Paracelsus; and DOPSCH / KRAMML (eds.), Paracelsus. The older articles by MARTIN, "Paracelsus," and KLEIN, "Taracelsus," are still helpful. 36

Satan7^ Before Paracelsus died, he wrote six sermons in Salzburg on the subject of the antichrist and false prophets7^ "We find the antichrist sitting on the seat of Moses," he declared, "prefigured in the Old Testament to mean the Holy See of St. Peter. These are the wolves. These are the antichrists."''^

Living in Vienna, though often traveling through Salzburg, was the imperial advisor, ambassador and hvimanist, Johaimes Cuspinianus (tl529). His personal diary shows that non-theologians were likewise anxious to read the signs of the times. Regular entries, staccato and frugal, are limited to single words (like "Salzburg") or abbreviated phrases (like "Mother died"). Yet they are complete enough to betray an acute sense of increased calamity. In pithy year-end summaries, he described the year 1517 as "productive, balanced and calm,"'''^ the year 1519, when Piirstinger wrote Onus ecclesiae, as

"anxious, morose and turbulent,"^^ and the following year as more of the

mir nun von noten gewesen und augenscheinlich, dafi ich mehr soil die warheit dann die liigen cinnemben, mehr die gerechtigkeit dan die ungerechtigkeit, mehr das liecht dann die finstemus, mehr Christum dann Satanam." PARACELSUS, De Secretis secretorum theologiae, in Werke, III, 169.22 - 170.2. This should help qualify what Schmuck wrote: "Die Versuchung, die Geschichte als kommunizierendes Gefafi von menschlichem Unrecht und gottlicher Gerechtigkeit zu sehen, wird dabei nicht immer bestanden. In derselben Perspektive liegen Tendenzen, Geschichte unter Vemachlassigung aller Zwischentone auf ein Drama zwischen Gott und dem Teufel zu reduzieren." SCHMUCK, Onus ecclesiae, 187. ^^The six so-called "sermons" (or better "treatises," since Paracelsus did not likely preach them), completed in 1540, have been overlooked by Paracelsus scholars and Salzburg Landeshistoriker. TTiey were first printed in 1619, but never incorporated into a Paracelsus edition (see SUDHOFF, Bibliographia, 520f, no. 311; and idem, Schriften, 596f, no. 108). I have used a manuscript copy of the first "sermo de adventu antichrist!" (SalzUB: M H 101, no. 10) together with the 1619 printed edition, PARACELSUS, Liber sermonwn (SMCA, 2752; and BayStB, Bibl.Sud. 1433). For Paracelsus on the end times see GOLDAMMER, "Paracelsische Eschatologie." Less critical and profound is the article "Das Ende der Welt" in DOMANDL, Paracelsus, 92-95. 73"So finden wir den Antichrist auff Mosis Stuel sitlien, der im alten Testament praefiguriert ist worden, zu bedeuten den Stul Petri. Das seindt nun die Wolffe. Das seindt die Antichristen." PARACELSUS, Uber sermonum, 8. 74>'Yotus ille annus fuit fertilissimus et sanissimus ac temperatus." CUSPINIANUS, Tagebuch, 408. 75'Totus hie annus mestus est, et lugubris fuit ac sediciosus." CUSPINIANUS, Tagebuch, 412. 37 same7^ Then in 1525, with peasant unrest at its height, Cuspinianus wrote a full paragraph (remarkable for a twenty-five-year diary that fills only seventeen pages): "The whole year was dreadful, unmercifvil, savage and grim.... Few good men have escaped without injury to reputation, honor, person and property."^^ description of terrible times by itself is hardly apocalyptic; but the sharp sense of increase is7® With the devil unshackled, lamented Piirstinger, "now more than ever (nunc magis cum tunc) wickedness abounds."^^ For Piirstinger, Paracelsus and Cuspinianus demons and cosmic deadlines were real. The principles of destruction acted everjnvhere with spirited and increasing force. Despairing of change, at least through human agency, Piirstinger hoped for reform through Christ, the only true reformer, who would return to save the elect from both the burden and the beast. Quoting Luther almost verbatim, though without attribution, Piirstinger wrote: "The reformatio will not be the business of one man, like the pope, nor of many cardinals, but of all Christendom, or rather of God almighty, who alone has the wisdom and power to reform his church."®° The reform and the apocalypse were one and the same. "For that reason," advised

annus non minus quam superior nobis fuit tristis ac calamitosus." CUSPINIANUS, Tagebuch, 413. ^^'Totus annus horrendus, crudelis, sevus ac truculentus.... Pauci viri boni evaserunt hunc annum, qui non sint lesi in fama, vel honore, vel corpore et temporalibus bonis." CUSPINIANUS, Tagebuch, 415. ^®See above, fns. 65-67. ^^See above, fn. 39. ®®"Reformatio autem non erit unius hominis, utpote papae, nec multorum Ccirdinalium offidum id est, sed totius christianitatis, immo cunctipotentis Dei, qui solus sapit ac valet suam reformare ecclesiam." OE 19,15. Note the similarity with Luther; "Ecclesia indiget reformatione, quod non est unius hominis Pontificis nec multorum Cardinalium offidum,... sed totius orbis, inuno solius Dei." LUTHER, Resolutiones (1518), no. 89, WA 1, 627.27-30. Cf. above, fn. 16. 38

Piirstinger, drawing on military strategy from 1 Samual 17, "we should not trust in human help but in God alone; for when David fought Goliath he did not find assurance in his sword or his shield, but in his trust in God."®^

Historiographical Bridges

Popular and Elite Culture In light of current trends to study history from below by looking at marginalized people and their popular culture,®^ reinforced by Eric Cochrane's specific plea that historians study documents "which reveal the point of view of people other than just bishops,"®^ this dissertation needs to answer for itself. To begin with, what follows is not about a bishop per se, but about Salzburg at the turn of the sixteenth century from the perspective of Onus ecclesiae. Although written by a bishop, the book makes no appeal to episcopal authority.®^ Piirstinger stayed anonymous in the strictest sense of the word.®5 Nor does this study focus on Onus ecclesiae per se, but rather

®^P0RSTINGER, "Ratschlag" (25 January 1526), in Appendix B, no. 2, at 237.129-132. ®2Robert Scribner goes so far as to say; 'Topular belief has been perhaps the most significant growth area in the historical studies of late-medieval and early-modem Europe over the past decade." SCRIBNER, "Elements," 231. S^COCHRANE, "New Ught," 302. ®'^None of the prior studies on Piirstinger (RCKER, GREINZ, MARX, HEUWIESER, SALLABERGER) or Onus ecclesiae (WERNER, KLOVER, SCHMUCK, SCHULZE) — all of which agree that Piirstinger wrote the book — has noted that he fails ever to mention, let alone appeal to, his authority as a bishop. Piirstinger is cryptic. Only twice does he reveal something about his professional identity. Once, he says that readers might think him a lowly minister: "Sed ex Augustini sententia confido, lectores me non adeo irridebunt, si minimum ecclesiae ministrum forte animadvertunt, vel cum beirbarismis vel soloecismis praesentem condere scripturam, vel verba quae scribo non intelligere perturbateque distinguere" (OE proIog,3). Later, he hints about being a cleric: "Quia ergo propter clericos haec est orta tempestas (ait Petrus) inde tempus est ut incipiat iudicium a domo Dei [1 Pet 4:17]. Siquidem primum a nobis, scilicet clericis, quis finis eorum qui non credunt Dei evangelio?" (OE 38,2). But there is no reference to Purstinger's episcopal office or to the authority joined to it. About the authorship of Onus ecclesiae see Appendix A. 39 examines the social history of an idea — apocalyptic reform — as it operated in a specific place.®^

Notwithstanding the merit of Cochrane's admonition, at times historians have been too eager to separate popular and elite forms of religion.They investigate ritual and behavior in search of "popular culture," yet ideas and institutions looking for "elite culture," as if to suggest that rich people think while poor people act. Just as profound as the difference between cultures, however, at least according to Piirstinger, was the material, indeed devilish, similarity between them. From his point of view, too many believers were substituting pagan astrology for Christian prophecy, bogus talismans for priceless sacraments, and fictitious magic for true religion.®^ Would-be prophets were dabbling on the dark side of alchemy, while their enthusiastic but vulnerable audience suffered for its unchecked gullibility. What impressed Piirstinger about the intellectual and behavioral aspects of faith, the popular and elitist forms of piety as well as the official and unofficial forms of religion was not the contrast but rather the continuity.®^

®^Regarding the phrase "the social history of ideas" see MIDELFORT, 'Toward a Sodal History of Ideas," passim; and OBERMAN, Impact, vii-xi. ®^"It is a fundamental contention of this study," writes Henry Heller in his book about Huguenots in France, "that popular and elitist forms of Protestantism must be sharply distinguished. The evidence suggests they were largely independent of one another ..." HELLER, Conquest, x. 88OE 17,12. ®^Much of the history of popular culture in Salzburg is still awaiting its first serious researcher. One hears more from Piirstinger about beer halls, almanacs, public baths and superstitions than from 135 years of published research in the Mitteilung der Gesellschaft fur Salzburg Landeskunde. The excellent article on Piirstinger and anticlericalism, by SCHULZE, does not investigate the clerical culture in Salzburg. Works on Purstinger and apocalypticism (WERNER, KLOVER, SCHMUCK) make no effort to understand the wider apocalyptic culture. The biographical studies of Piirstinger (GREINZ, HEUWIESER, SALLABERGER, SCHWAIGER) include nothing about the apocalyptic events in his life. 40

Richard Trexler has remarked: "If historians of religion were to take seriously those unsettling similes which compare scientists to priests, academic departments to tribes, scholarly conferences to collective rituals and professional journals to folklore, the results might be not only therapeutic and amusing but of significant methodological and epistemological value."^o Piirstinger himself analyzed social practices and theological precepts. He knew the moral ingredients and the educational norms required for "ideal bishops," a theology he gleaned from writers as diverse as Gratian and

Gerson. Yet similarly, he understood the virtues and vices of bishops who prayed for the dead while robbing the living, who administered sacraments while practicing debauchery. To mention just one "vmsettling simile," if we dared to compare episcopal crests to graffiti, or even wolf-urine, we would discover connections between popular and elite culture and between conventions of the church and fashions of nature that suggest in sharper terms the true nature and broad scope of propaganda in Salzburg. That is to say, beyond our studied interpretations of Wappen and their sjnubolic meaning,^^ like those scattered aroxmd Salzburg by Matthaus Lang after the Peasants' War,®^ should recognize a fundamental cultural message — "I was here, this is my territory, don't forget it" — shared by Wappen, graffiti and wolf-urine. Moreover, even if comparing episcopal art to animal waste seems bohemian and iconoclastic, Piirstinger would have been the first to approve. He himself

^OTREXLER, "Reverence," 251. ^^For a good overview with bibliography see HEINRICH, "Wappen." About Salzburg in particular see ZAISBERGER, Landfa/eZn; and ZAISBERGER/PFEIFFER, SaZzfcurger Gemeindewappen. 92See further, ZAISBERGER, "Burgen," 190. 41 often related human actions to animal habits: monks were like birds and priests were like blind dogs. He compared princes to unicorns, drunkards to fat pigs and rulers to scorpions.^^ We might well improve on Cochrane's recommendation to study "the point of view of people other than just bishops" by examining bishops from the same point of view that we use to study other people (and animals). Ideas and behavior are lirxked together in all levels of society.^'^ We gain more by changing the question than by shelving the bishops. This is hardly to suggest, as does, that we "drop altogether the misleading contrast between history from above and history from below.Piirstinger himself, by distinguishing the authority of tradition from the folly of novelty, had his own discrete sense of above and below, the former stemming from God, the latter belonging to Satan. Likewise, he had a strong sense of sodal hierarchy in learning, implicit in his desire to bridge gaps: "I do not come with lofty language, which is well beyond me, nor with exalted wisdom, which was never mine,-but rather ... [I write] for my dear friends in Salzburg (among whom I was born) using

unsightly words and simple-minded knowledge."^6 Behind the exaggerated humility in this statement — for several scholars have praised the elegance of

93oE 8,4; 23,3; 25,proem; 12,13. 5'^Cf. BRADY, 'Teoples' Religions," 174. 950ZMENT, "Sodal History," 202-203. kumm auch nit mit hohem wortten, die jch gar nit kan, noch mit hoher weiszhait, die in mir nit ist, sonnder jch will demueetigklich erzaigen, was jch zuo verschinen taegen syderher jch aus Saltzburg gezogen bin, in ewrem dinst gelesen und gearbeit habe, auch solhs ew saltzburgem, als meinen lieben friinden (bey denen jch geporen bin) hiemit in schlechten worten vnnd ainfaltiger weis zuoeschreiben." PORSTINGER, TTh, Vorrede,5. 42

Piirstinger's prose^^ — we find an author reaching from above, however

vainly, to below. In short, we have to allow for a gulf between high and low cultures, while, at the same time, taking inventory of the traffic between levels. As Peter Burke borrowed the French term bricolage from Claude Levi Strauss to

describe how low culture rebmlt and redecorated high culture,^® so too Ottavia Niccoli showed how the same operation was at work in the other direction when prophecy was at stake.^® In view of the profound interplay between ctilttires, our investigation, in seeking to amplify muffled voices and tp recover lost impressions from several levels of society, is guided by a range of sources: printed and unprinted documents, pamphlets, diaries, sermons, books, poems, and letters, woodcuts, miniatures, maps and diagrams.

Catholic and Protestant Interests In the literature about Piirstinger there is a striking absence of critical dialogue. When Piirstinger scholars disagree, their differences go unchallenged or even unnoticed; when they concur, their agreement seldom

extends beyond the borders of confessional interest. Protestants tend to exaggerate Piirstinger's progressive thinking and Catholics to overlook it.

^^"Ehe ich mich diesem zuwende, mufi ich noch einige Worte iiber ein Werk aus dem katholischen Lager sagen, iiber die Tewtsche Theologey' Bertholds, des Bischofs von Chiemsee.... Die Prosa des Verfassers zeichnet sich durch ihre volkstumliche Form, durch den klaren Bau der Satze aus und gehort zu den besten und reinsten des ganzen Jahrhunderts," wrote a Protestant historian of German literature, in a chapter dedicated to Luther and Melanchthon. LEIXNER, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur, 220. See also FAUNER, 'Tewtsche Theologey," 5; LOHMEIER, "Piirstinger," 146; and WINDISCHMANN, "Vorwort," in TTh (1852), v. 98BURKE, Popular Culture, 123. ^^NrCCOLI, Propheq/ and the People, xiii. 43

What we find is a Piirstinger with a robust constitution, brave enough to weather the plague and face the terror of war;ioo a Piirstinger who was spineless, old and ready to retire even before the war;^^^ and a Piirstinger who was given to melancholy while suffering an identity crisis.^o^ To one side

Piirstinger was David slaying Goliath, a soldier fighting heresy;^^^ j-q the other side he was reserved, a timid seeker of peace and lover of harmony. A French Catholic scholar commented that Onus ecclesiae rested on orthodox ground;^''^ a German Protestant placed it in accord with Luther's ideas;^°6 and a third voice noted that, although Protestants did use the book, Piirstinger

About Purstinger stajnng in Salzburg during the plague of 1495, while others fled, see GREINZ, 'Turstinger," 278. About Purstinger during the Peasants' War, HOLLAENDER commented: "Von des Kardinals Freunden ist nur Berthold Purstinger ... in der Stadt geblieben, um, aller drohenden Gefahren imgeachtet, milde zu vermittein" ("Salzburger Bauemkrieg," I, 30); and also that Purstinger "war, ungeachtet aller Todesgefahr, angesichts der Flucht aller Adeligen und hohen Geistlichen ... in Salzburg geblieben, war Augenzeuge einer ununterbrochenen Kette von Terrorakten" (idem, II, 82). 101"Er war kein Kampfer. Energie und Ausdauer waren ihm nicht gegeben... irgendeine kraftvolle Initiative ging von ihm nicht aus; er war miide." MAY, Bischofe, 463. "[Purstinger] devait etre atteint de precoses infirmitfe, car il demanda et obtint un coadjuteur en 1525, abandonna son si6ge I'armee suivante et se retira au couvent de Raitenhaslach." CRISTIANI, 'Turstinger [sic]," col. 1361. "11 souhaita des reformes dans I'Eglise, mais son temperament, plus studieux qu'actif, eteiit peu apte k les realiser." WICKS, "Puerstinger," col. 2612. 102"3gj.tj^old, der von Natur aus zur Melancholie neigte, erkannte mm klar, dafi es ihm unter den gegebenen Umstanden unmoglich sei, den neuen Lehren und dem umstiirzlerischen Zeitgeist in Ausiibung seines bischoflichen Amtes wirksamen Widerstand entgegenzusetzen.... [f] Das schmerzliche Erlebnis der Vergeblichkeit seines Tuns sturzte Berthold freilich nicht in eine totale Resignation, sondem in eine Daseinskrise," WALLNER, 'Tiirstinger," 297. Wallner's attempt to interpret Purstinger using Jungian psychology produced unconvincing results. 103"iste David proprio consumit ense gigantem" Elegia; printed in PORSTINGER, TG (hereafter, only TG). 104 "Berthold war kein Mann fur offentliches Auftreten und fur energisches Zugreifen, im Gegenteil, eine schiichteme, zuriickhaltende Natur." PICKER, 'Turstinger," 308.53-57. "Freigebigkeit und Friedensliebe war ein hervortretender Charakterzug Piirstingers." GREINZ, "Piirstinger," 292. l"5"ii [_ OE] reste sur le terrain strictement catholique." CRISTIANI, 'Turstinger [sic]," col. 1362. "...der aus katholischer Perspecktive geschriebenen, aber nicht unkritischen anonymen Reformschrift Onus ecclesiae." ZEEDEN, 'Turstinger," 179. lOS-'Oyrchweg legt er hier [= OE, 15] in eingehender Wiederholung die Thesen Luthers (nach den Resolutionen) zu Grunde, ... unter ausdriicklicher voller Zustimmung zu Luthers Positionen." FICKER, 'Tiirstinger," 312.21-28. 44 had never hoped for anything like a Lutheran revolution.^A Bavarian Dominican recommended enthusiastically that people "read and re-read" Onus ecclesiae}^^ while Bavarian Jesuits sealed their copy shut with metal plates laced together by cords through fourteen holes in the outside margins. The Biblioth^que Nationale in Paris catalogues one copy under "Catholic theology" and a second copy under "non-Catholic theology."^^^ Although a seventeenth-century critic called Piirstinger "an evil heretic under the cloak of piety/'^ a modem sympathizer trumpeted him as a tried and true Roman Catholic.^^^ According to some historians, Piirstinger defended the traditional faith against early Protestantism,^^^ while according to others, he criticized papal tyranny and found fault in Roman

107"Die Protestanten suchten das Buch [= OE] fur ihre Zwecke auszuschlachten, obwohl sein Verfasser zur Zeit der Abfassung (1519) alles andere als eine Umwalzung im Sinne Luthers erhoffte." MAY, Bischofe, 464. l^"Hoc unum postremum te admonitum velim; quanti sit hie liber habendus non posse a te perpendi, nisi ilium attention cura legeris et relegeris." Vincentius VIEPECKIUS, "Prolog" in OE. About Viepeckius see Apendix A. lO^In view here is a copy of OE at the BayStB (Sig: 2 P.lat. 477), bound together with Dionysius the Carthusian, Emrrationes piae et eruditae (Cologne, 1533). A comment on the inside cover shared by both books reads: "Liber Collegii Societatis EESU Monachii Catalogo inscriptus. Armo 1595." The first and last pages of OE are badly stained by rust, and 14 holes have been drilled through the upper, lower, and outside margins. The evidence suggests that, at one time, a Jesuit censor had inserted two metal sheets to cover OE, and then bound them together so that readers could enjoy Dionysius (standard reading for Jesuits) but not investigate the prohibited companion volume. When the BayStB acquired the book (perhaps during the 1803 secularization of monasteries), someone re-opened the OE half, removed the two metal plates, which left the stains and holes. llO'-ph^logie catholique" (cote D 4751); 'Th^logie non catholique" (cote 2344). m"der Autor ist ein ubler Haretiker unter dem Deckmantel der Frommigkeit" (a seventeenth

den beweglichsten Klagen wieder die Pabstlichen Tyrannen und die Mangel der Roniischen Kirche" SCHELHORN, Historische Nachricht, 17.26-28. ^^^ARETIN, Von den altesten Denkmdlem, 17 with fn. 41; SCHMUCK, Onxis ecclesiae, 7 with fn. 1. llS'-wir werden gut beraten sein, ... niit einer breitgefacherten, lebendigen, zum Teil stiirmerischen, zunr Teil konservativen evangelischen Katholizitat zu rechnen, welche bis in die dreilSiger Jahre und ganz gewifi bis 1524 ... noch Denk- und Glaubens-formen erlaubte, welche der spateren Konfessionalisierung nicht mehr standhalten konnten." OBERMAN, "Geleitwort," in STAUPITZ, Samtliche Schriften, n, ix. 46 men who later dedicated their whole life to the fight against Protestantism, belonged dxiring the years 1518 and 1519 among Luther's admirers."^ During most of Piirstinger's writing career (1519-1535), the language of confessional controversy was still in its infancy. The fact that he quoted Luther in 1519 did not make him "an evil heretic;" nor because he removed the evidence in 1531 was he "a Roman Catholic."^i® Like Johann von Staupitz (tl524) and Johannes Cochlaus (tl552), the reformers described by Oberman and DoUinger, Berthold Piirstinger deserves distance from the strict exigencies and blanket applications of our later religious vocabulary. So does his printer, Johann Weifienburger, who between 1520 and 1524 published Johannes Eck, the Edict of Worms and Exsurge Domine, yet also printed Erasmus and Luther.^^^ The same benefit is owed to Piirstinger's editor, Vincentius Viepeckius, who in 1519 promoted Onus ecclesiae with great enthusiasm (a book that landed on The Index of Forbidden Books fourteen times in six different places),^^® yet in 1528 served an inquisition in Styria designed to curb the reading and distribution of prohibited literature.^^i jhig is hardly to say that theological discretion was unimportant, and far less to

1^7"Selbst Manner, die nachher ihr ganzes Leben der Bekampfung des Protestantisnius widmeten, gehorten in den Jahren 1518 und 1519 zu Luthers Bevvunderem.... Merkwiirdig ist diefi besonders bei Cochlaus.... Noch im Juni 1520 schrieb er von Frankfurt aus an seinen Freund Pirkheimer...: Triduo cum praedicatoribus disputavi publice, eorum more ac rogatu quoque, sed Lutherani omnino nihil proponebatur. Non praeternusissem certe, quin pro eo arguissem, si qua extitisset illius materia. Vidi autem et alterius cuiusdcim responsiones contra Colonienses et Bononienses fortissimas sane et vere germanas'." DOLLINGER, Reformation, I, 510, with fn. 179. Remigius Baumer quotes this letter, but misdates it (12 July 1519, rather than 12 June 1520). BAUMER, Cochlaus, 21. The letter itself is printed in HEUMANN (ed.), Documenta, 49. ll^see below, ch. 4. ^"l^SCHOTTENLOHER, Landshuter Buchdrucker, 28-41. ^^^Index des livres interdits, BUJANDA (ed.): vol. 2, Louvain (1546, 1550, 1558); vol. 3, (1549, 1554) and Milan (1549, 1554); vol. 4, Portugal (1547, 1551); vol. 5, Spain (1551, 1559); vol. 6, Spain (1583); vol. 8, Rome (1559,1564). ^^^ALBRECHER, "Visitation," H, 26-28. 47 suggest that people were blind to problems. "What a curious thing it is," remarked a staimch critic of Sebastian Franck in 1537, "that out of one mouth, as people say, this man can blow warm and cold air — can print a Psalter together with an obscene miserable song [at the same time]."^22

Piirstinger was well read in theology and endowed with a sharp eye for error. Yet, for the first 65 years of his life, the only ecclesiastical division that made sense was the one separating East from West and the one dividing the militant church from the triumphant church.^^^ Protestant and Catholic were not yet useful categories. The true church was the Latin Church, complete with all its vices and despite its dismal looking future.^ Concerning the second problem, that the career of Piirstinger forces harmony into historical concepts like pre-reform, reform and counter-reform, the same was said by Luden Febvre about bishop Briqormet in Meaux (tl534), by Marcel Bataillon about archbishop Cisneros in Spain (tl517), by Jean-Pierre Massaut about the humanist Josse Clichtove (tl543) and by Heiko Oberman about (tl546).^25 other words, Piirstinger was hardly

ein seltzam ding von Bastian [sic] Franck, das er aus einem mund, wie man sagt, kalt und warm kan blasen, kan ein psalter trucken und so ein schamper lausig Lied" (as cited by PEUCKERT, Grosse Wende, 1,51. In view is: "das Lied von der Laus." About the "ecclesia occidentalis," see OE 16,5; and about the "ecclesia orientalis," OE 16,8. About "ecclesia militans et triumphans," see Appendix B, no. 2. at 236.95 with fn. 21. ^^^"Illa tyrannica persecutio est in Apocalypsi descripta. Et erit nobis acerbissima omnium praeteritarum persecutionum, quas Latina ecclesia quondam ab infidelibus passa est, quia erit primum vae per quod ecclesiastica dignitas destruetur. Nam tanta ira Dei descendit iam super malitiam L^tinae ecclesiae, ut etiam iustorum deprecatio non exaudiatur, donee purificatum fuerit sanctuarium." OE 41,4. Piirstinger also talks about the Roman church, but only as a synonym for the Latin church: "Implebitur ergo verbum domini ad Latinam seu Romanam ecclesiam dicentis..." OE 46,3. 125"Dans un homme comme Briqonnet, dans une oeuvre comme celle de I'ev^que de Meaux, Pr^Reforme, Reforme et Contre-Reforme trouvent, non pas leur opp>osition, mais leur unite profonde." FEBVRE, "question mal posee," in Au coeur religieux, 16. "Cest en lui [= Cisneros], peut-etre, que Pre-reforme, Reforme et Contre-reforme manifestent le mieux leur unite profonde." BATAILLON, Erasme et I'Espagne, I, 2. "On trouve chez Clichtove, avant 1520, le double caractfere de I'Eglise tridentine, celui de la Contre-Reforme et celui de la Restauration 48 unique. The confusion is linguistic, not historical. If we define reformatio from his perspective, the discrepancies disappear. All the same, there are those historians who call Purstinger a "forerunner of Trent,"^26 do not reconcile their view with P^stinger's own conviction that his century "was not worthy of a legitimate council wherein the church could be reformed."^^7 Councils were impotent institutions that allowed evil to go unchecked, and unchecked to turn licit, because reprehensible vices, without control, inevitably become habits.i^s if Purstinger saw himself as a pre-reformer, it was in the sense of "forerunner to Christ," one who prepares the church for apocalyptic reform.^^^ Other historians make Purstinger, as the author of Tewtsche Theologey, a "Catholic theologian of controversy,"^^° yet do not

catholique... Qichtove nous montre que la Pr^reforme fut aussi, en certains de ses representants, une 'Pre-Contre-Reforme'." MASSAUT, fosse Clichtove, U, 368. About the "identification of the Protestant Reformation as Counter-Reformation," see OBERMAN, Forerunners, 41. 126"ji ggf jjgg prccurscurs du concile de Trente." CRISTIANI, "Purstinger [sic]," col. 1362. "Berthold [ist] eii\ hervorragender Zeuge der kirchlichen Lehre uber Maria vor dem Tridentinum.... Seine 'Tewtsche Theologey' darf man so als Vorlaufer des 'Weltkatechismus' bezeichnen." BAUMER, "Purstinger," col. 288. '7edem Leser der 'Theologey' wird auch bald die Tatsache auffallen, dafi oft bis ins einzelne die katholische Glaubenslehre so dargestellt ist, wie sie nachher die Kirchenversammlxmg von Trient formuliert hat," REMBERGER, "Die Lehre," 98. ^^^"Heu cum formidine coniicio nostrum saeculum non esse dignum congregatione legitimi concilii, in quo vitiis reprehensis et virtutibus promotis ecclesia reformaretur." 0£ 19,16. 128"ConciIia profecto debita raro et segniter celebrantur vel Romae seu alibi coram potentibus tranctantur, ubi humilibus et fidelibus non libera est expressio, ut in eis lente corrigantur ea quae divinum cultum et christianam religionem reformationemque concemunt. Unde crimina iamdiu incorrecta usque adec increverunt, ut multa modo flagitia reputentur esse lidta sub fictione scilicet longae ac inolitae consuetudinis." OE 19,16. ^^About "forerurmer" in this apocalyptic sense see OBERMAN, Forerunners, esp. 13-19. Regarding forerunners to Christ, and to antichrist, according to Piirstinger, see OE 61,3. ^^''One author sub-titles his article, "Bin katholischer Theologe in den Glaubensauseinandersetzungen des 16. Jahrhunderts," (ZEEDEN, 'Turstinger"); another starts his book with the premise that Purstinger "gehort zeitlich zu der ersten Generation der Theologen, die sich mit dem Werk Luthers auseinandersetzen. In dieser Hinsicht ist er zu den vortridentinischen Kontroverstheologen zu rechnen," (MARX, Glaube, 1). A third author dedicates three pages to Purstinger as a "Kontroverstheologe," (LECHLEITER, "Der dogmatische Tractat iiber den Glauben," 10-12). 49 come to grips with Piirstinger's hatred of polemic and utter despair of theological debate ever improving the church/'^^i fjg considered the events leading up to the Leipzig debate (1519) as the epitome of ecclesiastical shame, the just desserts of theological controversy.^^^ Piirstinger was a counter- reformer, only in the sense that he opposed the devil. His battle was against Satan and the antichrist, whose forerunners, whether Lutheran preachers or parish priests, were countless. Theological infighting was a waste of time in his view, indeed damaging, while spiritual warfare was suitable and necessary. Because Satan was a deformer not a reformer, however, Piirstinger would have preferred the language "pre-reformer" (to Christ) and "counter- defonner" (to Satan), two offices to fill at the same time.'^^^ To describe Piirstinger's work of preparation for apocalyptic reform, this study employs the phrase early catholic reform. The word early does not mean pre, which implies causality (one reform generating another). As Lucien Febvre complained, questions about "the origin of the reform" are so "ill-conceived" that they predispose scholars to confessional history and conceal issues more important than the evolution from Meaux (we could add, from Salzburg) to Trent.^^'^ The word early serves only to signal a

l31"Queinadmodum hodie nonnulli audaces, novo studio etiam cum importuna cleri repraehensione, nituntur sacram scripturam retorquere in reformationem ecclesiae. Sed timeo ne nihil proficiant, carentes bono zelo utentesque acerbis disputationibus frivolisque invectionibus." OE 62,19; cf. TTh, Vorrede, 6. 132"Sic hodie Luterani et Ecciani temeraria et ambitiosa disputatione mutuo altercantes pro sua audacia sacras literas torquent, nihil charitative sed omnia invective ad seditionem defendunter." OE, 12,7 (textual variant: et Ecciani [L , Ca] = et quidam alii [A, Ch\). 133pyrstinger talks about deformation in his chapter on reformation, "prout Telesphorus refert Frandscum inter alia revelasse, quomodo tempora appropinquarent, in quibus perplexitates et discrimina multiplicarentur, et charitas multorum refrigesceret superabundaretque iniquitas, et daemonum potestas plus solito solveretur ac ipsius Francisci religionis et aliarum religionum puritas maculata deformaretur." OE 16,4. 134FEBVRE, "Une question mal posee," in Au coeur religieux, esp. 9-13. 50 remarkable change over time, to a later period of reform characterized by confession-building. The word catholic takes the minuscule "c" to distinguish it from Roman Catholic. Similar to Herre Imbart de la Tour's use of the term "evangelique," catholic means a third force, earlier and distinct from Catholic and Protestant forces. It is found, for example, in the circle around Lef^vre d'Etaples, where men and women promoted reform out of devotion to the evangelium.^^^ Finally, the word reform does not mean Reformation. Nor are reform and Reformation distingmshed as they are by Hubert Jedin and Erwin Iserloh (with their students), who use Reformation for the movement that ruptured the church (usually associated with Luther) and reform for the healthy renovation of the church in both head and members that did not essentially change worship, theology or discipline. For our purposes, the word reform means church renewal through spiritual awakening: as Emil Leonard defined reforme and as Bemd Hamm employed reformatioThe word Reformation on the other hand, together with Renaissance, refers to the whole fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth-century dynamic.

word "evangelical" in modem English carries connotations that do not describe late-medieval and early-modem reformers, so I use "catholic" meaning evangelique as in IMBART DE LA TOUR, Les origines, esp. vol. HI. ^36see the summary in ISERLOH, Geschichte und Theologie, 9-11. I reject this distinction, even though most Piirstinger researchers employ it, because it forces confessional issues into every use of the word reform and Reformation, regardless of whether these problems were at stake, and often before such distinctions made sense (as during most of Pvirstinger's life). 137LgoNARD, Histoire generale, I, 5. HAMM, "Normativer Zentrierung," passim. 51

CHAPTER ONE

Where Fallen Angels Fly: Apocalyptic Cosmology

...I found myself Suspended in mid-air, and realized That nothing could be seen except the monster^

Der Endtchrist mit den bosen engeln wirt aufffaren in den lufft, und sant Michael zuiirt imm entgegen kummen mit den giitten engeln und wiirt sie all erschlagen."^

The course of history and the structure of the universe are closely related concepts in Onus ecclesiae. That is to say, Piirstinger's apocalypticism grew out of but also fed into his cosmology. His thoughts on the last days took shape according to late-medieval ideas about space and time, extraterrestrial realms and paranatural creatures. This chapter investigates the place and the timetable Piirstinger had in mind when he imagined "the world about to end." Moreover, it examines the importance of the moon for demons and the apocalypse.

^DANTE, La Divim Comedia, Inferno, 17, 112-115. ^[STOPEL], Auslegung der fiinff zaichen [Ausburg, 1520], fol. 6^ - T*". 52

Historians of apocal5rpticism have long overlooked the importance of cosmology for doomsday mentalities, even though historians of cosmology have doctmiented the place of apocalypticism in "shaping the world. Armed intellectually with Pierre d'Ailly's Imago mundi, a book at once rooted in Ptolemy and steeped in prophecy, Christopher Columbus set sail across the Atlantic in search of the Indies.^ He found in the pages of Imago mundi apocalyptic themes drawn from Augustine, Pseudo-Methodius and Roger Bacon. "God made me the messenger of the new heaven and the new earth, of which he spoke in the Apocalypse of St. John," wrote Columbus.^ After returning to Europe, he planned to record his vision for cosmology and prophecy in a treatise called the Book of Prophecies — a task he never finished.^ If the "end" of the world encouraged Columbus to venture overseas looking for the "ends" of the world, Piirstinger, at least conceptually, moved in the other direction: using cosmology to clarify the last days and to locate the cosmic warfare waged between angels and demons, God and Satan. "Demons have reign of the air," he remarked in 1519.^ "The antichrist and the evil angels shall fly into the air, where St. Michael and the good angels

^"His [i.e. Columbus] apocalypticism must be recognized as inseparable from his geography and cosmology if a balanced picture of the historicail significance of his Enterprise of the Indies is to be achieved." WATTS, "I^ophecy and Discovery," 74. "Five hundred years ago Christopher Columbus set sail across the Atlantic Ocean with the hope of reaching the Indies. Scholars have traditionally depicted Columbus as a discoverer, an enlightened adventurer whose 'new' geography and navigational skills helped usher in the modem age. More recent authors have argued that the desire for plunder and glory was a major motivation behind his voyages. Yet Columbus was also stirred by a curious blend of astrological prognostications and apocalyptic fervor." SMOLLER, History, Prophecy, and the Stars, 3. ^Columbus owned his own copy of Pierre d'Ailly, Imago mundi. For the text, with annotations by Colximbus (and French facing pages), see D'AILLY, Imago mundi, BURON (ed.). ^As dted in WATTS, 'Trophecy emd Discovery," 102 with fh. 61. ^WATTS, "Prophecy and Discovery," 84f. with fn. 23. ^"daemones habent usum aeris." OE 17,15. 53 shall engage them and destroy them," wrote an anonymous pamphleteer in 1520.® The last act of history opens on a stage where fallen angels fly.® This chapter and the next investigate the more compelling differences between Piirstinger's world and ours, notably those characteristics that touch on apocalyptic reform. The textbook distinction between geocentric and heliocentric world views — arguably the best known feature that distinguishes modern cosmology from its medieval ancestor — is apocalyptically speaking rather unremarkable, especially if it ends at Copernican improvements on Ptolemaic calculations. Piirstinger's universe was wondrously ordered and monstrously animated: hovering over the earth were winged demons; influencing it were powerful stars; and destroying it was Satan.

Space and Time

Junster tag ist das zyl, zuo dem alle zeyt laufft.^^

The phrase "the world is ending" implies both space and time: the broadest and most fimdamental categories of apocalyptic cosmology. "All time runs toward the goal of judgment day," wrote Piirstinger. Long before modem scientists measured space with time (making six trillion miles equal roughly to one light-year), people related distance to duration. The concepts substituted easily for one another during the Middle

®See fn. 2. The editors of VD 16 attribute the anonymous Flugschrift to Jakob STOPEL. On the same angelic battle see TTh 23,3. Cf. Dan lOil; 12:1; Jude 1:9 and Rev 12:7-9. ®For graphic illustrations of this scene see: the woodcut in SCHEDEL, Buch der Chroniken, fol. cclix^; the two woodcuts by Albrecht Durer for Revelation, in KURTH (ed.), Albrecht Durer, 113,116; and the woodcut by Lucas Cranach of the temptation of St. Antony, in GEISBERG, Single-leaf Woodcut, II, 560. 100,10. 54

Ages. The duration, of a meeting was "the time it took to walk a league."^ ^ The distance to a good market was a half-day's jovirney; the far shore was a week-long sail; the wheat field was a two-day's plow.^^ Since measurement thus depended on capricious natural elements — the faithfulness of wind and the reliability of animals — quantities of space and time were less exact measurements for Piirstinger than for us. They were also less grandiose. The majority of people never hoped to fathom the expanse of distances traveled by Columbus or contemplated by Copernicus, let alone the "eternal silence of infinite space" that terrified Pascal.^^ To most of Piirstinger's contemporaries, the known world spread a mere day's journey in any one direction, perhaps 40 miles from side to side. Its frontiers were close enough for Aegidius Rem

(tl535), Purstinger's successor as bishop of Chiemsee, that he feared the reputation of the Salzburg peasants' revolt would "spread to every comer of the world. Space was sacred. As consecrating bishop of Salzburg, Piirstinger spent time "converting" profane space into sacred space: he blessed ordinary water as holy water; consecrated stone tables as sacramental altars; and "reconciled" blood-stained graveyards to make them undefiled cemeteries.^^ Likewise, lay people helped to establish and bridge the borders between sacred and profane

"LE ROY LADURIE, Montaillou, 277. ^^Philip Apian, who surveyed Bavaria between 1555 and 1561, noted about his niethods for calculation, that one German mile equaled a single, hour-long horse ride. CRONE, Maps and Their Makers, 107. ^^"Le silence etemel de ces espaces infinis m'effraie." PASCAL, Pensees, iii, 206. ^'^"ad universes orbis angulos pervenit." REM, Bellum rusticum Saltzburgense (1525), 84, col. 1,9-11. About Rem as Purstinger's successor see Appendix B, nos. 10 and 11, at 267-270. ^^Piirstinger kept remarkable records for fourteen (out of eighteen) years as Weihbischof; Consecratio et reconciliatio ecclesiarum, altarum ac coemeteriorum peracta per Bertholdum Puerstinger Episcopum Chiemensem annis 1511-1524. The word reconciliatio in this context refers to an episcopal blessing offered to make a defiled cemetery holy again. 55 space: through rites of association (baptism and marriage);^^ through rites of purification (confession and communion);'^^ ^nd through prophylactic social rituals: marching prostitutes through the city each year to arrest the onslaught of plague; suspending menstruating women from field work each month to prevent the wine harvest from spoiling.^® If sacraments — especially bread and wine — were sacred space par excellence, sacramentals were convenient as portable manifestations of sacred space: a candle brought home from church to protect a family during stormy weather; a consecrated palm branch laid beneath a pillow to ward off witches.^® Space was joined to population. Map makers painted the New World inhabited by natives and showed the oceans navigated by mariners.^^ Artists filled their pictures of trees with fowl, and of rivers with fish.^^ Poets celebrated the world as an exquisite palace, occupied in every nook and cranny: When God the world pcilatial made. Marine abj^s with fish and earth with men He filled, in aether put He angels, demons renegade In air, for no place empty anywhere He willed.^

^^For Baptism see BOSSY, "Blood and Baptism." About marriage see ROPER, "Weddings." About confession see TENTLER, Sin and Confession; and DELUMEAU, L'aveu et le pardon. For the eucharist see SCRIBNER, "Antidericalism" in Popular Culture, esp. 249. ^®For the procession of whores (.Hurenumzug) see ROPER, "Discipline and Respectability," 8 with n. 42. About menstruating women see DAVIS, "Women's History," 90 with n. 37. ^^On sacraments and sacramentals see SCRIBNER, "Cosmic Order and Daily Life" (1984), in Popular Culture, 1-16, at 5-7. ^''See the maps in PASTOUREAU, Voies Oceanes, 54f, 58f, 72. ^^See the woodcut in SCHEDEL, Buck der Chroniken, fol. iv^. ^"Quand I'Etemel bastit le grand palais du monde, / II peupla de poissons les abysmes de I'onde, / D'hommes la terre, et I'air de Daimons, et les deux / D'Anges, ^ celle fin qu'il n'y eust point de lieux / Vuides en I'Univers, et selon leurs natures / Qu'ils fussent tous remplis de propres creatures." RONSARD, "Les daimons," in Oeuvres completes, II, 486.15-20. 56

Humanists revered the world as the consummate home, a sacred temple, packed with life:

The Most High Father, God the Architect, skillfully built this earthly house of holiness we see, a temple most venerable, according to the dictates of His hidden wisdom. He adorned the region above the heavens with intelligences. He quickened the aethereal spheres with eternal soiils. And He packed the squalid, dung-filled nether-world with lots of animals of every kind.^ Even Menocchio, the Italian miller discovered by Carlo Ginzburg, imagined only populated space in his caseous cosmology. The four elements (earth, water, air and fire) combined to form a mass, not unlike how milk would congeal to make cheese. The cheese in this case, however, had worms, the worms were angels and one of the angels was God.^"^ Space everywhere was filled with life, rebellious life.^^ Neither a pauper's hut nor a prince's territory was a simple area, a mere building. The German word Land best translates as "territory-community";^^ whereas the Latin domus and the

^^"lam summus Pater architectus Deus, hanc quam videmus mundanam domum divinitatis, templum augustissimum, arcanae legibus sapientiae fabrefecerat. Super coelestem regionem mentibus decorarat, aethereos globos aetemis animis vegetarat, excrementarias ac faeculentas inferioris mundi partes omnigena animalium turba complerat." PICO DELLA MIRANDOLA, De hominis dignitate, in Opera omnia, I, 314.13-17. The first half of this short and powerful treatise makes elegantly manifest the beauty and balance of Renaissance cosmolo^. ^^GINZBURG, Cheese and the Worms, 5f. ^"Propterea deficient non solum homines sed etieun quadrupedes in terra, volucres in aere, pisces in aqua..." OE 4,10. According to Otto Brunner, the word "Land" did not mean area, region or territory: "Vom Lande ist zu sagen: Es stellt eine Rechts- und Friedensgemeinschaft dar, die durch ein bestimmtes Landrecht geeint ist. Trager dieser Rechts- und Friedensgemeinschaft ist das Landvolk, sind die Landleute, die den politischen Verband des Landes bilden. Dieses Land kann, muss aber nicht einen Landesherm haben. Wohl aber bedarf das Land, um tatsachlich zu funktiorueren, eines Leiters seiner Gerichtsversammlungen und eines Fvihrers im Krieg." BRUNNER, Land und Herrschaft, 234f. For a short but instructive historiographical survey of Brunner's thesis and its reception see ARNOLD, Count and Bishop, 1-13. Friederike Zaisberger argues convincingly for Salzburg, "dafi Brunners Ausfuhrungen ... modifiziert werden mussen," and maintains rather: 'TDas 'Land' sei also nut 'terra' gleichzusetzen, nicht mit 'dominium' ... moglich." Yet even she emphasizes the communal and personal aspects of terra, provincia, pagus, Talschaft, districtus, and territorium, and writes readily of "Bewohner mit einem 57

German Meierhof both signal "house-communities."27 Piirstinger preferred the phrase "landt imd leiith," and often personified territory in descriptions like "ein siindiges landt" and "ein glaubigs landt-"^® In a sense, astronomy, cartography, architecture and cosmology were all social sdences.^^

If place thus depended on population, in a similar way time depended on place. The year started for some regions in December, for others in January and still others in March.30 In the city, watchmen called the hours. In the coimtry, monastery bells rang for sacred offices: lauds, prime, terce, sext, none, vespers, compline and matins. Purstinger used both systems. In Onus ecclesiae he wrote about the sim reaching its zenith at the sixth hour, referring to the canonical office of sext (six hours after sururise).^^ Yet he

Zusammengehorigkeitsgefuhl zu einem bestimmten Gebiet." ZAISBERGER, "Das Land und Erzsdft Salzburg," 213f. ^^"The best way to understand Montaillou is to abandon temporarily the problems of social stratification within it and go straight to the basic cell which, multiplied a few dozen times, went to make up the village. This basic cell was none other thzin the peasant family, embodied in the permanence of a house ... domus .... The term familia is practically never used.... It never crosses the lips of the inhabitants of Montaillou themselves, for whom the family of flesh and blood and the house of wood, stone or daub were one emd the same thing." LE ROY LADURIE, Montaillou, 24. "The individuals who inhabited the houses [Meierhofe] ... made up what may be called the 'housecommimity.' The term ... describes most accurately the mixture of relationships that made the inhabitants of the house a unit. The house, its courtyard and outbuildings were the 'theater' in which the members of the housecommunity played out their various roles. Other terms such as 'co-resident group,' 'houseful,' or 'houseyard' might also have been used but none of these captures the phj^ical, social, and emotional character of the Austrian peasant house." REBEL, Peasant Classes, 45f. "Der Bauer gehort dem Acker und der Acker dem Bauem, einer ohne den andem ware nichts und konnte nicht bestehen. Das gilt in einem viel teiferen als dem blanken wirtschaftlichen Sinne, denn Bauer und Acker sind in einem letzten innersten Bezug verbunden." PEUCKERT, Die Grosse Wende, 10. 28cf. PORSTINGER, Ratschlag, Appendbc B, no. 2, at 233-246, lines 39, 44, 87, 121, 171, 173,176,318,366. ^This is not the language of modem sociology, yet compare WEBER, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, I, 275-316 (on "Hausgemeinschaft" and "Nachbarschaftsgemeinschaft") [= Economy and Society, I, 356-384]; and TROELTSCH, Soziallehren, 555-571 (on "Familie" and "Staat" in Lutheranism) [= Social Teaching, H, 544-54]. ^^GROTEFEND, Taschenbuch der Zeitrechnung, 11-14. 31"Nam hora sexta, scilicet in meridie, sol ad altiorem gradum nostri hemisperii ascendit." OE 16,6. 58 dictated his Last Will and Testament "at one in the afternoon or thereabouts," based on a twelve-hour clock, 24-hour day.^^ When Montaigne visited Bavaria in 1580, he was shocked to discover clocks that sounded the quarter hour, and in Nuremberg even the minute.^^ Nevertheless the heavens always kept better time than mechanical inventions. Watchmen had to realign dty clocks at noon according to the sim. The pendulum clock, more precise and dependable, would not be invented for another full century (in the Netherlands, 1657). Even members of the wealthy class, whose clocks divided days into hours and hours into minutes, preferred designations like "when the cock crows" or "at svmset" They measured brief periods of duration in terms of prayers: one Ave Maria or two Pater Nosters.^^ An observer of the 1338 earthquake in Carinthia reported that it lasted "three Ave Marias and three Pater Nosters" (or about two minutes).^^ Days were marked by a succession of sunlight and candlelight. Years moved in cadence with seasons and feast days, numbered from the birth of Christ, the ascension of a monarch or the reign of a pope. Piirstinger dated his Last Will and Testament in the year 1535 (anno domini) and the year eight (from the reign of pope Paul in).3^ When Gregory Xm reformed the calendar in 1582, France lost eleven days in one fell swoop. The enigma of time left Piirstinger to lament that the ecumenical cotmcil of Lateran V (1512-1517), in spite of its intellectual

^^"iimb dy Erste Stund nach mittag oder nahend dabei." In GREINZ, Turstinger," 293- 298, at 293. 33"L'horoIoge de cette ville, comme d'autres plusieurs de ce pays-1^, sonne tous les quarts d'heure; et dit-on que celle de Nuremberg sonne les minutes." MONTAIGNE, Journal, Landsbei^ October, 1580 (= Oeuvres completes, 469 B, 7-10). ^^ven today in some regions of France "un ave" means a short moment. MANDROU, Introduction, 95 with fn. 3. ^HODL, "Die Glocken lauteten von selbst," 151. 36pORSTINGER, Testament, in GREINZ, Turstinger," 293-298, at 293. 59 resources, had nevertheless failed to set the calendar straight regarding Easter, a problem, he thought, that would persist until Christ revealed his mysteries in the final apocalyptic reformatio?'^ These infelicities could make it seem, from our modem perspective, that the measurement of time in Piirstinger's day was rather venturesome, even nonchalant. Yet Robert Mandrou goes too far when he writes that "time was not as precious for them as it is for us ... [for] indifference and imprecision went together."^® Time was every bit as precious to Piirstinger, who measured it in century-long stages, as to modem physicists who prefer nano-seconds. Piirstinger was deadly serious about time. Printers of almanacs and prognostications built successful careers writing about it. Court astrologers were obsessed by it. All of them measured it, studied it and feared it. Because of its inestimable worth, in fact, pamphleteers could parody the "shitty waste" of peasant lethargy (figure 1.1). Time derived its value above all from God, who owned it. There is no sixteenth-century equivalent expression to the phrase "this is my time." Even the argument against usury depended on divine time: Money lenders, beyond the crime of charging too much interest, were guilty of treating borrowers unfairly, and were punished for selling time, which belonged to God.

^^"Immo error maximus reperitur in calendario drca soils augem et restitutionem, a qua antiquum ecdesiae institutum hodie discrepat; nempe a luna est signum diei festi paschalis. Pascha autem non semper correspondet aequinoctio vemali secundum propheticum institutum. Quem quidem errorem Concilium Lateranense biennio elapso celebratum corrigere tentavit, sed nihil profecit. Etsi ille error prolixius duraverit, festa hyemalia forte fient aestivalia et econverso, quoniam minutae duodecim faciunt singulis annis retrocedere solstitia et aequinoctia et ita in quinque aimis erramus prope una hora. Unde in centum et viginti armis vel drdter unus annus besextilis omittendus erat. Sed ilia inveterata deviatio unacum aliis erroribus forsitan transibit, donee Christus, secundo venturus et suam ecdesiam reformatxirus, doceat nos omnia." OE 51,5. 38"Le temps n'est pas chose praieuse comme de nos jours ... il importe de souligner qu'indifference et imprrasion vont de pair." MANDROU, Introduction, 98. 60

^cj>r «A ft«r mmerHi*Jt9«* 'B* Kige(W n* iwl •!« 6ee «*WT Pawwy feactfat TOKcwdlAOEw n tOit mm0lofltni lettiimrft aT(n<«w" 7UK t»0tm f*«ii>nn«r ZUrtr* ti T0<«fut4)U(hifl fk gcpancftrt TOcNRBicviai^orai ftbimnrttc nnlTonbc Cif jw^lDc "W"*? Sud) 9«in|«(tb<4i $r>i'«ffnft TfttfwMwiiifa»iwptccKa< 3(»«UI rim gUrA cnrMf 2&iSeir JtinflVfibctl* tTTir e*m yrrf rlvfio^MOcravfcI D«« |>ji5 •nOfnUttidscCnifiK t}n« h«0M ***<3"*^ ?l«« OK (rr VI f«rr|f idirnn msm^tl 0«« «»«(f Ivf^pm KT* JSif9* Qa tw#Mid>|S fitnmMdMtt^rfi«• TTtnt mt tbartnvotr jvmun tSmi QiFnc (9 9c )•trmimcc 0«iit rtvUv^ crfl 3rfrr fiq prf <• 3»^< ed^MvOMctif KT TOrr i£!r "c-^ wr ntc ^idi vtm* figure 1.1 The Human Sundial Peter Rotner, 1535

figure 1.2 Hour of Death figure 13 Hour of Death Albrecht Diirer, 1510 Hans Sebald Beham, 1522 61

Time was predous to everyone, especially to those who saw it running out. Death was so punctual, and time so prized, that artists pictured the Grim Reaper meeting his tmwary victims with an hourglass in hand (figtires 1.2 and 1.3). The one exception to the rule that mountain peasants from Montaillou used vague temporal descriptions like "three or fotir years ago" or

"when the Inqtiisition came" — in records examined by Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie — involved the apocalypse: "There will be catastrophes in 1318," said the peasant Bernard Cordier, "because of the birth of Antichrist.Perhaps the shorter time seemed the more precisely it was measured. But we could hardly conclude that imprecision equaled indifference. This is not to say that all hoxirs were equal. Most people believed in lucky days and unlucky days,^® lists of which circulated in popular almanacs.When falling ill on lucky days, the sick were more likely to

39LE ROY LADURIE, Montaillou, 280f. 40This is wonderfully satirized by Sebastian Brant: "Dem Christenmenschen nit zusteht, / dafi er mit Heidenkiinst umgeht / und merk auf der Planeten Lauf, / ob dieser Tag sei gut zum Kauf, / zum Bauen, Krieg, Machting der Eh, / zu Freundschaft und desgleichen meh. / All unser Wort, Werk, Tun und Lassen / soil gehn aus Gott und Gott umfassen. / Darum auch Gott der nicht vertraut, / der so auf das Gestime baut, / das ein Stund, Monat, Tag und Jahr / so glucklich sei, dafi man furwahr / davor und spater grofi Arbeit / nicht einfang, nur zu dieser Zeit, / und dafi das nicht geschehen mag / an einem ander, schlechten Tag." BRANT, Narrenschiff, "Von Stemdeuten," 21-36 (= 66.21-36). ^^In spite of his objection to astrology, Piirstinger thought that almanacs were useful for predicting conjunctions and eclipses: "Enimvero astronomi caeterique coelestium motuum indagatores ope naturae et naturali lumine coniectant et cognoscunt futures situs et cursus coelestes priusquam eveniant.... Quorum aliqua sunt certa et necessario eventura, velut eclipses, coniunctiones, oppositiones et alia quae per experientiam verificantur. Inde almanach et astrolabia ad usum verae mathesis, pro deprehendendis stellarum motibus et magnitudinibus, sunt aedita." OE 51,2. I use the umbrella-term "almanac" to cover calendar, practica, prognostica, and Aderlafltafel (nud-fifteenth century to mid-sixteenth). In spite of arguable differences, the words were often used interchangeably. Most studies about almanacs center on England (CAPP, English Almanacs; and THOMAS, Decline of Magic, 293-300), even though England was late in coming to almanacs. The first English almanac did not appjear until 1545. In France emd Germany, they were popular long before: first in manuscript form, later in incunabula and later still in early printed books, Flugschriften and broadsheets. See HAUSSEN, "Fischart-Studien," esp. 26-37. 62 recover. There were propitious days and catastrophic days for bleeding, which changed according to one's age and sex. The debate in Paris over whether

January 2nd or January 8th was better for bleeding grew so heated that authorities had to appoint outside arbitrators.^^ When Johann von Staupitz missed an important meeting of episcopal advisors in Salzburg on 28 April 1523, to visit a bleeder, we cannot assume that his condition was critical. Perhaps a more auspicious day for bleeding was too far away to risk the wait.'^^ The church endowed days with tmequal significance, too, by assigning a well- known martyr to one day and an obscure saint to another. All of these differences reinforced the asperity and disparity of time.^ Cosmic space and cosmic time were likewise related concepts. Speculation over infinity often centered on debates about eternity. For those who believed in purgatory — whether they placed it in St. Patrick's Ireland as Hamlet did,^^ or in a cavernous moimtain in the southern hemisphere as Dante did^^ — the place separated heaven and hell spatially and divided death and resurrection temporally. It served as an antechamber to paradise and a prelude to eternity. As Piirstinger described purgatory, it was a station where human spirits lived and did penance in the same way that fallen

42See THORNDIKE, History of Magic, IV, 139f. ^^Aegedius Rem, secretary to the archbishop, in his report to Matthaus Lang about an episcopal advisors' meeting on 28 April 1523, noted two important absences: "So ist e.f.g. [= Matthaus Lang] dumprobst hie zu Salzburg [= Adreas von Trautmannsdorf] von wegen, das er ein aderlasser ist gewesen, auch nit ershinen.... Nachmalen ist durch uns alle, so e.f.g. darzu verordnet hat, aussgenommen dem abbt zu sant Peter [= Johann von Staupitz], der auch ain aderlasser gewesen ist." In DATTERER, Matthaus Lang, xxvii. I have not b^n able to locate a Salzburg AderlafSkalender for 1523. ^'kZf. THOMAS, Decline of Magic, 615-23, esp. at 617f. 45SHAKESPEARE, Hamlet, I.v.9-23, 135-138; about which LE GOFF, U naissance, 272. ^^DANTE, La Divina Commedia, H: Purgatorio, 2.3, 3.14f, and passim. 63 angels lived in the air.'^^ one of four hells, next to the ruthless and deepest hell, Tartarus, or eternal damnation.'^® "Abraham's Castle," or the patriarchs' fore-hell, is where the righteous waited on the return of Christ — a hell lifted into the sky.^^ There was also a hell for "unbaptized infants, the mentally ill and other such people," who were penalized eternally for original sin "without pain," but who, because they had not sinned actively, were spared harsher pimishment^o Time in purgatory was measurable but not uniform. From the church's perspective it ended with final judgment; from the individual's point of view it lasted imtil purgation was complete. One sinner's centiiry might mean another's milleniuvim. Moreover, time in purgatory was always longer than time on earth. People who retiorned from purgatory with horrific accounts of incessant suffering — according to legends studied by — had been missed by friends on earth for only short periods.^ ^ Theologians went so far as to calculate ratios, making one day in purgatory equal to one year on earth.^^ Thus, in a fashion, the medieval theory of relativity was more empirical than even Einstein's theory: With people

'^^"Solh fegfewr ist etwa ain ort oder stat dorinn menschlich geist pueessen vnnd wonen, wie poes englisch geist im luft wonen." TTh 80,7. 48"v{erde hell ist das fegfewr ... fegfewr ist genent ain hell, vmb das es steet zenagst bey dem tartarum, das ist bey grawssamer tyeffisten hell." TTh 80,7. andem ist gewesen der ^Ituaeter vorhell, Abrahams schoss, dorjnn die gerechten auf zuoekunfft Cristi gewartt.... Aber nunmals ist solhe vorhell auffgehebt, deszhalb wirt hewt der hymel genennt Abrahams schoss." TTh 80,1; 80,5 (based on Luke 10:22-24). ^''"Vnder berueerter vorhell ist dritte hell.... Aber in derselben vorhell ist kain empfindliche pein, nachdem dorinn allain gestraft wirt die erbsiind.... Dann pein des schadens mueessen ewigklich leiden jhen die rut tailhaftig seirm des leiden vnd verdienn christi, als die vngetauften kind, narren vnd dergleichen lewt, die wurchlich nit gesundigt haben.... Deshalb sy himlischer saelikait emperen vnd in diser vorhell (doch on smertzen) ewiklich beleiben mueessen." TTh 80,6. LE GOFF, 'Time of Purgatory," 73f, with fn. 8. '^LE GOFF, 'Time of Purgatory," 74. 64 moving between cosmic time zones, even the decalage horaire could be calculated.

For those who did not believe in purgatory, death put a quick and permanent end to linear time.^^ With no purgation to separate now and forever, only final judgment remained. This did not mean that life became afterlife in the same uninterrupted sense that tomorrow follows today. Final judgment, according to Luther, was proximate to everyone, everywhere, equally. The first person to live and the last person to die would arrive on time together for final judgment.^^ That time belonged to God, and that sentences in purgatory were unlike seasons on earth, did not stop the church from collecting handsome profits by controlling time. Indulgences made it possible to think of purgatory in terms of fiscal debt. By selling indulgences the church thus contributed to a growing sense of personal time. People had their own sentence of purgation and private means to alter its terms of payment. Perhaps in the modem world, "time is money;" but contemporaries of Piirstinger would have imagined the reverse for purgatory, "money is time." Piirstinger compared the last days to old age,^^ a time when the out­ dated and the obsolete would be destroyed.^^ He pictured the church, situated

^^"Denn hie mufi man die zeytt aufi dem synn thun unnd wissen, das ynn yhener welt nicht zeytt noch stiind sind. Condemn alles eyn ewiger augenblick." LUTHER, Predigten (1522), WA lO/m, 194.10-12. 54"WeiI nu fur Gottes angesicht keyne rechnung der zeyt ist, so mussen tausent iar fur ihm seyn, als wer es eyn tag. Darumb ist yhm der erst mensch Adam eben so nahe als der zum letsten wird geboren werden vorm iungsten tag. Denn Gott sihet nicht die zej^ nach der lenge, sonder nach der quer." LUTHER, Predigten (1523/24), VJA 14,70.26 - 71.9. ^^"Nos quippe sumus mode in ultima saeculi aetate quasi in senectute." OE 4,4. 56"Quod antiquatur et senescit prope interitum est." OE 4,4. spatially between heaven and hell, filled with citizens from both worlds.^^ He divided life into three "days" — birth, death and judgment^® — and separated history into fourteen periods (figure 1.4): seven ages of the world (aetates mundi) and seven stages of the church (status ecclesiae). He adopted his model from [Pseudo]-Ubertino of Casale, who had taken it from Joachim of Fiore.'^® Similar divisions of history date from Augustine, and by Piirstinger's day were commonplace, taking root in many literary genres including chronicles, poetry and prognostications. What distinguishes Piirstinger's model as apocalyptic is not its periodization, nor the proximity of the present age to the final stage, but rather the conviction that the end of history had already dawned. Piirstinger placed himself in the final "age of the world" and the penultimate "stage of the church," where the fifth status (remissio) and the sixth status {reformatio) overlap. Forerunners of the antichrist were myriad. The "mixed antichrist" was alive and the "great antichrist" would appear soon. At the end of the sixth status, Christ would

^^"Nam praesens militans ecdesia, quae inter coelum et infemum sita est, sicut in medio subsistet ita utrarumque peirtiuin dves commuiuter recipit." OE 43,1 ^®"Aller menschen treflich sachen werden beslossen zuo dreyen taegen, die in mercklichen sorgen vnd embsiger gedechtnusz allzeit zebekennen seinn. Jm anfang der tag des menschen gepurd. Jn mitte der tag seines sterbeiw. Jm ende der jungst tag." TTTi 100,5. ^^"Ad investigandum indicium futurae Ccilamitatis iam proximantis, intendo aliqua disserere de septem ecclesiae statibus ut sciamus in quo statu huiuscemodi calamitas super nos sit eventura. Quamobrem quaedam excerpsi, quae ad hoc necessaria esse duxi, ex documento quod super Apocalypsi confedt Ubertinus de Casali, ordinis minorum professus, de ecclesiae statibus septem." OE 5, proem. Piirstinger was using Tractatus de septem statibus ecclesiae juxta septem visiones beati Joannis in Apocalypsim ... doctoris fratris Ubertini de Casali ordinis Minorum, which he discovered in a collection of prophecies called Abbas Joachim (Venice, 1516), fol. 54^ - 76^. The treatise was not by Ubertino, however. See KLUVER, Onus ecclesiae, 76. The Seven Ages of the World and the Seven Stages of the Church aeiates miiiuli et status ecclesiae (Onus ecclesiue 5-9)

Adaii) Noiih Abnihiiin The Exodus The 'I'ciiipic The New Iciiiple Chrisl Jtulgnu'Di 1st Age 2nd Age 3rd Age 4lh Age 5th Age 6th Age 7th Age (5200-4107?) (2958) (2016) (1511) (1032) (510)

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(First Advent) (Stephen) (Jerome) (Benedict) (lionifuce Vlll) (The Great Antichrist) / \ / \ / f (1519) The Present | ^ The Last Days ^ Ubi(|uil(nis Calumily | ( The Mixed Anticiu ist) I 35 L J

Eternity — the 8th Stage (remnneratio) — the Church Triumphant 67 return as reformer.^o and the church triumphant would begin to enjoy a blessed eternity

The effort to situate the apocalypse in space and time says as much about people's anxieties as about the world's peculiarities.^^ Even the most straightforward prophecies left people with an imcertain sense of space and time. Piirstinger's own anxiety on this point is seen in his frequent reminder that "no one knows the hour and no one knows the day" (Matt. 24:36), for "it is not ovirs to know dates and times" (Acts 1:7).^^ Piirstinger found refuge, however imperfect, in the security that prophecy could afford.

^®"Eodem tandem quinto statu adhuc durante, praesens sextus status reformandae ecclesiae censetur inceptus contra insultum antichristi, cuius praecursores, id est multos antichristos, ecdesia in onmi statu suo passa est.... Hinc est quod septem statibus varii fines variaque initia assignantur. Nam semper prior status paulatim decrevit et interim status subse<^ens succrevit ac successive inolevit." OE 6,1. ^^"Septenarii praescripti et quamplures alii utriusque testamenti coaptantur ad septem ecclesiae status, quorum primus est apostolorum, secundus martjmim, tertius doctorum, quartus anachoritarum, quintus gratiae et remissionis, sextus reformationis, septimus status erit quietis temporalis usque ad extremum iudiciimi, post quod sequetur status octavus, qui vocatur remunerativus, quando devenitur ad conspectum domini.... Ille etenim coelestis status erit aetemus, finem alium preater Deum non habiturus. Caeteri vero terrestris ecclesiae status tempore terminantur." OE 5,8. ^^Remy Belleau highlights the importance of space and time in his Bergerie (1565) with a wonderfully detailed description of a shepherd's staff. The staff permits time to be measured: "Ces six lignes sont tirees ^alles en longueur et paralelles, mi-parties d'une ligne plus courte, puis entre ces divisions, qui sont douze, y a encores duex petites lignes et trois espaces, qui ne sont que marques ou points, lesquelles contierment entre-elles I'espace de cinq jours, lesquels multipliez six fois, font trente jours ou trente degrez, que tient chacune espace ou signe du Zodiaque, lesquels mis ensemble, font le cours Solaire, ou un an entier." BELLEAU, La Bergerie, 116f. The steiff also allows space to be measiired: "comme il pouvoit servir k arpenter, k pendre largeurs, longueurs, et hauteurs.... n me montra aussi comme on trouvoit aisement la demie toise sur le dos de ce baton, qui contient trois pieds, chacun pie douze pouces, chacun pouce douze onces ou lignes, les marques en sont d'lvoire sur le bois d'Ebene, de ces trois peids on en fait la toise qui est de six, on en fait la coudee qui est d'un pie et demy, la perche doublant la demie toise huit fois, de I'autre coste on y trouve I'aune comme de Paris, de Lyon, de Provins, la canne et la brasse." BELLEAU, La Bergerie, 123. See further BRAYBROOK, "Space and Time," esp. 370-372. 63oE prolog,l; 15,23; 63,3; TTh 24,7. 68

The Universe

... in adventum did. Domini, per quern caeli ardentes solventur, et elementa ignis ardore tabescent.^^

According to Piirstinger, the final conflagration of the apocalypse would destroy the world but not the entire universe. According to the apostle Peter, it would burn everything including the heavens. How Piirstinger reconciled his account and the biblical view, and why he thought the flames of wrath would extend to the moon though not beyond, are questions best answered by referring to medieval concepts of cosmology about how the universe operated. Piirstinger's cosmology was more symmetrical than modem models of the universe. Our enlightened aesthetic is too bent on hazard and tolerant of freedom to condone the medieval passion for order and predictability.^ ^ From their perspective, the balance was the beauty.^^ In spite of chaos elsewhere in the world, provoked by the Fall, God had upheld the structural integrity of his creation. Piirstinger's medieval universe had two parts: creator and creation (figure 1.5).^^ The creation was divided into the microcosm, or what we call

642 Peter 3:12. 65eco, Art and Beauty in the Middle Ages, passim, but esp. 17-42. ^^Note the opinions of Proxndenda and Natura: "In predecoro longeque artifici mundi sensilis apparatu cum iam Providentie conplaceret, Naturam evocat, ut paritur conmiretur et gaudeat, ad quorum exomationem totis desideriis anhelaret. 'Ecce,' inquit, 'mundus, o Natura, quem de antique seminario, quem de tumuitu veteri, quem de massa confusionis excepi, Ecce mundus, operis mei excogifata subtilitas, gloriosa constnictio, rerum specimen predecorum, quem creavi, quem formavi sedula, quem ad etemam ydeam ingeniosa circumtuli, mentem meam propriore vestigio subsecuta." BERNARDUS SILVESTRIS, Cosmographica, n/1, 1.1-9 (=120.1-9). ^^"Anfangklich zemercken, daz all ding oder gantze weld, in latein genannt totum vniuersum, getailt ist in Got vnd in grosse weld, nemlich jne Schoepffer vnd in all sein geschoepf." TTh 19,1. 69

The Universe Totum universum (Tewtsche Theologeif, 19 -26) _L I I The Creator The Creation , ^ 1 Macrocosm Microcosm ! 1

The Spiritual The Corporal Soul Body

I Good Angels Fallen Angels Aether Element i s figure 15 body, and the macrocosm, or everything beyond the body. "When, for the sheer delight of it, God had established order out of disorder in the macrocosm, and had perfected the same in the microcosm," wrote Vincentius Viepeckius in his editor's preface to Onus ecclesiae, "he added another object of beauty from the most splendid truth of learning, in order to raise the pinnacle of glory even higher."^^ The microcosm comprised the body and the soul, while the macrocosm, without injury to cosmological symmetry, embraced the corporeal and the spiritual.^^ Corporeal beings were divided according to their location and nature: between the upper aethereal world and the lower elemental world.^o The incorruptible heavens, the stars and the firmament were above the moon. The corruptible four elements (earth.

^®"Cum igitur quae in macrocosmo pro admirando decore concurrentia, haec eadem et in microcosmo perfecisset, ipsi tanquam ad summe dignitatis fastigium elevando aliam ex doctrinarum amplissima varitate pulchritudinem adiecit." VIEPECKIUS, 'Treface," in OE. About Viepeckius see below, Appen^x A. grosse weld genannt macrocosmus. Dieselb gros weld ist ferrer getailt in geistliche vnd leibliche natur... kleine weld, gennant Microcosmus, das ist den menschen mit sel vnd leib." TTh 19,6. ^^"Bemelte leiblich geschopf ist geteiilt in obere vnd vndere weld." TTh 25,1. 70 water, air and fire) were below the moon7^ The crucial frontier separating the immaculate aether from the flawed element was the lunar sphere (the physical space comprising what we call the moon's orbit)72 Spiritual beings were likewise distinguished according to nature and location. Good angels belonged to the aether above the moon/^ fallen angels to the element below the moonJ^

According to Piirstinger, the battle between St. Michael and evil angels "in the heavens" (Rev 12:7) would take place in the sublunar corruptible element, because fallen angels were exiled from the incorruptible aether. They were imprisoned between earth and the moon until "the day of the Lord," at which time St. Michael would defeat them. At that point, penitents would be raised from purgatory below the earth, to God's burrung glory above the earth, while St. Michael triumphantly flung fallen angels into hell, sending them to an eternal subterranean damnation.75

71"Der ober weld, als himel, stem vnd gantz firmament seinn vnzerprechlich vnd unzeriitlich leib." TTh 25,2. "in die vnder weld, das ist in die Element vnd Elementliche ding, dieselben seinn zerprechlich vnd zerutlich." TTh 25,2. 72"Vom Zyrck des Mons herab, durch alle element vnd was leiblichs dorinn begriffen dasselb is vnderr tail des lawttem leiblichen geschoepffs." TTh 26,1 73TTh 23, passim. "^^TTh 24, passim. ^^"Wie geschriben stet, daz der herr jhen engel, die iren ersten stand nit gehalten sender ir behawsung verlassen, zuo des grossen Gottes gericht mit ewigen panden vnder der dunckelhait behalten hab. Damach zuo jungstem tag werden sy verurtailt in hellisch feur, so in mitte Oder centro des erdreichs stet.... Dieweil seinn die posen geist gefangen vnd gesetzt in die element, als in ainn kaercher. Daraws zeuersteen, daz die dewfel hie im finstem luft wonen vnd dorinn die menschen anweigen. Wie der menschen geist pueessen vnd wonen vnder der erd im fewr also puoessen vnd wonen verkert englisch geist ob der erd im lufft, domit sy nahend haben die menschen anzeweigen vnd zebetriben. Nach jungstem tag komen menscWich geist awsmm fegfewr vber die erd in himlisch feur gotlicher glori. Die posen geist komen alszdenn asmm luft vnder die erden in hellisch fewr, dohin auch die verdambten gewident sein." TTh 24,10. 71

Not only did the moon separate corruptibility from incorruptibility and angels from demons/^ during the apocalypse the lunar sphere would mark the limit of cosmic ruin. Although Peter wrote that the heavens would be "destroyed by burning" and the elements would "melt with intense heat,"^^ what he meant, in Piirstinger's view, who used Augustine and Aquinas, was that the mutable sublvmar element would be destroyed by fire, while the supralunar incorruptible aether including the planets, the stars and the firmament, would survive unscathed, spared God's wrath and Satan's malice. In the medieval view, nature's building blocks were the four contraries — hot, cold, moist and dry — a system of physics bequeathed by Aristotle to the Middle Ages. The contraries combined in the microcosm as humors, in the macrocosm as elements and in the zodiac as trigons (figure 1.6):

Contraries Elements Humors TngonS(iriplicitates) Cold and Dry • earth • melancholy • Taurus, Vireo, Capricorn Coid and Moist • water •phfesm • Cancer, Scorpio, Pisces Hoi and Moist • air • blood • Gemini, Libra, Aquarius Hot and- Dry • fire • choler • Aries, Leo, SaRittarius in the macrocosm in the microcosm in the zodiac figure 1.6

^^Purstinger uses sublunar and supralunar: "Situs denique et ordo stellarum, quae supra lunam locantur, incertus est." OE 51,4. But he also uses inferior and superior. "Inunensae praeterea sunt difficultates drca motionem, nedum supermorum corporum coelestium sed et inferiorum planetarum." OE 513- ^^See above, fh. 64. ^®Hinc Petrus inquit, per Christum adventurum caeli ardentes solventur et elementa ignis ardore tabescent [2 Pet 3:13]; non dicit ex planetarum situ sed Quisti potentia et adventu caelos ardentes, id est aetherem seu spheram ignis, solvi caeteraque inferiora elementa tabescrere." OE 51,20; cf. 63,4. "Nam et illo tempore perisse dixit [2Peter 3:1-13] qui tunc erat mundum, nec solum orbem terrae, verum etiam caelos, quos utique istos aerios intellegimus quorum locum ac spatium tunc aqua crescendo superaverat. Ergo totus aut paene totus aer iste ventosus (quod caelimi vel potius caelos vocat [i.e. Peter], sed utique istos imos [sublimar], non illos supremos [supralunar] ubi sol et luna et sidera constituta sunt) conversus fuerat in umidam qualitatem atque hoc modo cum terra perierat, cuius terrae utique prior fades fuerat delecta diluvio." AUGUSTINE, De civitate dei (XX,18), 729f, 27-35. See also AQUINAS, Summa theologica, HI Sup., Q. 74, art 4: "Utrum ignis ille purgabit etiam coelos superiores." 72

Below the moon were the four elements, the heaviest of which, earth, because of its weight, became the lowest part of the imiverse.^^ Piirstinger lived at the bottom center, in the middle of the Ptolemaic universe on the heaviest of the Aristotelian elements. For that reason, although we look into outer space, Piirstinger looked toward upper space, measured in height better than distance. The second element, water, because it was lighter than the first, remained on the earth's surface. The third element, air, lighter still, rose above the earth. And the lightest of all elements, fire, rose even higher than air, although never beyond the moon. Each element had its own sublunar sphere (figure 1.7), part of a cosmological model that sxirvived long after Piirstinger, indeed beyond Copernicus. It was still in mind when John Donne wrote The Anniversaries (1612), about the soul of Elisabeth Drury traveling upward so quickly that it passed from air to the moon without seeing fire.®® Above the moon we leave Aristotle's four elements and enter the realm of aether, the fifth element (quintessence),^^ which included the seven spheres (although Piirstinger heard rumor of two more).®^ The first sphere belonged to the moon, then to Mercury, Venus, the Stm, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn in that order (figure 1.8). Beyond Saturn was the stellatum, to which

^^The widest read introduction to astronomy during the later Middle Ages was SACROBOSCO, De sphera. ®®'Twixt Heaven, and Earth: shee staies not in the Ayre / ... / For th'Element of fire, shee doth not know / Wether she past by such a place or no." DONNE, The Second Anniversary, 189-194. S^SACROBOSCO, De sphera. I (79.6). ®^"Siquidem antiqui posuerunt dumtaxat octo sphaeras [he includes earth to make eight], modemi vero Astronomi adhuc duas superiores esse sphaeras argumentantur." OE 51,4. Piirstinger does not identify the two spheres, but likely they belonged to the empyrean and crystalline heavens. See further SMOLLER, History, Propheq/, 144, fn. 37. lunc

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figure 1.7 The Sublunar Spheres figure 1.8 The Universe Pierre D'AILLY, Imago mundi, fol. iv'' SCHEDEL, Buch der Chroniken, fol. N 74 the fixed stars belonged. Beyond the stellatum was the primum mobile. Unlike our universe, Piirstinger's universe had recognizable form and dimension. It took the perfect shape, spherical, while stars orbited in the finest, most elegant of patterns, a uniform circle.83 Medieval aesthetics left little room for uncertainty.®'^ The universe was not static. For Piirstinger it was animated, indeed choreographed.®^ Whereas modem science describes an event like a falling object in terms of obedience to natural laws (in this case gravity), late- medieval thinkers described similar events in terms of attractions, sympathies and antipathies. Matter obeyed "feelings" not "laws."®^ In keeping with Aristotelian physics, the primum mobile caused the stellatum to move, the stellatum the spheres to move, the spheres the elements to move and so on down the chain of cause and effect to the microcosm. The

®^"Oniniiim enim sidenim vires sunt bonae ac salubres. Siquidem corpora coelestia in suis naturis sunt perfecta et incorruptiblia absque onmi contrareitate. Hoc eorum motus circularis demonstrat, cui nihil obstat s^ semper invenitur regularis et uniformis." OE 51,17. ^'^It is noteworthy, nevertheless, that Purstinger uses the word infinity when describing far away distances and gigantic numbers. But he does not mean, in any of these cases, that the universe extended endlessly beyond the outer sphere, or that God could not count the stars. "Stellae enim immensa mole et infinita distantia sunt a nobis disiunctae" OE 51,3. "Stellarum, non solum quae non videntur sed quae cemuntur infinitum esse numerum." OE 51,4. ^^TTie word "animation" appears in the sources: "quod planetae sunt aniniati anima rationali." ALBERT the Great, Speculum astronomiae, 12 (252.32). I do not find the word "choreography," but the idea that celestial animation was ordered and prearranged is conunon: "Planetis etsi sint animae rationales, non eligunt tamen, nec indigent electione propter longitudinem eorum ab impedimentis.... Effidtur ex motibus planetarum naturalibus atque durabilibus effectus naturalis et durabilis, qui fit usque ad tempus quod Deus voluerit." Ibid., 12 (252.38-55). ®^Movements (that I call "feelings") were rational in the primum mobile and irrational in the lower spheres: "Unde sciendum quod primus motus didtur motus primi mobilis... qui est ab oriente per occidentem rediens iterum in orientem, qui etiam didtur motus rationalis. Secundum motus est firmamenti et planetarum contrarius huic ab ocddente per orientem iterum rediens in ocddentem, qui motus didtur irrationalis sive sensualitatis." SACROBOSCO, De sphera, II (86.11-19). 75 vehicles for movement and the means whereby distant planets affected life on earth were influences.^"^ Influences were the nuts and bolts of astrology. When astronomers and theologians disagreed about influences, their differences of opinion were a matter of degree more than kind. Indeed, even Piirstinger, who attacked astrology on the very point of influences, never questioned their existence. He only doubted their impact. For him influences were just that: influences never coercions.^^ Doctors were apt to blame mysterious ill-health on bad influences, a tradition that survives today in our use of the word "influenza." Influences came from light and carried warmth. Whereas we imagine space as pitch-black, icy-cold nothingness, Piirstinger felt warmth and saw light.89 Night for him was not larger than a cone-shaped shadow, circling the earth opposite the sun once every twenty-four hours. Fallen angels were trapped inside the cone-shaped darkness, within the sublunar element.^o

Above the shadow of night, as elsewhere in space, the atmosphere was bright, sunny and warm. That is to say, whereas we gaze into an evening sky and think of darkness forever, Piirstinger imagined light on the other side of the darkness.In that sense, his universe was more heliocentric than ours.

use the English word influence for the Latin word influencia recognizing the dangers. Not meant is influence in the modem sense of "your letter influenced my thinking." Medieval influencia were more like modem photons. ®®"Deis gestym pfligt einzefliessen aber rut zenoettigen, es bewegt wol das fleisch, aber bezwin^ nit den geist noch seinn freyen willen." TTh 25,8- °9"isjam orto Saturno vel alia Stella non multum lucis vel caloris sentimus. Sed secundum solis ac lunae accessum et recessum ac secundum obiectaram materiarum dispositionem et influxum, impressiones recipiunt elementa, quae alore soluvmtxu-." 0£ 51,6. 90see above, fn. 75, first sentence. ^^Note the limitations of darkness: "Cum autem sol sit maior terra, necesse est quod medietas spere terre a sole semper illuminetur et quod umbra terre extensa in aere tomatilis minuatur in rotunditate donee deficiat in superficie drculi signorum inseparabilis a nadir solis." SACROBOSCO, De sphera, W (115.9-12). 76

Light served as both vehicle and fuel for every celestial power and xiltimately every terrestrial stirring.®^ The sun and the moon were like governors or kings to the earth; the four elements like ministers.^^ Linking one element to the next were influences. They helped animate the universe in movements coreographed by feeling.^'^ Historians of the Renaissance and Reformation have been too eager to distinguish theology and astronomy, which, although separate sciences, were never divided so simplyExtreme views — like those espoused by Pierre d'Ailly in Concordantia astronomie cum theologia and Pico della Mirandola in Disputationes adversus astrologiam — fermented in camps of mutual antagonism. Yet both thinkers were important to Pvirstinger, and neither one doubted that the sun influenced the earth. Until we distinguish theology and astronomy along guidelines familiar to the sixteenth century, we will not understand Luther who looks at the skies for signs of the times,^^ yet blasts Melanchthon for practicing astrology.®^ Nor will we make sense of a

lumine equidem calor coelestis profluit. Venim secundum Avincennam, lumen est vehiculum et fomentum omnium coelestium virtutum et impressionum. Sol nempe est fons totius influxus." OE 51,6. He cites Avicenna through Pico della Mirandola, De astrologia disputationum, 7,7. ^^"Nempe sol et luna dicuntur rectores orbis terrarum. Nam simt quasi reges, elementa veluti mirvistri." OE 51,6. ^^For an old but still solid introduction to medieval cosmology, including the sympathies and antipathies that goverened it, see LEWIS, Discarded Image, 92-121. ^^This was less true during the nineteenth century; see esp. FRIEDRICH, Astrologie und Reformation, passim. 96"Die laufft des hymels sind von ewnckeyt drauff gericht, das sie fur dissem tag solten solche zeychen machen. Die heyden schreyben, der Comet erstehe auch naturlich, aber got schafft keynen, der nit bedeutt eyn gewiss ungluck." LUTHER, Wartburg Advent Pastille (1522),WI4 10/1/2, 99.20 - 100.1. 97cf. LUTHER, Table Talk, WAT (1557) 3, 373.14-23 (no. 3520); and WAT (1542) 5, 222 - 224 (no. 5538). Concerning Melanchthon's view see CAROTI, "Melanchthon's Astrology." 77

Piirstinger who thinks eclipses foreshadow misfortune,^® and a Piirstinger

who dismisses astrologers for consulting the stars to predict the future.^^ What helps to explain Luther and Piirstinger here is that comets and eclipses pertained to theology, while stars and constellations belonged to astronomy. According to Piirstinger, a darkened sun signaled God's judgment,^°o yet a conjunction of planets meant nothing.^^^ According to Luther, a comet foreshadowed portending evil,^o^ yet the position of the stars at one's birth had no consequence for later life.^^^ The changing pattern of stars and planets in the heavens was a natural consequence of spheres rotating at different speeds. But eclipses and comets were supernatural suspensions of the wondrous beauty and symmetry of the universe: unexplainable bursts of light and sudden absences of warmth. They implied divine intervention and deserved special attention. Much of the medieval debate between theologians and astrologers about the futxire, the heavens and how the two related, centered on how influential influences really were.^^^ Piirstinger recognized three different

^^"infortunia portendant eclipses." OE 51,7. ^^"Astrologi quippe singulares astrorum influentias fingunt ex eisque futures eventus et naturae secreta rimantur, et specialiter quandam propinquam diluvionis plagam ex constellationibus eventuram incoiKulte autumnant." OE 52, proem. 100"proinde plagas mundo inflagendas frequenter praecedent eclipses, divina proculdubio iustitia praeordinante." OE 51,7. ^0^"Siquidem ipsi cupiunt ex vera futurorum praedictione titulum divinitatis sibi arrogare; errant autem quando futura ex coelestibus causis praedicare attentant." OE 51,16.

^O^luthER, Table Talk, WAT (1543) 5, 254.17 - 255.13 (no. 5573). Augustine wrote: "Nam et ipsi quamvis veram stellarum positionem, quum quisque nasdtur, consectentur, et aliquando etiam pervestigent, tamen quod inde conantur vel actiones nostras vel actionum eventa praedicere, nimis errant, et vendunt imperitis hominibus miserabilem servitutem" De doctrim Christiana (11,21), 55.3-8; but he also remarked: "Cum igitur non usquequaque absurde did posset ad solas corporum differentias adflatus quosdam valere sidereos, sicut in solaribus accessibus et decessibus videmus etiam ipsius anni tempora variari et lunaribus incrementis atque detrimentis augeri et minui quaedam genera rerum, sicut echinos et conchas et mirabiles aestus oceani." De civitate Dei (V,6), 133.22-134.27. Aquinas 78 kindsr^o^ 1) divine influences that started with God and belonged to the incorruptible supralunar aether;'^06 2) evil influences that started with the devil and remained in the mutable sublunar air;'^^^ and 3) natural influences that were good when stemming from the stars,^''® yet evil when corrupted by sublunar bodies.^^^ That is to say, the sun and moon were influential, but the stars and planets were not, because the sun and moon were close enough to make their heat "felt" on earth.^"^® The sun and moon were also mentioned in Scripture more frequently than the stars and the planets.^^"^ 4- 4- 4-

Christopher Columbus planned to record his vision of cosmology and prophecy in a book that never materialized; yet Berthold Piirstinger in Onus

argued that influences could affect our psissions but not our reason, which crippled astronomy when making predictions about wise people: "Et licet coelestia corpora super partem intellectivam animae directe non possint imprimere ... plurimi tamen sequuntur impetus passionum et inclinationes corporales, in quas efficaciam habere coelestia corpora manifestum est; solum enim sapientum, quorum est parvus numerus, est huiusmodi passionibus obviare." AQUINAS, Summa contra Gentiles, in, 154. ^03"Considerandimi igitur est triplicem esse influentiam: bonam scilicet originaliter a Deo effluentem; malam a diabolo inunissam; ac naturalem a Deo ordinatam se aliquando in inferioribus malitia daemonum vel hominum perversam et deturpatam." OE 51,8; cf. TTh 25^-7. influentiam subsequuntur pii angeli, qui omnes sunt administratorii spiritus in ministerium missi. Res enim humanae gubemantur ministerio angelorum, qui natura digiutateque inter Deum et homines mediant, eorum autem influentia a summo coelo usque deorsum benivola est." OE 51,9. 107"Mala influentia daemoniam agit subiecta malivola. Nam sicut bona angelorum et coelorum irifluentia a Deo fonte bonitatis prodit, ita mala scaturit a Plutone ceu Stygio fonte et a caeteris malignis spiritibus, qui ascendxmt de terra et habitzmt in aere." OE 51,10. 108"i5gjj^jjg superior naturalis influentia, inquantum veiut ab incorruptibilibus astris semper est bona, quia ab optimo pendet Deo." OE 51,11. ^•^^"Inferior autem naturalis influentia contingens et procedens a sublunaribus corporibus, licet primitus a Deo bene sit institute, quia quae a Deo sunt, ordinata sunt tamen multifariam est infecta et perturbata ac indies magis perturbatur." OE 51,12. llO"Nam orto Satumo vel alia Stella non multum lucis vel caloris sentimus. Sed secundum solis ac lunae accessum et recessum ac secundum obiectarum materiarum dispositionem et influxum, impressiones recipiunt elementa, quae calore solvuntur.... Praeter solem autem et lunam nihil aut parum in inferiora singulariter agunt caeterae stellae." OE 51,6. ^^^"Scriptura quidem de sole et luna, non de aliis singulis astris mentionem facit quod of)erentur in inferiora et illuminent terram." OE 51,6. 79 ecclesiae left his readers a marvelous apocalyptic guidebook, explained at every twist and turn against the backdrop of medieval cosmology. Apocalyptic culture was rooted in the structure of the vmiverse. 80

CHAPTER TWO

In the Jaws of the Devil: Apocalyptic Geography

De ore eius lampades procedunt, sicut taedae ignis accensae.^

Pantagruel tira sa langue.... Doncques, le mieulx que je peuz, montay -par dessus, et cheminay bien deux lieues sus sa langue tant que entray dedans sa boucheP-

We now leave the aethereal domain where angels reside and the heavenly element where demons fly for the firmer if unsightlier realm of earth. The differences are striking. The wonderful symmetry of medieval cosmology yields to a disorderly abode for sirmers and a wild stomping ground for monsters. Piirstinger's personal experience of the world was limited. As a student he lived in Vierma and Perugia, but later he seldom ventured beyond the borders of Salzburg. Concerning far away territories and alien races he had biblical prophecy, medieval tales and his imagination to teach him. We

Ijob 41:19 (= Job 41:10, Vulgate). ^Rabelais, Pantagruel, 32, in Oeuvres Completes, 331.2-4. 81 can help to decipher the complex nature of that world by focusing on its place inside the jaws of the devil and by studying apocalyptic peculiarities of the geography arotind Salzburg. There are two oversights in the literature on the jaws of hell.^ First and foremost, researchers have not interpreted the monstrous jowls with fanged eye-teeth as apocalyptic.^ Yet even the monster itself, with mouth agape, is Leviathan, the wide-eyed dragon from the sea, beast of the apocalypse (figure 2.1). According to Piirstinger, Leviathan would rise up at the end of the fifth status,^ when only God could draw him out "with a fishhook, or bind his tongue with a cord."^ Moreover, the open jaws reinforce the idea of imminent doom. Anguished victims are not waiting in

^The most complete study of the jaws of hell for the period between the 9th and the 15th centuries, with a detailed analysis of paintings and sculptures and a provocative discussion about the psychological anguish associated with the mouth, is BASCHET, Les Justices, esp. 233-285. Independent of BASCHET, Carolyne Walker B3mum refers to the jaws of hell in her study of regurgitation as a metaphor for resurrection. She invokes the image to illustrate the twelfth-century fear of mastication and digestion. BYNUM, Resurrection of the Body, 192f with fns. 119-124, 307 with fn. 105, and plates 12-14, 28-32. See also BALTRUSAITIS, Le moyen age fantastique, 41-54; LESTRINGANT, "Une cartographic inconoclaste," 114-120; BENTON, Bestiare medimal, esp. 56-64; and HUGHES, Heaven and Hell, 175-201. ^"Le Leviathan est une image des forces du nuil en action dans le monde; I'interpretation eschatologique du monstre demeure exclue de I'exegfese gr^orienne [i.e. Gregory, Moralia in Job]. BASCHET, Les Jidstices, 237. Regarding images of the jaws of hell used to illumine manuscript copies of the book of Revelation, Baschet writes that "deux foyers principaux peuvent etre distingues." Although he highlights the key characteristics of the "deux principales families," he does not interpret the image itself as apocedjqjtic. Ibid., 260-269, at 261. ^"Sed hoc die et statu quinto munda et immunda animalia sunt producta, et modo in fine eiusdem quinti status et ad vesperam quinti diei immunditia super immunditiam inundat. Idcirco huic diei et statui quinto reservatur Leviathem, ut is fiat in devorationem quibus Dens velit et qmndo velit [4 Esd 652], Maledictus autem est dies in quo suscitatur Leviathan [lob 3:8]. Ecce nostrum iam tempus quinti status nuncupat scriptura maledictum. Nam in die ista visitabit dominus super Leviathan serpentem vectem, id est durum per malitiam, et serpentem tortuosum, id est mollem per blandimentvun [Isa 27:1]." OE 8,4. Cf. OE 14,9. 6"Deus, qui extrahit Leviathan homo [sic! for hamo] et fune ligat linguam eius [lob 40:201" OE 17,6. None of the four editions of OE corrects homo to hamo. Nevertheless, the corrector himself, Vincent Viepeckius, in his own private copy (= L^), did change homo to hamo by hand. About the editions of OE, including the unique copy owned by Viepeckius, see Appendix A. 82

a trough ready to be eaten, or ah"eady consiomed in the monster's gut. They are trapped inside an open mouth, as close to their fate as possible. The picture is dire and desperate, quite unlike that conceived by Robert Hughes in his description of a painting by Herri met der Bles: "the mouth yawning in a smooth parabolic arch — one thinks of a hippopotamus basking in a river."^ We think rather of teeth grinding and flesh ripping.® Secondly, historians have overlooked a change in the symbolic meaning of the jaws over the longue duree. By the sixteenth century. Leviathan's tooth-lined mandible, or more commonly the appalling maw of a ferocious Lion, enclosed more than the eternally damned alone.^ The shift is not so obvious if only facial features are examined. Monstrous jaws are all

hideous. Yet as new victims come into view, the symbolism changes. We should reserve the phrase "the jaws of hell" for images of people eternally damned, since no one ever escapes hell. When escape is possible, a more appropriate description is "the jaws of the devil." Examples of both are manifold, found in manuscript miniatures, sculptured choir banks, ornate door-knockers, frescoed churches, printed pamphlets and hanging gargoyles. The earliest example of the jaws of hell dates from the beginning of the ninth century in England.^® Writers invoked fob as a scriptural basis for the fiery jaws, even though Job himself never mentioned hell: "Out of his [Leviathan's] mouth go burning torches; sparks of fire leap forth."^^ By the twelfth century, images of the jaws often represented the gates of hell as

'^HUGHES, Heaven and Hell, 198. ®BASCHET, Les Justices, 241, describes the "fantasme de devoration." ^See HUGHES, Hefloen and Hell, 175-201. ^®The earliest known rendition (ca. 800), in ivory, is now at the Victoria and Albert Museum, London. BASCHET, Les Justices, 233-235, with figure 1. ^^See fn. 1. 83 hinged like a door (figiire 2.1). In addition, the idea of consumption was accentuated through a grotesque multiplication and agglomeration of jaws (figiu-es 2.1 and 2.2). But artists did not always picture the consumed as eternally damned, sealed forever under lock and key. Even in some early examples, Christ appears rescuing victims (i.e. harrowing hell) by forcing his cross into the monster's gullet to induce vomiting: Leviathan coughs up his prey to a blessed eternity with Christ.^^ In P^stinger's diocese, on the north wall of a parish church in Urschalling, a fourteenth-century fresco captures the harrowing of hell in more serene terms: the cross is less an instrument of oral torture than a brace to hold open the exit (figure 2.3). "The church prays," wrote Piirstinger, "for God to deliver believing souls from the mouth of the lion, so that Tartarus [the deepest hell] does not swallow them."^^ By highlighting the temporal aspect of punishment as opposed to eternal damnation, the jaws came to symbolize purgatory, sometimes alone, sometimes with other levels of hell. A manuscript initial-D from about 1470 separated purgatory and hell between twin jaws: the former guarded by an angel; the latter by a demon (figure 2.4). Monsters were still gulping the damned into hell and holding sinners inside purgatory during the sixteenth century. But they were also ingesting whole institutions, broader territories and sometimes entire worlds. The standard metaphor for hell was beginning to represent, on a larger scale.

^^See BYNUM, Resurrection of the Body, 192f with plate 13. ^3"Deshalb pitt die kirch, daz got die glaubigen selen erledig von des leon maul auf das sy tartarus nit slicke noch in sich sawffe." TTh 80,7. About tartarus see above, 63, fn. 48. \ \

figure 2.1 Locking the Jaws of Hell (12th c.) figure 2.2 Multiple Jaws of Hell (13th c.)

figure 23 Harrowing Hell (14th c.) figure 2.4 Jaws of Purgatory and Hell (15th c.) REGNVM SATANAE ET.PAPAEI 2-THESS,2.

figure 2.5 The True Church and the False Church Lucas Cranach the Elder

flKcr ^ 1()K Oct #«pft:o(f(n6«rt itjt: (X fcv f(f)rt ft «(if 11 iiDigt ifr:

154-5.

figure 2.6 Salire of the Roman Catholic Mass, 1568 figure 2.7 Crowning the Pope over Hell, 1545 Marcus Ghecraerts the Elder LUTHliK, V^A, 54 damnable people, evil rituals and fallen societies. Lucas Cranach the Elder pictured half of the church in the devil's jaws, namely the false half (figure 2.5). Marcus Gheeraerts the Elder satirized the Roman mass by putting Catholic celebrants in the mouth of a monstrous monk (figure 2.6). Lutheran propaganda took aim at the papacy by crowning the pope over the jaws of Leviathan (figure 2.7). Rabelais imagined more than 25 kingdoms inside a monster's mouth, worlds he explored by sending his courageous alter-ego, Alcofribas, on a comic adventure: "Pantagruel stuck out his tongue.... So as best I could, I climbed up and walked along for [a good six miles] imtil I entered his mouth."^"^ Alcofribas fovmd moimtains, meadows, forests, deserts and fully functioning cities. He talked farming with peasants, did business with artisans and complained to senators about being robbed. "I began to think that it is quite true what we say," reported Alcofribas, "that one half of the world does not know how the other half lives."^^

The most striking example of the world trapped inside the jaws of the devil, and perhaps the largest satirical woodcut published in the sixteenth century, is the majrpemonde nouvelle papistique, finished in 1566 by Pierre Eskrich in Geneva (figures 2.8 and 2.9).^^ A pseudonymous companion commentary, histoire de la mappemonde papistique, has been ascribed to Theodore Beza,^^ Pierre Viret,^^ and most recently to Francesco Negri and

^^See fn. 2. Cf. AUERBACH, Mimesis, "The World in Pantagruel's Mouth," 262-284. commenqay penser qu'il est bien vray ce que Ton dit, que la moytie du monde ne sqait comment I'autre vit." RABELAIS, Pantagruel, 32, in Oeuvres Completes, 332.38-39. ^^Only recently has there been renewed interest in the map. See SZYKULA, "Mappemonde;" LESTRINGANT, "Cartographie iconoclaste;" and WAHRMAN, "Imaginary Drama." ^^The full title reads: Histoire de la Mappe-Monde papistique, en laquelle est declaire tout ce qui est contenu et pourtraict en la grande Table, ou Carte de la Mappe-Monde. 87

Giovani Battista Trento together.'^^ The full image with surrounding text required sixteen wood blocks, several years to carve and comprised about 36 square feet. Its rarity may accoimt for its neglect in the literature.^^ Its size — or rather the likelihood that some historians have studied only individual blocks — may explain the creative but dubious interpretations. "Next to a dangerous river full of teeth," wrote one author, "Protestant pastors are trying to break down the walls of the wicked papal city."^^ But this "river of teeth" on closer inspection (figure 2.10) proves to belong to the lower gums of a lion's mouth, which frames the entire map. Rome holds center position, walled-off from the rest of the world (figure 2.11). Outside the wall, but still inside the jaws, are Protestant reformers, including Luther, Melanchthon, Calvin and Hus. The pope sits on his throne, sucking the breast of a courtesan. Standing nearby are hate, flattery, scandal and avarice. Sinners are burning in purgatory, while saints Francis, Benedict and Bonaventure try vainly to fish them out. The allegorized geographic divisions include the provinces of monasticism, penitence and saints.^^ But the coastal outlines

Composee par M. Frangidelphe Escorche-Messes [pseudonym]. Imprimie en la ville de Luce Nouvelle par Brifaud Chasse-diables, 1567 [= Geneva, Frangois Perrin, (1566) ^1567]. According to the Catalogue general des livres imprimis de la Bibliotheque Nationale (Paris, 1912), 48, col. 76, S.V. "Escorche-Messes, Frangidelphe," this pseudonym belonged to Theodore Beza. The same Catalogue, 12, col. 1002, s.v. "B6ze, Theodore de" does indeed list the Histoire de la mappe-monde. Yet a marginal hand-written comment at that point reads: "fausse attribution." ^®The text appeared just once on the Index (Anvers, 1569); see Index des livres interdits, Bujanda (ed.), VII, 118f. Bujanda lists Theodore Beza, Pierre Viret and Giovanni Battista Trento as TOSsible authors. ^'See the wealth of evidence gathered for this view by WAHRMAN, "Imaginary Drama," passim. ^"Copies survive in the Sonderhausen Museum (Germany), the University Library (Wroclaw), the Biblioteca Nazionale (Florence) and the British Library (London). The Biblioth^ue publique et universitaire de Gen&ve holds two of the sixteen blocks, and, before the war, there were two copies in Berlin. Of the extant copies, two are hand-colored (Sonderhausen and Wroclaw). DAVIS, "The Sacred and the Body Social," 69 with plate 5 (facing 57). ^^SZYKULA, "Mappemonde," 97. 88

i ; figure 2.8 Mappemonde nouvelle papistique, Pierre Eskrich, 1566

figure 2.9 Mappemonde nouvelle papistique, detail upper jaw figure 2.10 Mappemonde nouvelle papistique, detail lower jaw

figure 2.11 Mappemonde nouvelle papistique, detail papal court 90 themselves correspond to the geographic contours of other sixteenth-century maps, so that Europe, Africa, the Mediterranean Sea, the Black Sea and the Red Sea are all distinguishable.^^ The whole world, in other words, rests perilously in the jaws of the devil. In Piirstinger's day, the monster's mouth was more than just hellish, it was apocalyptic. The jaws of hell consumed the damned but the jaws of the devil gorged on danmable institutions and corrupt believers, at times even on the whole world. When Piirstinger invoked the image — and he often did — it had this larger apocalyptic sense. "At the end of the sixth status," he wrote, referring to Revelation 16:13, "out of the mouth of the dragon, that is the devil, and out of the mouth of the beast and the false prophet, namely the antichrists, come three tmclean spirits.Piirstinger compared the lion to a wicked oppressive ruler,25 whose tyrarmical reign no one coiild endure. "So be on the alert," he warned, "the devil is like a roaring lion prowling about, seeking someone to devoiar."^^ The apocalyptic significance of the monster's mouth is reinforced by its antithesis in God, for the devil imitates God in many respects. While the jaws of hell pimish the reprobate eternally, the mouth of God kills the antichrist once and for all: the apocalypse ends when Christ breathes on his enemy. "The seventh and final stage of the church will begin after the second

^WAHRMAN, "Imaginary Drama," 186f. fine sexti ecclesiae status post quartum probum pastorem antichristus magnus censetur venturus. Postquam enim sextus angelus effudit phialam suam, Johannes vidit de ore dracorus, id est diaboli, et de ore bestiae et pseudo prophetae, id est antichristi, exire tres spiritus immundos [Apoc 16:13f]." OE 61, proem; cf. OE 41, proem. 25"Leo quippe rugiens ... est princeps impius super populum pauperem." OE 25,1. Cf. Prov 28:15. 26"Et quis potent huius lictoris tyannidem sustinere? Ergo vigilate, quia diabolus tanquam leo rugier\s circuit quaerens quem devoret [1 Pet 5:8]." OE 17,25. 91 coming of Christ, when he slays the antichrist with the breath of his mouth.Images of peril that pictured the world in Satan's mouth or the antichrist slain by Christ's breath — whether written, painted or sculpted — imderscored the apocalyptic reality in Piirstinger's world.

Picturing the World les images et peintures sont les livres des simple gens et idiots."^

What holds true for maps of the Holy Roman Empire applies to maps of Salzburg on a smaller scale: the odd array of states and enclaves, webbed and twisted borders, mingled and overlapping territories calls to mind the mad patchwork of a sinistei quilter.^® Such confusion was the result of secular and sacred boundaries that changed in cadence with broken alliances, arranged marriages, purchased elections, dismembered leagues and blood­ thirsty wars. Borders crisscrossed the Danube faster than tributaries fed it, framing church-lands, duchies, counties and free imperial cities.

Beyond the aesthetic problem of disordered borders, geographic confusion helped to ignite civic violence. When two or more landlords demanded taxes from the same people in the same territory, because borders overlapped, inhabitants grew angered. In the Merano Articles of 1525, Tyrolean peasants complained that after archduke Ferdinand, their rightful lord, had levied taxes, a host of other bishops and abbots from Salzburg, Freising and Chiemsee came charging their rents, mortgages, duties and

^"Septimus demum ecdesiae status indpiet fX)st secundum Christi adventum quando spiritu oris sui interficiet antichristum [2Thes 2:8], et finietur in extremo iudido." OE 7,8. Cf. OE 61,1. 2®AN0NYM0US, Histoire de la Mappe-Monde, fol. See below, fn. 40. 2®For a map of the Holy Roman Empire (ca. 1550) see HEH, I, 438. For Salzburg and Chiemsee see figures 2.13,2.14 and 2.15. 92 customs.^® The burden of injustice was heavy enough to anchor the rebels' cause.

Salzburg peasants complained that people without land were calling themselves landowners. These "would-be landlords" were antichrists, impostors from the world of fallen angels, oppressing the poor people of Salzburg. If elsewhere, injustice was reason for rebellion, here it signaled the apocalypse. Antichrists were to blame for the moimting unrest, or at least the evil that caused it.^^ Two warnings are in order before we "map" Piirstinger's apocalyptic world. The first is that maps of Renaissance and Reformation Europe, especially if geographically accurate, are modem fabrications. Cartographers at the turn of the sixteenth century were just beginning to measure distances, compute scale and render projections with arithmetic rigor. That means that modern maps of the Holy Roman Empire, in spite of any good they serve, thrive on anachronisms. The maps of Salzbvirg and Chiemsee, included here in the next subsection (figures 2.13, 2.14 and 2.15), are no different. They fail to describe the past in geographic terms faithful to how people then viewed it.

^^"Anfengklichen, dass die ganz Grafschaft Tirol mit alien ihren Bistumben, Qostem, Slossem, Stetten und Gerichten F. D. ads unserm gnedigsten Herren und Landsfursten [= archduke Ferdinand] und sonst niemand anderem zugehorig, undertenig und gehorsam sein, dieselb zu beschutzen und zu beschirmen, dargegen alle Phandtschaften der Slosser, Stett und Gericht sambt alien Gerichtszwangen, Zollen, Gulten und Zinsen, so den Gaistlichen als Bischoven und Qostem, inner und aufier Lands, so Zins, Zoll oder emders im Land aufzuhebn gehabt haben, als ausser Lands dem von Salzburg, Freysing, Kiembsee und andem Bistumben, Bischofen, Abten und Qostem auiier aller Pharren bisher gezinst ist, nufuran F. D. ubergeantwort und gezinst werde." Die Meraner Artikel (30 May 1525), in FRANZ, Quellen, no. 91, 272-285, at 272.33-273.3. ^^"So haben auch die Gruntlosen, die sich Gruntherren nennen, imderstanden, und grofi Rauberei erdicht.... In dem allem ist unser ... herzliche Clag zu Got ... das wir solchs lang erlitten und ... sonderlich von den geistlosen Antichristischen miessen leiden.... [U Von erst zaigen wir an ... wie durch die Andichristischen, so sich Geistlich genent, uber sich auf das hochst gestigen, und das arm Volkh mit ierer Simonei, Betriegerei und Wieterei undergedruckht." The 24 Salzburg Articles (May-June, 1525), in FRANZ, Quellen, 295-309, at 296.34-2973 and 297.24-27. About antichrists as "imposters" see below, 119-121. 93

In Piirstinger's day, many maps were unabashedly mystical, even allegorical.32 They served the purpose of propaganda better than the needs of lost travelers. To highlight Habsburg sovereignty in the Empire, Spain became the royal crown of a virgin Europe.^^ To advertise beauty in Bohemia, Prague was made the center of an ornate rose.^'^ To satirize the papacy, Rome was pictured as the capital of a world caught in the jaws of the devil {mappemonde nouvelle papistique). Islands were misplaced, borders overlooked and distances approximated. The freedom to manipulate space in this fashion allowed medieval cartographers to plot sacred geography. The Garden of Eden and the prison of Gog and Magog were both prominent features on early maps of the world (figure 2.12). Not only did inspiration about the "lay of the land" come from medieval commentaries on Revelation,but Roger Bacon recommended to civil authorities that they study geography to anticipate the path of antichrist's invasion.^^ Other stock features in medieval cartography included the mythical Utopias of Saint

Brendan's island and Prester John's kingdom. Although map makers generally overlooked advancements in geographic science, they offered their customers nearly every substitute from a pageantry of fantastic woodcuts, panoramic engravings, heraldic marginalia, colorful sea monsters and

^^About medieval map makers, who manipulated geographic space for "spiritual education" by employing "mystical, symbolic and allegorical imagery," see WOODWARD, Five Centuries of Map Printing, 514f. ^^See the map by Heinrich Biinting (1581) in BERGER, Discovery, 81. ^'^See the map by Wolfgang Kilian (1581) in BERGER, Discovery, 79. ^^For bibliography see DELUMEAU, Une histoire du paradis, 81 f. 36BR0WN, The Story of Maps, 99. 1( i

94

[Left) Detail of Gog and Magog in their mountain- top rampart prison, eating human flesh and drinking human blood

{Right} Detail of Paradise with Adam and Eve and the Serpent

figure 2.12 Ebstorf World Map, ca. 1235 (original destroyed, facs. BN: GeCC 1551-6) 95 flattering portraits of noble patrons.^'^ If not for their accuraqr, early maps were praised for their beautySuch scientific uncertainty led one impatient historian of exploration to distrust early maps as "a dangerous type of evidence," which if studied too much would "sap a man's critical faculty."^^ But even the most imaginative maps, despite their geographic improbability, reveal something of how people viewed the world. As the author of Histoire de la mappemonde nouvelle papistique observed: "images and paintings are the books of the common and illiterate folk, who know neither how to read nor write."40

The second word of caution is that maps were extremely rare in the early sixteenth centxiry. Chances are that Piirstinger never used one.'^^ And if

^^The lack of accuracy did not go unnoticed. Pierre Viret, companion to Calvin in Geneva, complained in his dialog between Thomas and Hilarie (1544): "[Thomas] Car je vois que les meilleurs geographes mSmes et les plus experts cosmographes se faillent [=se trompent] bein souvent en la description de la terre et de plusieurs pays et regions qui nous sont plus familiers et desquelles on peut avoir plus grande et plus certaine experience. [Hilaire] Sans aller plus loin, nous I'experimentons atix cartes gallicaines. II n'y a gu^re pays plus connus que les Gaules, et totefois nous voyons bein souvent de grands erreurs en ces cartes auxquelles sont decrites." VIRET, Disputations chretiennes (1544), ed. J. Courvoisier (1971), 16f. ^®"qui pulcherrimam effiiudt tabulam Germaniae." Joharmes Cochlaeus about a map by Erhard Etzlaub, as cited in BAGROW / SKELTON, History of Cartography, 148 (though without documentation). ^'WILLIAMSON, The Voyages of John and Sebastian Cabot, 7. 4®"il semble, qu'il [the cartographer] ait fciit iouer une farce ou comedie avec tous ses actes et toutes ses parties pour faire rire les gens.... Outre-plus la susdite Table [namely the map] a este faite aussi pour faire plaisir a S. Gregoire, d'autant qu'il dit que les Images et peintures sont les livres des simple gens et idiots, qui ne scavent ne lire ni escrire, et que ce sont leurs pedagogues et maistres. Et pourtant le populaire voyant ces Images et peintures-ci, pourra estudier en son livre en un instant, et estre conduit par son pedagogue." ANONYMOUS, Histoire de la Mappe-Monde, fol. iiii'*'^, 20-32. The author may have had in mind GREGORY, Moralia, "Ad Leandrum" 1,7220-222. Cf. Appendix B, no. 6, at 259, fn. 89. '^^A search for maps and globes listed in extant inventory records from the Chiemsee episcopal residence, during Purstinger's lifetime (= 1465, 1494, 1506, 1526, 1536), produced the following results: "1 mappa" (1526); "Zwo Mappa mundi" (1532); "Ain Kugl orbis nostri" (1532); "Ain charta Italie" (1532) "Ain mappa an der Wanndt" (1532). OSTERMAN (ed.), Chiemseehof, 89-145, esp. 126, 139. More than likely, the first map listed (1526), was known by Piirstinger, before he retired the same year. 96

he did, he certainly never saw a map of familiar territory,'^2 for local maps were virtually vmknown.'^^ The earliest local map in manuscript dates from

1422 (of Venice),44 and in printed format from 1492 (of Nuremberg).''^ first map of Salzburg, designed by Marcus Setznagel in 1551, appeared eight years after Piirstinger died.'^^ Although maps of Europe'^^ were more common than local maps of individual territories, including Salzburg and Bavaria, not even continent-wide maps showed political and ecclesiastical borders. Cartographers were more interested in rivers, mountain ranges and pilgrimage routes. They overlooked the vestiges of political faction —

'^^Only two possibilities present themselves: The 1518 map of Bohemia by Nicolaus Claudianus; and the 1523 map of Bavaria by Johannes Aventinus. For facsimile reproductions see BAGROW / SKELTON, History of Cartography, plates 57 and 58. '^^Cf. HARLEY / WOODWARD, History of Cartography, 1.464-501, esp. 490 with figure 20.25; HARVEY, Medieval Maps, 87; and CRONE, Maps and their Makers, 102-105. '^'^See HARVEY, Medieval Maps, 88, with plate 74. Manuscript maps were inferior to other forms of geographic description. Scribes could reproduce lists of castles and parish churches more easily and reliably than imitate drawings. As Qiristian Jacob argues: "La carte manuscrite demeure largement concurrence par d'autres formes de transrrussion du savoir geographique, litteraires, mnemotechruques. II est plus facile de memoriser des nomes de lieux ou de peuples que de reproduire un dessin cartographique." JACOB, L'empire des cartes, 86. This is not to say that the printing press solved the copy problem for maps, at least not right away. Among the 30,000 different incunabula editions, only 56 contained maps. From aproximately 10,000 surviving sixteenth-century pamphlet editions, we find only 14 maps. Only one of those survives in as many as ten copies. The printing press revolutionized the book industry long before it touched mapmaking. Figures from CAMPBELL, Earliest Printed Maps, 9,16. ^^Facsimile with description in CAMPBELL, Earliest Printed Maps, 56-58, plate 53. Some historians date Nicholas Cusanus' Eichstadt Map one year earlier, namely 1491. About the history of Salzburg cartography see ZAISBERGER, Land und Erzstift, esp. 15-40; and BERNLEITHNER, "Salzburg im Kartenbild," esp. 15-23. Piirstinger researchers and historians of Chiemsee still reprint Hubner's excellent map of the Salzburg archdiocese (1905) and Dorrer / Bombard's detailed map of the Chiemsee diocese (1954) without noting that Piirstinger did not imagine the world in those terms: namely a bird's-eye cartographic perspective (WALLNER, Chiemsee, 16, 32; MO"?, "Chiemsee," 15; NAIMER, Chiemsee, 8; HEUWIESER, "Piirstinger," 15b, 16b). ^''The landmark maps of Europe at the turn of the century were Nicholas Cusanus' Map of the Empire (1491, 1530), Erhard Etzlaub's Romweg map (1500) and his Lantstrassen chart (1501) as well as Martin Waldseemiiller's Road Map of Middle Europe (1511) and his Map of Germany (1513). See the facsimile copies with detailed descriptions in WOLFF (ed.), Kartographie der Renaissance, 30-34. 97 namely borders — not to make Europe look unified but to guard their map's validity for a longer period."^® Borders changed too rapidly. How then did P^stinger visualize political and ecclesiastical geography if not in shapes and sizes consistent with modem historical maps? His 'mental maps' were informed above all by experience, and no traveler in Salzburg was better seasoned than he.^^ During eighteen years of service as consecrating bishop of Salzburg, he visited 234 different markets, villages and cities. He saw 60 commtmities more than once and he visited Saalfelden (where he eventually retired) at least six times.^° His record of consecrations {Weiheragister), which reads like a travelogue, gives no indication that he used maps. He described his diocese geographically by listing parish churches,^^ a fact that reinforces the thought, as detailed above, that place and population were inseparable ideas.^^ Piirstinger pictured bis diocese as a

^No maps of Europe printed at the turn of the century showed borders. Erhard Etzlaub was the first cartographer to color maps by hand to distinguish one territory from the next. Thus began the idea of mapped borders. See WOLFF et al. (eds.), Cartographia Bavariae, 27, 383. take the phrase 'mental maps' from a book by that title ( GOULD / WHITE, Mental Maps). Even so, for a more serious study of cartographic theory see JACOB, L'empire des cartes. SOpurstinger was doubtless better traveled. We only have records for fourteen of his eighteen years as consecrating bishop, namely 1511-1524. See PORSTINGER, Weihregister, esp. xlii-xliv. ^^Even the papal bull that established Chiemsee as a diocese failed to specify geographic boundaries. It named parish churches along the center-length and southern- breadth of the diocese: "disposuisti assignare diocesim per unam dietam et dimidiam hiis finibus limitandam: videlicet a terminis parrochie Extet [Eggstatt] usque ad insulam supradictam [Herrenchiemsee], deinde per Prienn et Selhuben parrochias ac deinde per vallem Grazzowe et inde per montem, qui didtur Strichen, et per vallem, que vocatur Leuchental, claudendo parrochias Chirchdorf et sancti loharmis usque in summitatem montis lochperch, et hec erit ipsius diocesis longitude; latitude vero extendetur ipsius per valles Pilrse, Brischental et Elmowe usque ad fines parrochie SeL" Pope Innocent III to Archbishop Eberhard II (28 January 1216); printed in WALLNER, Chiemsee, (no. 12) 129.18-26. ^^"Nam episcopus a propria sede pulsus aut necessitatae coactus aut utilitate loci vel populi." OE 47,proem. See above, chapter one, 55-57. 98 social environment, not an area circumscribed by lines on a map representing borders Regarding territory beyond Salzburg, Piirstinger was helped by theology to confirm what cosmographers taught.^'^ According to 2 Kings 17, the ten tribes of Israel were exiled to Halah and Habor on the great Gozan river (also known as the Euphrates); according to cosmographers, the ten tribes were enclosed in the north-facing moimtains in the upper regions of Asia Minor, which is why the psalmist wrote that "the mountains surround them as the lord surrounds his people."^^ The prophet Ezra foresaw "horrible faces from the east," which for Piirstinger meant that the western church would suffer at the hands of the Turk, "who would come against them from the east."=^ All this is to say that Piirstinger's home on the eastern edge of the empire stood directly in the path of apocalyptic destruction.

To reconcile biblical prophecy with medieval prophets, Piirstinger had to rotate his mental maps of apocalyptic geography counter-clockwise 90

^^Even marriage agreements reinforced the connection between place and population. Eberhard II of Salzburg (1200-1246) and Bishop Manegold of Passau (1206-1215) negotiated the contract between two ministeriales named Gerhoch and Bertha so that all parties involved agreed that the first two children would belong to Salzburg yet the third child to Passau. Thereafter, children would belong alternately to Salzburg or Passau. SUB 111,171, as cited by FREED, Noble Bondsmen, 1. ^''^See esp. OE 47,proem; 47,1; 47,2. 55"Decem vero tribus Israel sub Hieroboa discesserunt a Roboa rege Juda in Samaria degentes, de quibus promulgatum est: Peccavit domiis Hieroboam et eversa est et deleta de superficie terrae [3 Reg 13:34].... Nam conclusus est in montibus regni Medorum, prope quos est magnus fluvius nomine Gazam, ut habetur in libro Regum ubi didtur Anno Ozee nono coepit rex Assyriorum Samariam et transtulit Israelem in Assyrios posuitque eos in Haylam et in Abor iuxta fluvium Cazan, alias Euphraten [4 Reg 17:6].... Cosmographi describunt decern tribus Israel esse inclusas montibus in ultima parte Asiadd soli versus septentrionem situatus. Ad hoc fadt psalmistae eulogium: Montes in circuitu eius et dominus in circuitu populi sui [Ps 124:2]." OE 68,10. About the apocalyptic significance of the ten tribes see GOW, The Red Jews, 5-65 et passim. ^ ^^"Ecce visio horribilis et fades illius ah oriente [4 Esra 15:28]. Ex hoc patet quod ecclesiae occidentalis patietur calamitatem a Turds, qui contra eam ab oriente veniunt." Cf. OE 31,8; 49,13; 50,2. 99 degrees, because the region east of Salzburg was north of Jerusalem. Onus ecclesiae describes apocalyptic destruction coining from the east and from the north, even though in both instances the same event is in view. Since Jeremiah described Babylon being destroyed from the north,^'' Piirstinger used that prophecy to show that "dviring the sixth status of the church ... a certain tyrant and his helpers would appear from the north.About the tyrant himself, Piirstinger learned from Vincent Ferrer (tl419) that a great prince would rise up, the consummate idol, higher indeed than the pope. He would carry a serpent as a weapon, whose mouth would embrace a figure of the world.^^ That prophecy had already been fiilfilled in 1453 when the Turkish sultan, Mehmed II "the Conqueror" (reg. 1451-81), overthrew the Eastern church. Yet Piirstinger expected another tyranny, a second fulfillment, this time over the Latin church.^® The tyrant would come from the north (as seen from Jerusalem) or the east (as viewed from Salzburg). He had several names, being foreshadowed in scripture by King Holofernes. Daniel called him the "unicorn" and the "coming ruler;" Cyril named him

^^"Et sic capta erit Babylon, quoniam ascendet contra earn gens ab aquilone quae ponet lerram eius in solitudinem [ler 50:3]." OE 41,proem. excursu itaque sexti stahis, in quo ieim sumus, creditur ab aquilone in brevi venturus quidam contra ecclesiam Tyrannus cum suis satellitibus." OE 41,proem. ^^"De isto denique Tyrarmo inter alia Vincentius scribit: Surget magnus princeps, qui in ecclesia Dei faciei ultimum idolum, ulterius non fiet papa. Ille princeps serpentem in ore figuram mundi tenentem pro armis habebit, ex quo diabolus per serpentem decepit mundum." OE 41,3. Cf. Vincent FERRER, De fine mundi, 2. ^'^"Licet iamdicta prophetia sit verificata in Machumete Turcorum rege, qui tempore Federici tertii expugnavit ecclesiam Graecorum, tamen applicatur et futurae Tyrannidi qua divexabitur ecclesia latina." OE 41,4. Cf. PORSTINGER, "Rathschlag," in Appendix B, no.2, esp. 239.174 - 240215. About Holofemes and Achior see Judith 2-6. Piirstinger used Holofemes as a symbol for the Turk, for tyraimy and for common fury among the laity: "Nam Holofemes, id est Turcus vel supranotatus tyrannus vel etiam saenum laicorum vulgus mitetur adversus omne regnum occidentalis ecclesiae." OE 46,2. Cf. PORSTINGER, "Ratschlag," in Appendbc B, no. 2, at 236, fn. 20. 100 the "great eagle;" E2xa spoke of the "roaring lion;" and St. Bridget called him

"hunter."^^

Salzburg Da fund ich Summa SummarumJ'^

Another focal point for Purstinger was one that oriented human activity in his homeland for centtiries. From the earliest times, salt attracted people. It became the object of envy and the substance of prosperity for an early Hallstatt civilization (roughly 750 - 400 BCE), for the Celts and their later Kingdom of Noricum (overthrown by 15 BCE) and eventually for the Romans (who withdrew by 488 CE). The word "salt" still echoes today in the names of nearby cities and regions (Hallein, Reichenhall, Salzkammergut),^'^ where the richest salt mines are located south of the Danube along the . The Danube begins its long journey on the east-sloping watershed of the Black Forest and finishes into the Black Sea. It flows between the northern foothills of the Bavarian Alps and the southern escarpment of the Bohemian massif, joining Ingolstadt to , Regensburg to Passau and Passau to Vienna. The Danube was Salzburg's lifeline, Europe's major artery, important for watering crops, facilitating trade, flushing cities,

servicing mines and transporting warriors. On one occasion, in fact, during war, it proved even too reliable. The oriental beast of destruction^^ navigated

^^"Certum ille Tyrannus, de quo nunc loquimur, in scriptura aequiparatur Antiocho regi item Holofemi, et pluribus nominibus nuncupatur: imprimis per Danielem comu hirci vel dux venturus [cf. Dan 9:26 and OE 44,10]; per Cyrillum aquila grandis [cf. Ezech 17-3 and OE 38,5]; per Esdram Leo rugiens [cf. 4 Esd 11:37 and OE 47,7; per Birgittam venator [cf OE 41,1]." OE 41,8. ^^Hans SACHS, Lobspruch der Stadt Salzburg, line 252. ^'^The Celtic word "Hall" and the German word "Seilz" both mean salt. ^Purstinger's description of 'The Turk" (e.g., OE 2,4; 45,proem; 47,6). 101

its waters to the shores of Vienna in 1529, unleashing a new wave of

apocalyptic fear and nearly taking the dty. The Salzach, a smaller river, while still impressive, has carved itself a fluvial cleft between the limestone ICitzbuhel Alps and the crystalline Tauem mountains. It descends from high glacial hollows into walled canyons. Before Bischofshofen, one of Piirstinger's parishes, it bends north into the narrows of a gorge 3000 feet deep. Leaving the moxmtains at Golling, not far from Untersberg, a mountain rich in local legend, it skirts past Salzburg eventually to join the Irm and finally the Danube. The stories about Untersberg^^ are as old as pre-Christian myths (the legend of Wotan), as heroic as medieval knights (the legends of Charlemagne and Frederick Barbarossa) and as recent as Adolf Hitler (who wanted to be buried there).The mountain itself towers above Salzburg reaching 6079 feet. In Piirstinger's day, it marked the alpine border between Bavaria, Berchtesgaden and Salzburg (today between and Germany). Legends about Untersberg tell of a great, last-world emperor, generally Charlemagne

and his army of soldiers, who fell asleep underneath the mountain. At the call of ravens, the soldiers rise up one day and the emperor saves his German people.^® "You see Untersberg over there," said Adolf Hitler to his architect Albert Speer. "It is no accident that I have my seat across from it" (namely his

6^See ERBEN, "Untersberg;" RIBBENTROP, Untersberg, 17-24; KAMMERHOFER- AGGERMAN (ed.), Sagenhafter Untersberg, passim; BRETTENTHALER, Salzburger Sagenbuck, 38-66, 119, 240; and most recently HANISCH, Obersalzberg, 6-9. For the earliest manuscript record of the Untersberg Sagen see "Die Propheceyung, so im Undtersperg zu Reichenhall geschehen ist, im 1523. Jahr." (SMCA, HS 2398). ^^About Hitler's burial wish see HANISCH, Obersalzberg, 8, col. 1, with fn. 22. 68KAMMERHOFFER-AGGERMAN (ed.), Sagenhafter Untersberg, esp. 58-128. 102

Berghof house and Obersalzberg headquarters).^® Hitler commented later to Himmler that "Charlemagne was one of the greatest men in world history-''^^ If joining Hitler to Untersberg represents the most horrific fusion of nationalism and apocalypticism near Salzburg, it was not the earliest. Nor was it the closest fit. A motantain-legend more descriptive of Hitler's legacy — and of Purstinger's apocalyptic reality — belonged to Watzman, the peak directly behind Untersberg as seen from Salzburg.^^ Myths about Watzman tell of a devilish, tyrannical giant, not a Charlemagne­ like emperor, but a Frederick n. In medieval papal propaganda, Frederick 11 was often associated with the antichrist. Manfred von Ribbentrop told the Watzman story in this way in his book of sagas from Hitler's adopted homeland, stories collected and printed as the Third Reich was moimting its preliminary siege of nations in 1937: In the mountains of Bavaria lived a giant King, who as a child fed on blood from his mother's breast. The sanguinary drink made him a lunatic, merciless killer. As an adult, the BCing made play of terrifying peasants and hunting whatever or whomever he fancied. One day, after his hounds had murdered a peace-loving shepherd family, while the King stood by and laughed, a deafening clap of thunder spooked the dogs. In their panic, the hounds turned on the King and tore him to pieces. The blood that spilled that day gathered to form two lakes,

69"Da safi [Hitler] nun," wrote Speer, "ein freiwilliger Gefangener, mit dem Blick auf den Untersberg, von dem, wie die Sage wissen will, der noch schlafende Kaiser Karl eines Tages das Reich vergangener Herrlichkeit wieder aufrichten wurde. Natiirlich sah Hitler darin eine Beziehung zu seiner Person: 'Sehen Sie den Untersberg da druben. Es ist kein Zufall, daC ich ihm gegenuber meinen Sitz habe.'" SPEER, Erinnerungen, 100 (= Memoirs, 131). ^®"Karl der Grofie war einer der grofiten Menschen der Weltgeschichte: DaC er fertiggebracht hat, diese deutschen Querschadel zueinander zu bringen!" Hitler to Himmler, 4 February 1942, in HITLER, Monologe, 263, no. 125. '^Cf. HANISCH, Obersalzberg, 8. 103 while the giant's corpse turned into a rock formation, now known as WatzmanJ^ The political landscape is less apocalyptic than the geography, but nonetheless suggestive to Piirstinger. In his day, the word "Salzburg" was ambiguous. It referred to four separate roughly concentric geographic areas: the ecclesiastical province, the archdiocese, the church lands, and the city proper73 Piirstinger knew all of them well. He was bom in the dty, attended university in the province, worked in the archdiocese and died in the church lands. The largest of the four Salzburgs,^*^ which straddled 300 miles of the Danube, was the ecclesiastical province (figure 2.13). It included the archdiocese and four separate suffragan dioceses: Regensburg, Freising, Passau and Brixen, incorporated provindally in 798.^5 Serving the province as metropole with full spiritual jurisdiction was the archbishop. Outside his diocese, however, he only had power enough to summon and chair a provincial synod. Each of the four suffragan bishops wielded ordinary power

^^RIBBENTROP, Sagen aus Adolf Hitlers Wahlheimat, 6-8. ^^The earliest critical history of the Salzburg church lands (Erzstift) is the monumental, multi-volume work by ZAUNER, Chronik (1796-1803); and of the city, the three- volume work by ZILLNER, Geschichte der Stadt Salzburg (1885-1890). The next major advance — and a standard work until recently — is the three-volume Geschichte Salzburgs by WIDMANN (1907-1914). All of these are now surpassed by the recent eight-volume, multi- author history of the Erzstift, DOPSCH / SPATZENEGGER (eds.), Geschichte Salzburgs (1983- 1991); and the one-volume history of the city, DOPSCH / HOFFMAN, Geschichte (1996). The only recent and notable books about Salzburg in English are FREED, Noble Bondsmen; and WALKER, Salzburg Transaction. ^^The political geography changed considerably at the beginning of the 19th century, between Seailarization of Salzburg (1803) and the Zirkumskriptionsbulle (1818/22). ^^The short presentation by Zeeden, in SCHINDLING / ZIEGLER (eds.). Die Territorien, I, 73-75, is marred by errors. For a more accurate, detailed study see K. F. Hermann in GS 1/2, 993-998. Concerning Regensburg (est. 739) see HAUSBERGER, Geschichte; about Freising (est. 739) see MA8, Bistum Freising, smd SCHWAIGER (ed.), Bistum Freising; for Passau (est. 739) see LEIDL, Bistum Passau; and regarding Brixen (est. mid-sixth century in Saben, moved to Brixen in 990) see GELMI, Brixner Bischofe. Snhhurg Ecclesiastical Proi^ince, ca. 1525

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figure 2,15 107 and jurisdiction in their diocese, as well as temporal authority in the land held by them as prince-bishop {Hochstift). Elsewhere in the province, temporal authority was controlled by key south German imperial dynasties, the largest claim belonging to the (figure 2.14). It included the coimty of Tyrol as well as the duchies of Carinthia and Styria up to the river Drau, all under the archduke of Austria. The next largest claim, approximately half that size, was Wittelsbach land and included the duchy of Bavaria, the Upper Palatinate and the Palatinate-Neuburg. Smaller still was the area owned by the church and ruled by the archbishop, the church lands {Erzstift). Finally, belonging to the house of HohenzoUem, was the march of Kulmbach. The principality of Berchtesgaden and the free imperial city of

Regensburg were, more or less, independent The second largest Salzburg was the archdiocese, about two-thirds the size of the province, yet after Constance and Passau the largest diocese in Europe (figure 2.13). The archdiocese was unique in Christendom because of its four so-called "proprietary dioceses" {EigenbistUmer): Gurk, Chiemsee, Seckau, Lavant.^^ Unlike suffragan bishops, proprietary bishops did not have full ordinary power or jurisdiction, and the power they did wield was confirmed by the archbishop, not the pope. Indeed, the archbishop could name and invest his own proprietary bishops, a peculiarity about Salzburg that inspired pope Pius IX (tl878), during Vatican I (1869-70), to greet then archbishop Maximilian Joseph von Tamoczy of Salzburg (tl876) with the

^^Regarding Gurk (est. 1072) see OBERSTEINER, Bischofe; about Chiemsee (est. 1215) see WALLNER, Bistum Chiemsee, and NAIMER, Bistum Chiemsee; concerning Seckau (est. 1218) see AMON, Bischofe von Graz-Seckau; and for Lavant (est. 1228) see TANGL, Bischofe von Lavant. 108 words: "Look, here comes the quasi-pope who himself appoints bishops."^^ In practice, the proprietary bishop of Chiemsee was like a vicar, who had "neither chtirch nor chapter, neither territory nor people under him," wrote Piirstinger, nine years after retiring the position. "He had neither big biosiness nor important secular affairs to administer."7® Temporal authority in the archdiocese was divided between the archbishop, the dukes of Bavaria and the archduke of Austria. The third largest Salzburg, and the youngest of the four, was the principality, or church lands (Erzstift). It was about one-quarter the size of the archdiocese, yet next to Miinster, Liittich and Utrecht among the empire's largest ecclesiastical principalities (figure 2.15). It included most of the western third of the archdiocese, a comer of Chiemsee, part of the border of Brixen and two small sections from the western edge of Passau (figure 2.13). In the church lands, the prince-archbishop wielded both secular and sacred authority. Yet unlike princes from neighboring territories, who inherited their thrones, the Salzburg prince-archbishop was elected by cathedral canons. That fact, together with Salzburg's geographic position between Wittelsbach Bavaria and Habsburg Austria, gave Salzburg and its cathedral canons considerable military and economic standing. Emperor Charles V and his

^^"Ecco il mezzo papa che pub far dei vescovi!" (cited by MOY, "Hintergrunde," 256). Spatzenegger calls this "salutation" a "kolportierte Anrede" (= Zeitungsbericht), in "Die katholische Kirche," GS II/3, 1450f, with fn. 177f. The exact wording of the quote is debatable, since some sources use "mezzo papa" emd others "rosa papa." Whether the story is reliable or contrived is uncertain. See DOPSCH, "Legatenwiirde," 282 with fn. 135. Nevertheless, the sentiment was alive: A papal nuncio in 1573 commented that bishops from Seckau, Lavant and Gurk were "worthless" and that the bishop of Chiemsee was "nothing" (see NAIMER, Bistum Chiemsee, 70 with fn. 462). ^^Piirstinger to Lang (22 October 1535), in Appendix B, no. 13, at 275.16-18. 109 brother, archduke Ferdinand, harped regiilarly on the strategic importance of putting Habsburg blood on the Salzburg throne.^^ The dty of Salzburg was the smallest of the four Salzburgs, nestled on the left bank of the Salzach, along a broad river bend, against a prominent knoll of dolomite rock called Festungsberg and a long hill of conglomerate rock known as Monchsberg. The natural enclosure protected citizens and reduced the need for longer and more fortified ramparts (figure 2.16). Crowning the city and visible for miles around was the massive fortress Hohensalzburg, a symbol of "promised" sanctuary in battle and a bulky reminder of feudal origins (figure 2.17). During Piirstinger's life, with the addition of state rooms, Hohensalzburg doubled as a lavish residence for archbishop Keutschach (reg. 1495-1519) and twice saved archbishop Lang's life

(reg. 1519-1540), not from foreign invaders but from insurrection at home, during the Latin War of 1523 and the Peasants' Revolt of 1525. On a clear day, the commanding view from the upper stations stretches as far as the Alps in one direction and the Inn river-plateau in the other. Towers and terraces overlook the city's steeples and belfries, punctuating a corrugated roof-line of courts and chapter-houses, shops and private homes. Salzburg provided princes with a fortress, archbishops with a cathedral, merchants with a

^^"Mon bon frere, j'ai receu vostre lettre, par laquelle me faictes responce, touchant la coadjutorie de I'archevesche de Saltzbourg dont vous avoie escript poiu- don George d"Austrice.... Je vous prie avoir pour recommande icellui don Gerorge ... car oultre ce qu'il sera bien employer, puisqu'il est du sang ne nostre maison." Carl to Ferdinand, 15 February 1525, in BAUER (^.), Korrespondenz, no. 123, at 265.6-14. "Je suis, monseigneur, averti... que le cardinal de Salsburg est delibere faire ung coadjuteur en son archeveschie ... ladicte archeveschie est entre mes pays de'Austrice et de Tirol et les pays desdicts de Baviere." Ferdinand to Carl, 4 December 15^, in idem, no. 166, at 350.29-34. About the secret maneuvering see HOLLAENDER, "Salzburg Bauemkrieg," U, 61-65; sununarized by DOPSCH in "Bauemkrieg und Glaubensspaltung," in GS, II/l, 11-131, at 48. 110

^SiL(SBmSdi

figure 2.16 Woodcut of Salzburg ca. 1490 (SCHEDEL, Buck der Chroniken)

figure 2.17 Salzburg in 1553 (Erzstift St. Peter, Salzburg) Ill market, Piirstinger with a home and foreign visitors with a reason to marvel.®® "High and low, here and there, are gorgeous houses everywhere," remarked the poet Hans Sachs (tl576).®^ He touted Salzburg as the crhne de la creme (the summa summarum) of cities.®^

Population growth in Salzburg followed the ebb-and-flow pattern characteristic of Europe generallyThe total nximber of people reached its peak just before the plague of 1348, a disease that reached Salzburg in late Autumn, having crossed the Tauern mountains from Carinthia. In the mountains, the plague claimed 40-70 per cent of the population; in the plains, approximately 25-30 per cent. Salzburg, like other cities, suddenly found itself oversized for its reduced population. Markets dissolved, farms fell fallow, urban businesses failed. A century passed before most of the loss was regained.®^ Finally, by 1450, the church lands were once again home to 58,000 inhabitants; and by 1550 that number climbed to 90,000 (figure 2.18a). More impressive than the mere gain, however, was the increasing rate of growth.

80 For a summary of Reiseberichte and Stadtansichten see H. DOPSCH and P. LIPBORGER, "Die Entwicklung der Stadt Salzburg" in GS II/4, 2015-2071, at 2017-2031. ®^"Auch sind in der Stat auf und nieder / Viel schoner Hauser hin und wieder." SACHS, Lobspruch, v. 18lf. ®^See above, fn. 63. ®^For Europe generally see Jan DE VRIES, "Population," in HEH, I, 1-50. For Salzburg specifically see LUDWIG, "Bevolkerungsentwicklung;" H. KLEIN, "Das GroCe Sterben;" K. KLEIN, "Bevolkenmg Ossterreichs," and H. DOPSCH, "Besiedelung und Bevolkerung," in GS I/l, 347-360; as well as H. DOPSCH and P. LIPBORGER, "Die Entwicklung der Stadt Salzburg" in GS n/4, 2015-2070, at 2031-2034. ®'^The data used to create the graphs (figures 2.18a-f) is drawn from DOPSCH, "Besiedelung imd Bevolkerung," in GS I/l, 347-360, which makes certain approximations. First, for every "able body" {wehrfahiger Mann) counted in the 1531 and 1541 census, Dopsch assumes three other people (women, children and priests). In addition, I have made other adjustments. Whereas Dopsch gives population figures for the Erzstift Salzburg in 1456 and 1497 assuming present-day borders (= 7156 km^), yet in 1531 and 1541 assuming sixteenth-century borders (= 9415 km^), I adjust all figures to correspond to sixteenth

Salzburg Church Lands (Erzstift)' (3635 sq. mi.)

Population Growth Population Rate of Increase 144000

090% i2aooo

lOCtOOO

80^ 060%

60^ 040% 40^

20^ oao%

1450 1475 1500 1525 Year Year

Land Distribution Population Distribution

52%

Futunda

MGURtalnf Mountains

48%

Population Centers ca* 1530 Population Concentration OHes Mivkets Mine Sabtwtg 5000 Hal tain 2000 laafen 1300 MQMdorf 1200 Tfttmontog 700 Sadstadt 600 Mautcndorf 600 Saalf^don 500 Tapttwqg 500 GolUng 500 Other mailcets 1800 Gaifeia 1900 Mines Markets RaoH* 1300 Othertnlnes 1800 Total 10800 3900 5000 * About the source for data, see fn. 84 figure 2.18 113

The population was multipljang five times faster in 1550 (at 1% per year) than in 1450 (at 0.2% per year). Most of the growth, in other words, belonged to the generation of Onus ecclesiae (figure 2.18b). Half the poptilation lived in the mountains and half in the flatlands. Because the flatlands were more restricted, however, the density there was greater (figures 2.18c and 2.18d). Whether high or low, alpine or flatland, most people lived rurally. Indeed, only ten percent of the population made their home in a city, and smaller still was the number who lived in markets and mirung camps (figxires 2.18e and 2.18f).

Piirstinger spent most of his life in the dty, even though during his last sixteen years he lived in Saalfelden, a market-town in the Middle Pinzgau, beneath the dominating summits of Steinernes Meer, a chain of limestone peaks wrapped around the southern side of Berchtesgaden. His earliest impression of Saalfelden was anything but favorable. "On account of my feeble constitution, I brought myself to this forested place of solitude," he wrote archbishop Lang in 1531. "But rather than muses to teach me, I find foul-mouthed [peasants] with goitered necks. I live in the so-called Pinzgau, which means high plateau. The place is high enough, to be sure, but the manners of its inhabitants are rather base."®^ In time, Pvirstinger would

®^Purstinger to Lang, 15 April 1529, in Appendix B, no. 6, at 254.27 - 255.31. CI. OE prolog, 2. In fairness to Saalfelden, we should note that the parish vicar, Erasmus Anthonii (tl546), who lived in the Pinzgau from 1513 to 1528, used both Gabriel Biel and the Glossa ordimria to prepare sermons (according to the 1528 Visitationsakten, as cited by BONORAND, Personenkommentar, 34). Erasmus Anthonii was a university trained priest (Vienna, 1496), who corresponded in elegant Latin with the humanist Joachim Vadian. Noteworthy for our purposes is that Erasmus Anthonii wrote to Vadian as late as June 1522, asking about the Lutheran matter: "De re ex capillo pendente, Lutherana scilicet, si ausim interrogare, quid sentires, scire cuperem brevibus et absolutis" (printed in VADIAN, Briefsammlung, II, no. 314, 434f, at 434.35-36). Erasmus Anthonii was still in Saalfelden when Pvirstinger arrived in 1528, but had left by 1535 (see Appendix B, no. 13, at 279.91-93). 114 change his mind about Saalfelden. He bequeathed the better part of his accumulated fortune to his beloved friends in the mountains, not to his extended family in the dty.®^

®^P0RSTINGER, Last Will and Testament, printed in GREINZ, Turstinger," 293-298. 115

CHAPTER THREE

Demons in Disguise: Apocalyptic Demography

The spaces between heaven and hell, earth and moon, Jerusalem and Babylon were all inhabited by creatures of vmcommon even fantastic sort: monsters, phantoms, fairies, freaks, witches, demons, antichrists and alien races. The concept of place was inseparable from population.^ When Piirstinger explained hell, the ultimate destination of everything demonic, he described it in terms of the inmates who lived there: "By the word abyss, where the devil stays imprisoned, we mean the deep, large multitude of the reprobate who try to destroy justice."^ The underworld commimity was more a social environment than a geographic location, even though Purstinger never thought to make two abstractions from one idea. The network was so strong in the "demonic kingdom," with its "dangerous solidarity," that Christ

^See chapter one, at 55-58. ^"Per abyssum autem, ubi diabolus clauditur, designatur profunda et ampla multitudo reproborum, qui nituntur confundere iustitiain-" OE 17,4. 116 worked to sow dissent.^ This chapter studies the abnormal inhabitants of earth and examines their hellish societies — demons disguised as monsters, people masquerading as demons, and Gog and Magog identified as monstrous Turks — to better imderstand the apocal)^tic world they occupied. The borders between here and there, between manifestations of normal phenomena and reports of monstrous activity were sufficiently blurred and complicated in the sixteenth centtiry that Piirstinger felt closer to and suffered more because of the demonic, monstrous and apocal)^tic world than most of his modem progeny. Not everyone from Piirstinger's Salzburg could even agree whether archbishop Matthaus Lang (reg. 1519-1540) belonged to God or Satan, whether he was human or not. Martin Luther wrote in 1523, to his friend and father confessor Johann von Staupitz (+1524), resident in Salzburg since 1520,^^ that Matthaus Lang was "a notorious monster.''^ His careful choice of words was no routine exercise of calumny. He was sounding an apocalyptic alarm and fighting a spiritual battle. Monsters were hellish adumbrations of future desolation.^ Paul Speratus (+1551), one time city- preacher in Salzburg and later evangelical bishop of Pomesania, waxed

^"Dieweil aber der starck gewaffent ludper sein vorhawss verhueet bleibt sein Reich in frid, dann sein vnderthan seinn jme gehorsam vnd beystaendig, vnd fliehen nit von jrem hawptman. Wiewol in demselben dewflischem Reich kain vnainikait. Jst dannoch solh regiment vngerecht auch got vnd aufrechten menschen widerwaertig. Jn mass der Rawber oder Moerder der ainikait vnd gesellschaft, so sy vndereinander machen, auch vngerecht vnd wider guot lewt ist. Solhen weltlichen frid vnd geuaerlich ainikait hat Christus voneiander zertrennen gepoten vnnd gesprochen [Luc 1251, Non pacem, dico vobis, sed separationem]." TTh 24,4. "^About Staupitz in Salzburg see SALLABERGER, "Johann von Staupitz," (1977); and idem 'Johann von Staupitz," part one (1982), peirt two (1992). ^"Ego [Luther] sane cum tuis optimis amids non tam aegre ferimus, esse te [Staupitz] alienum a nobis, quam quod monstro illi famoso, Cardinali tuo [Matthaus Lang], proprius factus es..." Luther to Staupitz (17 September 1523) WABr 3,155-157 (no. 659), here at 156.10-12. ^Regarding Luther's use of the word monstrum see OBERMAN, "Hus and Luther," forthcoming. 117 explicitly apocalyptic when he called Matthaus Lang "the cruel Behemoth and wide-eyed Leviathan. Although the archbishop had friends in seats of power the continent over ready to defend his humanity and praise his piety,® here the seat of power itself was questioned.

How we distinguish between eloquent slander and genuine terror, between confessional propaganda and apocalyptic anxiety is not easy to clarify. But here that difference is not the issue.® Monsters were so common in the sixteenth century, so universally feared and scientifically observed that Piirstinger, Luther and Speratus took monsters, or at least their presence, for granted. Likewise, charges of monstrous behavior were too grave to be dismissed as exaggerated misrepresentations. Characteristic of an apocalyptic

^"der grausam Behemoth und weitaugig Leviathan [= Matthaus Lang], der dort in seinem Nest, wie in einem Peiradies sitzet, mocht mich femer weder dulden noch leiden, sondem versucht, was er wufite und konnt, bis er mich zuletzt von sich biC. Deis macht: Ich schrie ihm zu laut in die Ohren wider seinen unrechten Mammon, der sein einiger Gott und Nothhelfer ist. Deshalb machet ich mich auf in dem Namen Gottes, schuttelt den Staub ab von meinen Fufien iiber ihn und mich dahin von ihm gen Wien." Speratus to duke Albrecht von Konigsberg (16 September 1524), in TSCHACKERT (ed.), Urkundenbuch, II, no. 254. Cf. COSACK, Paulus Speratus, 13; TSCHACKERT, Paul Speratus, 6; HAUTHALER, "Matthaus Lang," part one, 163. ®When Matthaus Lang wanted to be appointed coadjutor in Salzbxirg, he had letters of recommendation sent to the Salzburg cathedral canons from, among others: the pope, the college of cardinals, the kings of Bohemia and Himgary, Ferdinand of Aragon, archduchess Margaret, archduke Karl as well as Albrecht and Joachim of Brandenburg (HHStA, Vienna, Geh. Archiv XI/3 and XI/5; see GS, 1/3,1380, fh. 8070- For a contemporary eulogy on Matthaus Lang see BARTOLINUS, Hodoeporicon. Until the Habilitationschrift of SALLABERGER is published (forthcoming in 1998), see the scholarly and up-to-date article by Heinz DOPSCH, "Bauemkrieg und Glaubensspaltung," in GS, II/l, 11-131, esp. 11-104. The earlier monographs are dated: DATTERER, Lang; SCHMID, Matthaus and HAUTHALER, "Matthaus Lang." The recent dissertation by BAYR, "Matthaus Lang," is espededly helpful about people connected to the archbishop. Robert Scribner's discussion of monsters in the sixteenth century, excellent for the vast territory it covers in a short space, treats monsters, often at the expense of another valid point of view, from the perspective of "skilled publicists" who "knew how to make the most" of outrageous stories. Monsters were real, used by God as signs, not just exploited by pamphleteers for propaganda. For that reason, we do not need to be surprised: "Surprising... is the amount of credence [Johann Herold] was willing to give to the majority of such signs and wonders." SCRIBNER, For the Sake of Simple Folk, esp. 126-137, here at 126f. 118 reality, as for witch-himting cultxire, was that people took seriously, deadly seriously, acoosations of demonic behavior.

Monsters

men whose heads do grow beneath their shoulders....

hell and night must bring this monstrous birth to the world's light.^^

Monsters were like portents and prodigies.^^ Not everyone agreed how to distinguish one from the other, or whether to classify them as natural, paranattiral, contranatural or supernatural. Yet people from all ranks of sodety had seen or heard about them. Piirstinger used monstra, portenta and prodigia almost interchangeably.^^ Although Augustine argued that portents were not "contrary to nature" but rather "contrary to what is known of nature,"'^3 by the sixteenth century writers, especially non-theologians, began to differ.Alsatian chronicler Coru-ad Wollfhart, better known as Lycosthenes (tl561), thought that prodigia and ostenta were "beyond the

lOSHAKESPEARE, Othello, I.iii.l44f, 409-111. ^^The Latin word monstrum could substitute for a wide range of synonyms, including ostentum, portentum, prodigium, signum, and miraculum. French writers sometimes used the word merveille. See J. CfiARD, 'T^ratologie," passim. The best survey in English about medieval meanings of monstrum — which loote at differentiae, glossae collectae and authors from Augustine to Christopher Columbus — is FRIEDMAN, Monsfroitf Races, 108-130, 178-196. Generalizations — e.g. monstrum had apocaljqjtic connotations and portentum referred to superstitions — are too inconsistent to be used without extreme caution. l^See below, fn. 22, esp. the bold face. Cf. GRCTNPECK, Speculum rmturalis, as cited above at 34, fn. 66, esp. the italics. ^^"Omnia quippe portenta contra naturam didmus esse, sed non simt. Quo modo est enim contra naturam, quod Dei fit voluntate, cum voluntas tanti utique conditoris conditae rei cuiusque natura sit? Portentum ergo fit non contra nattiram, sed contra quam est nota natura." AUGUSTINE, De civitate Dei, XXI, 8 (= 771.31-36). About earlier departures from Augustine see FRIEDMAN, Monstrous Races, 119-123. 119 order of nattire."^^ The French barber-surgeon Ambroise Pare (tl590) found it necessary to distingmsh monstres, prodiges and les mutilezA^ Monsters were "outside the order of natvu-e" (like children bom with one arm or two heads).Prodigies were "entirely contrary to nature" (like snakes or dogs born to women).Maimed people were simply "contrary to nature" (htmchbacks, blind people, the lame and those with blemishes, warts and wens).^^ Despite the various possibilities, Montaigne remained close to Augustine by affirming that monsters were never monstrous to God, who saw everything as part of his own infinite creativity.^^ These competing definitions of "monster" help to explain why the sources reveal everything from celestial apparitions to birth defects, from comets to alien races as "monstrous." Many monsters, like antichrists, were impostors. They were demons by nature, hideous fallen angels, winged and ugly, confined to the sublunar element, yet in disguise they could transform themselves into beautiful

^^The statement comes on the title page: LYCOSTHENES, Prodigiorum ac ostentorum chronicon, quae praeter naturae ordinem, motum, et operationem, et in superioribus et his inferioribus mundi regionibus, ab exordia mundi usque ad haec nostra tempora, acciderunt. (Basel, 1557). About the phrase "praeter naturae ordinem," see MARGOLIN, "Sur quelques prodiges," 43. ^^PAR6, Des monstres, first appeared as the second half of a long treatise called: Deux livres de chirurgie: I. De la generation de I'homme et maniere d'extraire les enfans hor du ventre de la mere...; II. Des monstres tant terrestres que marins avec leurs portrais (Paris, 1573). The book was re-issued in 1575,1579, and 1585, then posthumously in 1595 and 1609. Cited here is the critical edition: Ambroise PAR£, Des monstres, J. C^ARD (ed.). ^^"Monstres sont choses qui apparoissent outre le cours de Natiire... comme un enfant qui naist avec un seul bras, un autre qui aura deux testes." PAR6, Des monstres, 3.1-3. At first, Par6 wrote "contre le cours de Nature," but six years later changed his mind to "outre le cours de Nature" (ibid., fn. 1). ^^Trodiges, ce sont choses qui viennent du tout contre Nature, comme une femme qui enfantera un serpent, ou un chien." PAR£, Des monstres, 3.4-5. ^^"Les mutilez, ce sont aveugles, borgnes, bossus, boiteux... ou ayant quelques taches, ou verrues, ou loupes, ou autre chose contre Nature." PAR£, Des monstres, 3.12-19. 20"Ce que nous appellons monstres ne le sont pas k Dieu, qui voit en Timmensite de son ouvrage I'infirute des formes qu'il y a comprises." MONTAIGNE, Essais, U, 30 (= 291 B, 49-51). 120 human-like figures and frightening ghostly apparitions. Piirstinger wrote about spirits created for vengeance.^^ They could appear as ghostly figures, extraordinary enough to amaze anyone.22 When Piirstinger implied that priests, in coimtless numbers, were antichrists, he meant "would-be priests"

(clericorum aemuli) not real clergy.23 Likewise, when peasants from Salzburg called their landlords antichrists, they meant "would-be landlords"

(Gruntlose, die sich Grunthherren nennen) not genuine landed-nobility.^4 Demons could turn themselves into snakes, toads, owls, goats, asses, dogs, cats and wolves.25 They threatened the church by enlisting evil people, who helped to snare the elect. Satan used impostor demons as a bird catcher would use live decoys to attract other birds.^® God limited the power of demons.^^ They could not, under any circumstance, impregnate women. Yet their power of disguise was so effective that they covild coxmterfeit conception. Thus a beautiful girl in Constance thinking she was pregnant, as reported in Des monstres by Ambroise Pare, gave birth to a hodgepodge of iron nails, wood splinters, cut glass and little stones, objects placed there by the devil to mock and deceive

^^"Sunt namque spiritus qui ad vindictam creati sunt." OE 17,proem (cf. Ecdi. 39-33). ^^"Facile est spiritibus nequissimis per aera facere corpora multa quae homines mirentur." OE 17,12. ^^"Sed hactenus nullus antichristus apparet, praeter dericorum aemulos, quorum infinitus est numerus." OE 61,2. ^^See above, 92 with fn. 31. ^'les Demons se forment tout subit en ce qui'il leur plaist, et souvent on les voit transformer en bestes, comme serpens, crapaxix, chats-huans, huppes, corbeaux, boucs, asnes, chiens, chats, loups, toreaux et autres." PAElfi, Des monstres, 82.69-72. 26"Daemon namque offido malignorum hominum in capiendis aliis hominibus abutitur, non secus ac auceps qui ut fadlius tendere avibus insidias queat, alias eiusdem generis aves ob retia et laqueos occulte illigat, ut quae solutae sunt, illarum vodbus dtate ad pabulum convictumque descendentes, irretiantur. Pari modo diabolus copulat sibi impiam familiam et malum aucupium, quo laborat nocumento esse ecclesiae et eius membris praedestinatis, conaturque eam turbare ac destruere dusque membra divellere." OE 17,9. ^^"Attamen diabolid conatus frustrantur nisi in quantum permiserit Deus." OE 17,6. 121

the common people.28 jf demons were able to impregnate women, feared

Pare, then monsters and freaks could and would proliferate everywhere out of control.29

Witches were different. If monsters and antichrists were impostors, witches were commuters, at home on both sides of the spiritual border. They were real people, almost exclusively women, and generally old and unmarried. They dealt in black magic on earth and could fly away with the devil for a sabbath-orgy in hell.^o During Piirstinger's lifetime, however, monsters were more common than witches.^^ The three most intriguing types of monsters were apparitions, abnormal births and alien races. Piirstinger wrote about two spectacular apparitions in Onus ecclesiae, then added a third report to a later edition.^^ in

28"beaucoup d'hommes doctes ont escrit, d'une fort belle jeune fille, k Constance, laquelle avoit nom Magdaleine ... laquelle publioit par tout que le Diable une nuict I'avoit engrossie ; et pour ce regard les Potestats de la ville la firent mettre en prison, pour entendre I'issue de cest enfantement. L'heure venue de ses couches ... et quand les matrones furent prestes de recevoir le fruit ... il commenga k sortir du corps d'icelle fille des clous de fer, des petits trongons de bois, de voirre [= verrel, des os, pierres et cheveux, des estoupes, et plusieurs autres choses fantastique et estranges, lesquelles le diable par son artifice y avoit appliquees, pour decevoir et embabouiner le vulgaire populace." PARfi, Des monstres, 89.3-14. ^"si'l estoit licite aux diables de concevoir d'honnntes, et les fenunes d'eux ! Combien, depuit la creation du Monde jusques k present, les diables eussent produit des monstres par tout le genre humain, jettans leur semence dans les matrices des bestes, crean ainsi par les perturbations de semence ime infinite de monstres et prodiges!" PAR£, Des monstres, 89.24-28. ^^Witches did nevertheless call on the help of demons: "Eonim insuper fallacia illuditur curiositas superstitiosorum, qui per artes magicas appetunt scire quod nulla ratione competit eis investigate, prout vetulae (quae ob fadnorum magnitudinem in iure maleficae nuncupantur) accitis daemonibus secreta scrutantur." OE 17,12. The vetula who set the Reichenhall fire in 1515 (OE 36,4; discussed here in ch. 4) did so by calling on the names of demons (see Historica mrratio conflagrationis civitatis Reichenhall, 1515, in Appendix B, no. 1, esp. 228.25-29). ^^For the later period see NAGL, "Hexenprozesse im Erzstift Salzburg," 32"Prout nuperrime [= January 1520] in Vienna Australi supra ecclesiam Sancti Stephani visa est ingens moles ad instar grandis trabis et luna cruce sanguinea signata, una cum triplici sole tandem in unum redacto. Anteriori denique anno domini 1517 in dominio Mediolano apparuerunt terribilia portenta et monstra (ut fertur) exercitus variorum armatorum, equitum et peditum, regum et apparatuum regalium, quorum vestigia, scilicet bigarum et equorum, in pulveribus mansisse perhibentur; ubi postquam visiones evanuerunt, nihil compertum est aliud 122

Vienna in 1520, "something gigantic" iingens moles) appeared over the roof of the St. Steven's cathedral with three suns that melted into one. Three years earlier in Milan, "terrible portents and monsters had appeared," indeed a whole phantom army complete with infantry and cavalry, horses and chariots led by a king. They appeared then suddenly varushed, leaving only a herd of pigs. At the same time in the sky above Bergamo a phantom army appeared whose trumpeter blew so loud that one might think people in hell were screaming for deliverance. The phantom army from Bergamo and the solar spectacle over Vienna were not only talked about^^ — ^nd used by Pamphilus Gengenbach (tl525) to warn Carl V that the church (sant Peters schyff) was sinking, and to turn therefore to Luther^'^ — they were sensational enough that printers and woodcutters used them as subjects for illustration (figures 3.1 and 3.2).

quam porcorum grex. Unde praesumitur ilia portenta vitio artis necromantice a daemonibus esse ostentata, et in vili genere porcorum stabilita. Nam aeque olim Christo permittente daemones ab hominibus exeuntes abierunt in porcos [Matt 832]. Eodem quoque anno 1517 apud Bergamum simile prodigium asseritur esse ostensum, omnem inquiunt futurorum malorum praesagiale, maxime formidabile si est credibile. Aiunt ingentes ibi militum turmas aciesque armatorum apparuisse, ac tuba terribilem subitumque rumorem auditum in armis, tanto strepitu ut putasses infemalia esse tomeamenta, post ilia fascimenta similiter suas grunientes inventi perhibentur, ac vestigia honunum et quadrupedum curruumque conspecta." OE 17,13 (emphasis mine, bold because quotations are in italics, see above fn. 12. The first sentence was added in the third edition of OE (Ca), which explains why a book written in 1519 can mention an event in 1520 (Prout... denique [Ca] = Prout elapso [L, Al). ^^"Viennae Austria ... quinto Januarii circa solis ortum tres soles cum varii generis iride. Sexto circa tertiam pomeridianam iterum sol cum duobus magnis drculis visus est. Philosophi halonem maximum vocant. Sexto circa nonam noctis, lima cum cruce signata et circulo inclusa, cui maior semicirculus in parte superiori erat. Septimo drca ortum diei, tres soles visi sunt, philosophi parahelios vocant... Quae prodigia a Pamphilo Gengenbachio, eum imaginibus ad Carolum regem missa atque per Germaniam publicata sunt." LYCOSTHENES, Chronicon, fol. YyS""'^ (= 525f). Concerning ^e phantom army in Bergamo see NICCOLI, Prophecy and People, 61-66. ^"Grossmachtiger kung gloub mir / Diss zeichen gend anzeigung dir, / Wie du regieren wirst din laben, / Und wemm du solt die ruten geben. / ... / Das nit sant Peter schyff versinck, / Und auch der gloub so fast nit hinck, / Werd nit betrogen der gmein man, / Lutherus ist uff rechter ban, / Dem soltu frolich hangen an." GENGENBACH, Das Wiener Prognostikon, 128.1-15. 123

figure 3.1 Three Suns over Vierma, 1520 figure 3.2 Phantom Army over Bergamo, 1517 (LYCOSTHENES, Chronicon, 523) (LYCOSTHENES, Chronicon, 523)

Toward the end of his textbook for surgeons, in a chapter devoted to "monsters in the sky" {des monstres celestes), Pare reported a blood-red comet in 1528, so terrifying that it scared people to death and caused others to fall ill. It lasted longer than an hour. At the front of the comet was an arm holding a large sword threatening to strike. Smaller swords, hatchets and knives together with detestable human faces surrounded the arm (figure 3.3).^ Pare discussed these monsters "to instruct young surgeons in the scrutiny of celestial matters."^^

^^"L'antiquite ... n'a rien experimente de plus prodigieux en I'air que la Comette horrible de couleur de sang cui apparut en Westrie, le neufiesme jour d'Octobre mil cinq cens vingthuit. Ceste Commette estoit si horrible et espouventable, qu'elle engendroit si grande terreur au vulgaire qu'il en mourut aucuns de peur; les autres tomberent malades. Ceste estrange Comette dura une heure et un quart... A la somnute d'icelle on voyoit la figure d'un bras courbe tenant une grande espee en la main, comme s'il eust voulu frapper.... Aux deux costez des rayons de ceste Comette, il se voyoit grand nombre de haches, couteaux, espees coulourees de sang, parmy lesquelles il y avoit grand nombre de faces humaines hideuses." PARfi, Des monstres, 143.8-21. ^^"pour instruire le jeune Chirurgien a la contemplation des choses celestes." PAR6, Des monstres, 146.1 lOf. 124

figure 33 Monster in the Sky, 1528 (PAR£, Des monstres, 142) Ottavia Niccoli has studied certain traditions about, and uses for, apparition myths in Renaissance Italy.37 But concerning their cultural pedigree, she has overlooked the most important source for horror stories and phantom monsters, namely Scripture and the Fathers. To hear rumor of ghostly apparitions, Piirstinger did not have to visit Renaissance Italy. He found them in 2 Maccabees^®:

It happened that over all the city, for almost forty days, there appeared golden-clad horsemen charging through the air, in companies fully armed with lances and drawn swords — troops of horsemen drawn up, attacks and counter-attacks made on this side and on that, brandishing of shields, massing of spears, hurling of missiles, the flash of golden trappings, and armor of all sorts. Therefore all men prayed that the apparition might prove to have been a good omen. (2 Macc. 5:1-4; cf. 2 Kings 7:6)

^^NICCOLI, Propheq/ and People, passim, but esp. 61-88. 38OE 17,13. 125

He also discovered them in Augustine^^:

On a certain broad plain in Campania, not long after two Roman armies had fought each other in a terrible battle at the same place, [the spirits] were seen fighting there. Only loud noises were heard initially. But soon, many reported having seen two armies fight for several days. And when the battle cecised, they found the groimd indented with the footprints of men and horses, just as you might expect from such a battle."^

One of the richest sixteenth-century sources about abnormal births, especially enticing for its medical perspective, is Des monstres by Ambroise Pare. The barber-surgeon even kept one cadaver at home, as a specimen of the monstrous. Its mother had been pregnant for six months before she gave birth in 1546 to something with two heads, two arms and four legs (figure 3.4).'^^ Later, in Paris, Pare saw a nine-year-old monster with one grossly malformed arm, no legs and one quasi-normal foot attached to its right buttocks (figure 3.5).^2 He also saw a monster in Champagne, who when yoimg was a girl, but at age fifteen, when running through wheat fields after pigs, jumped a ditch and, "at that very moment," developed "a male prick" by rupturing the ligaments, which imtil then had secured that genitalia inside.'^^

39OE 17,13. 40"Quod etiam in quadam Campaniae lata planitie, ubi non multo post dviles acies nefario proelio conflixerunt, ipsi inter se prius pugnare visi sunt. Namque ibi auditi sunt primum ingentes fragores, moxque multi se vidisse nuntiarunt per aliquot dies duas acies proeliari. (^ae pugna ubi destitit, vestigia quoque velut hominum et equorum, quanta de ilia conflictatione exprimi potercint, invenerunt." AUGUSTINE, De dvitate Dei, II, 25 (= 605-11). "^^"L'ein 1546, k Paris, une femme grosse de six mois enfanta un enfant ayant deux testes, deux bras et quatre jambes, lequel j'ouvry, et n'y trouvay qu'un coeur (lequel monstre est en ma maison, et le garde comme chose monstreuse)." PARfi, Des monstres, 14.70-72 with fn. 72. "^"L'an 1573, je veis k Paris... un enfant aage de neuf ans... Ce monstre n'avoit que deux doigts k la main dextre, et le bras estoit assez bein forme depuis I'espaule jusqu'au coulde, mais depuis le coulde jusqu'aux deux doigts estoit fort difforme. II estoit sans jambes, toutefois luy sortoit hors de la fesse dextre une figure incomplette d'un pied." PARfi, Des monstres, 31.7-13. '^^Pare uses medical language (.penis, uriner, menstrues and copulation) interchangeably with what we call street-language {verge, pisser, fleurs and avoir affaire): "j'y vey un certain personnage ... lequel jusqu'au quinziesme an de son aage avoit este tenu pour fille attendu qu'en luy ne se monstroit aucune marque de virilite.... Or, ayant atteint I'aage susdit, conune il estoit 126

figure 3.4 A 'Siamese' Monster, 1546 figure 33 A 'Dwarf Monster, 1573 (PAR6, Des monstres, 14) (PARfi, Des monstres, 31)

A good many of Fare's monsters were, in all probablity, children with congenital birth defects. The three cases just mentioned could be diagnosed in our medical terms as twins conjoined at the chest, (thoracopagus), caudal

regression syndrome and congenital adrenal hyperplasia.44 But not all monstrous births were human-like, at least not completely. Pare wrote about a colt in Verona, which had a human head and spoke with a man's voice.^s Alien races were monsters that occupied the distant edges of the known world in such mysterious places as Africa, India, Cathay, Albania and aux champs et poursuyvoit assez vivement ses pourceux qui alloyent dedans un ble [= un champ de ble], trouvant un fosse le voulut affranchir ; et I'ayant saulte, k I'instant se viennent k luy desvelopper les genitoire et la verge virile, s'estans rompus les ligamens par lesquels au- paravant estoyent tenus clos et enserrez (ce qui ne luy advint sans douleur), et s'en retouma larmoyant en la maison de sa mere, disant que ses trippes luy estoyent sorties hor du ventre, laquelle fut fort estonnee de ce spectacle." PAR£, Des monstres, 29.17 - 30.30. ^'^Dr. Baird Smith, MD., pediatric surgeon, Stanford University Hospital, kindly provided me with these modem medical designations. The standard diagnostic reference volume is David W. SMITH, Smith's Recognizable Patterns of Human Malformation (Philadelphia, [1971] <1988). "^^PARfi, Des monstres, 66 fn. 49. 127 the West Indies.^^ They were not 'primitive' as anthropologists sometimes describe aboriginal tribesmen, nor 'futuristic' as science-fiction writers characterize extraterrestrials. They were degenerate, fallen peoples. We find them in Homer already, breathing life into exotic landscapes of epic adventure. The Roman author Pliny (t79), more accessible to the Latin Middle Ages than Homer, not only cataloged them in his encyclopedic Natural History, but he gave them a more scientific reputation. During Piirstinger's lifetime, Hartmann Schedel (tl514) reported on "Plinian" monsters in his famous illustrated Buch der Chroniken (figure 3.6 with text). He described alien races from India with dog heads, from Libya with no heads, in Sidlia with elephant ears and in Scythia with animal hoofs. There were monsters near the Ganges who never ate, and near Ethiopia who lived for four-hundred years. Piirstinger used the image of headless monsters as a metaphor for danmable independence. He was drawing on a long tradition about people in Libya {acephali, sometimes called blemmyae) with no heads and faces on their chests (figure 3.6, left col.). Shakespeare's brave Othello met his lovely Desdemona when telling stories of military exploits among "men whose heads do grow beneath their shoulders.Because the cathedral clergy in Salzburg were exercising too much liberty, Piirstinger wrote in 1533 to archbishop Lang that "the men of the chapter [since 1519 not obliged to be regular canons] needed to have an ordinary and a territorial prince ... and [that person] had to be none other than [Lang]." Should the cathedral clergy,

'^The best two dcxnimented studies regarding the under-explored world of monstrous and mythical races are FRIEDMAN, Monstrous Races', and GOW, The Jews. ^^See fn. 10. I lilfui If |B|ll iinvitr? al 1 ills IIKII?

-||i| 9 a§ 2II |il3|.^aVl 3|4f^ ••I?!i i lililtllMl III!ill llllil 129 as they wish, refuse to take oaths of allegiance and obedience to the prince- archbishop, "they woiild be acepheli" thought Piirstinger, "not recognizing authority in big and important matters/"^® Lutherans were the most glaring example, according to Piirstinger: "He who is rebellious and disobedient to the papal throne as his rightful authority, and who sits under the pestilent throne without any spiritual head, is an acephalusA'^ The causes of monsters were myriad. Ambroise Pare detailed nine causes of abnormal births in his textbook for surgeons, naming reasons as dissinular as God's glory, and God's wrath.^® One of the most common explanations, he wrote, was menstruating women, who conceived during their period. Their babies, by feeding on menstrual blood first (which was thought contaminated), would develop infections, that then manifest themselves as leprosy, scurvy or gout.^^ Mixed births, half human and half animal, were generally blamed on sodomy. Allegedly sodomized by a dog, one woman gave birth to a monster that was human from the waist up and canine from the waist down (figure 3.7)P- In an earlier case, concerning a calf

^Piirstinger to Lang (8 November 1533), in Appendix B, no. 9, at 264.96-106. '^"Birgitta (of SweedenJ hat den Kriechen [nan\ely the eastern church] geweyssagt. Ob sy dem Papst, als der kirch hawp, nit gehorsam, woirden sy jren feinden den tiircken gehorsam mueessen werden, das paid damach beschehen vnd noch ist Daraus zebesorgen wir tewtschen, souerr wir von luterischer ketzerey nit lassen, werden auch in der turcken hend fallen. Dann wer paepstlichen stuoel als seiner geordenten oberkait widerwaertig vnd vngehorsam ist, der sitzt vnderm stuoel der pestilentz vnd hat kain geistlich hav^rp, deszhalb ist er acephalus. Er wirt in des deufels schar eingeleibt als ain abtrynniger, der wider die kirch hellischer porten vnd poesem geist gehorsam layst." TTh 91,14; cf. TTh 95,10; OE 45,10; and Ratschlag, in Appendix B, no. 2, at 240.203-215. See BRIDGET, Revelationes, 7,19F. ^®For God's glory he points to the man bom blind (John 9); for God's wrath to menstruating women who give birth to monsters (4 Esdra 5:8). PAR£, Des monstres, 4f. ^^PARfi, Des monstres, 6.11 - 7.34. ^^"L'an 1493, un enfant fut conceu et engendre d'une femme et d'un chien, ayant depuis le nombril les parties superieures semblables k la forme et figure de la mere, et estoit bien accomply, sans que Nature y eust rien obmis ; et depuis le nombril avoit toutes les parties inferieures semblables aussi k la forme et figure de I'animal qui estoit le pere." PAR£, Des monstres, 62.16-20. \

130

figure 3.7 A Human-Canine Monster, 1493 (PAR£, Des monstres, 62)

with a human head, Albert the Great wanted to blame the stars rather than sodomy, while the local villagers were more inclined to fault the cowherder.53

Another cause for monsters was the wild and fiendish imaginations of women. If during conception, or when the fetus was still developing, a woman dared imagine or even accidentally visualize anything gruesome or ghastly, she was likely to give birth to a monster. After the period of fetus- formation (30-35 days for boys and 40-42 days for girls), babies grew immune to mutation caused by their mother's imagination.^'* This cause-and-effect

33"Ce qui advint du temps d'Albert en une metairie, qu'une vache feit un veau demy- honrune : dequoy les villageois se doutans du pasteur, I'accuserent en jugement, pretendants le faire brusler avec ladite vache ; mais Albert, pour avoir faict plusieurs experiences en Astronomic, cognoissoit, disoit-il, la verite du faict, et dit cela estre advenu par une speciale constellation, de sorte que le pasteur fut delivre et purge de imposition de tel execrable crime." PAR6, Des monstres, 68.70-76. ^^"Et partant faut que les femmes, k I'heure de la conception, et lors que I'enfant n'est encore forme (qui est de trente ou trente cinq jours aux masles, et de quarante ou quarante deux... 131 relationship between fantasy and reality burdened women with unwanted power and risky liability. On the one hand, they could create a race of monsters while men were powerless to prevent it; on the other hand, they alone stood to suffer blame for monstrosity in birth.^s Piirstinger thought that most monsters were caused by demons in disguise, imperfect mixtures of natural matter combined in the sublimar world of the four elements. To correct the sophistry of astrologers, Piirstinger emphasized that no monsters depended on the stars in the firmament or "influences" from the superlunar aether.5^

If monsters were demonic, did that make them apocalyptic? As noted above, a sharp increase in demonic phenomena signaled that Satan was unshackled, ready to usher in the last days.^^ A growing number of monsters and heightened levels of demonic activity were clear indications of the apocalypse. Pope Julius n (reg. 1503-1513) and nearly one hundred prelates gathered for Lateran V (1512-1517) heard from Giles of Viterbo (tl532), during aux femelles) n'ayent i regarder ny iinaginer choses monstrueuses; mais la formation de I'enfant estant faicte, jagoit que [= bien que] la femme regarde ou imagine attentivement chose monstrueuses, toutesfois alors I'imagination n'aura aucun lieu, pour-ce qu'il ne se fait point de transformation dequis que I'enfant est du tout form^." PARfi, Des monstres, 37.27-34. ^^Rare were the women, no doubt, like the princess saved by Hippocrates, who was able to turn her alleged responsibility for a monstrous birth into personal gain: She escaped condemnation for adultery with a black man, when Hippocrates, at her defense, waxed persuasive that two caucasian parents could in fact produce a dark-skinned baby, provided that, as in this case, at the time of conception, the mother looked at the portrait of a Moor child: Tar semblable raison Hippocrates sauva une Princesse accusee d'adultere, par-ce qu'elle avoit enfante un enfant noir comme un more, son mary et elle ayans la peau blanche, laquelle a la suasion d'Hippocrates fut absoulte, pour le portraict d'un more semblable i I'enfant, lequel coustimiierement estoit attache h son lict." PAR£, Des monstres, 35.20 - 3624. ^^"Monstra, prodigia, fulgura et his similia, quae impjerfecta mixta nuncupantur, fiunt naturali conflatione in elementis, et non dependent ex astris neque ex influentiis superioribus, quae nulam causant imperfectionem. Alioquin daemones, qui permissu Dei in his corruptiblilibus potestatem exercent, similiter maleficae quae accitis daemonibus coruscationes et disturbia excitant, in sublimioribus incorruptibilibus corporibus facultatem haberent." OE 51,15. ^^See above, 34-37, with fns. 65-67. 132 his keynote address to the covmdl's opening session, that monsters, portents and prodigies were being reported more than ever before.^® Emperor Maximilian I (reg. 1493-1519) learned from his court astrologer, Joseph Gr^peck (tl532), that prodigies in the heavens and portentous monsters on earth were appearing in greater numbers than previously recorded.^^ In sharp increase, monsters and demons were undeniably apocalyptic. To most people, monsters were signs of the times. Augustine wrote that "monster" came from monstrare, "portent" from portendere, "ostent" from ostendere and "prodigy" from porro dicere.^^ Monsters were harbingers, in other words, an idea captured in Latin verse by the poet Claudius, and quoted in French verse by Amboise Par4:

Never traced a comet through the sky when harm was else than nigh.^^ Not everyone interpreted monsters as apocalyptic signs, however. According to Luther, too few people understood solar eclipses for what they really were, tokens of God's wrath that signaled future disaster.^2 whereas

^®See above, 25, with fn. 34. ^^See above, 34, with fn. 66. ^"Monstra sane dicta perhibent a monstrando, quod aliquid significando demonstrent, et ostenta ab ostendendo, et portenta a portendendo, id est praeostendendo, et prodigia, quod porro dicant, id est futura praedicant.... Nobis tamen ista, quae velut contra naturam fiunt et contra naturam fieri dicuntur ... et monstra, ostenta, portenta, prodigia nuncupantur, hoc monstare debent, hoc ostendere vel praeostendere, hoc praedicere, quod facturus sit Deus, quae de corporibus hominum se praenuntiavit esse facturum." AUGUSTINE, De civitate Dei, XXI, 8 (= 773.109-124.) ^^"Et nunqmm coelo spectatum intpune Cometen." CLAUDIUS, De Bello Getico, 423. Pare quotes a French translation: "Oncqties au del Comete on n'a peu voir, // que quelque mal ne nous face apparoir. PAR6, Des monstres, 144.34f. ^^"Szo haben wyr ynn kurtzen iaren szo vie! szonnen vorlust gehabt, das ich nit acht, das tzuvor szo viel und szo nahe auff ejniander yhe geweszen seyen, got hatt geschwygen, ist nichts szonderlichs ubels hemach folget, damit sind sie voracht unnd ynn den wind geschlagen. Datzu haben die stemmeyster unsz gesagt, als denn auch war ist, es geschehe solch ding ausz naturlichem laufft des hjnnels, und damit ist die vorachtung gesterckt, und die sicherheyt gemehret. Aber nichts deste weniger richtet gott alszo seyn werck ausz, schweygt stille, lest uns sicher seyn, und feret ymer fortt, es sey der naturlich laufft am hymel wie er wille, szo sind 133 astrologers took them to mean a futiire flood, Luther knew them as a curtain call for final judgment^^ He, like lago in Shakespeare's Othello, worked to bring monsters "to the world's light."^'^

Perchten Whereas demons paraded the earth disguised as humans, people in Salzburg masqueraded as demons in a popular festival called the Perchtenlauf. Still alive today, its antecedents date from long before Purstinger.65 Elaborate Perchten masks were carved, painted, horned and ugly as sin (figure 3.8). Not all of them were devilish (Schiachperchten); some in fact were attractive iSchonperchten). The focus here, however, narrows on demonic Perchten and concerns the meaning and ramifications of people crossing spiritual borders into the devil's domain. Above all, Perchten represented a ritual counterattack against the demonic. They showed that frontiers were indeed permeable.^^ Yet by turning the world upside down in parody — people playing demons — they helped legitimate

solche tzeychen £illemal tzeychen des tzomsz, und ist ejm gewisz unfall damach tzukunfftig." LUTHER, Wartburg Advent Pastille, Luke 21:25 (1522), WA 10/1/2, 99.9-18. ^"Darumb ich darauff stehe, das der hymlischen scharen bewegung sey gewiszlich die tzukunfftige constellation der planeten, daruber die stemmeyster sagen, es solle eyne syndflut bedeutten, got gebe, das der iungst tag sey, wilchen sie gewiszlich bedeuttet." LUTHER, Wartburg Advent Pastille, Luke 21:26(1522), VVA 10/1/2, 108.1-4. ^See above, fn. 10. ^For a well documented discussion about Perchten from the 13th century to the present see WASCHNITIUS, Perht. For a recent ethnographic investigation see RUMPF, Perchten. About Salzbure specifically see PRODINGER, "Perchtenforschung" and FISCHER, "Perchtenlauf." °^"As oppxjsed to the official feast, one might say that carnival celebrated temporary liberation from the prevailing truth and from the established order; it marked the suspension of all hierarchicad rank, privileges, norms, and prohibitions." BAKHTIN, Rabelais and His World, 10. Popular festive forms are further explained in, ibid, 196-277. 134

normal roles for humans, while reinforcing the perceived border between worlds, however permeable.^^ Folklore practices similar to Perchten were known elsewhere^®: Bechten in Alsace^® and Bertholdstag in .^^ But Perchten were (and still are) unique to the alpine regions of Salzburg and Bavaria. At the end of the eighteenth century, one observer wrote that Perchten "dance, jump and sing outside the houses of officials ... and are allowed to wander freely so long as they do not ventture too conspicuously beyond the borders of order and morality."^^ Perchten were permitted to play the devil's game, though not too convincingly. Demonstrations had to be stopped before outright rebellion. The hope was that carnival license would make it possible for people to funnel pent-up emotion into recreation rather than revolution. Yet Perchten were more than a safety valve. In an age when Christians burned witches for consorting with the devil, it was dangerous play to pretend being demonic. By mocking demons, Perchten vindicated the believer's own awful sense of angst and vulnerability.

Perchten date from the High Middle Ages. They appear in thirteenth- century exempla,"^^ and Perchtag and Perchtnacht usually occur near

^^"Camival form ... can act both to reinforce order and to suggest alternatives to the existing order." DAVIS, "The Reasons of Misrule," 123. About Perchten in the larger context of late medieval Volkskunde — alongside Tierdamonen, wilden Leute, Berggeiften, Frau Holle, Spinnstubenfrauen and the Heidenjungfrau — see PEUCKERT, Deutscher Volksglaube, 104-108. ^^Geiler of Kaisersberg associated Bechten with Bacchus: "Da must man bechten, wurst samlen, von Baccho kumpt das her." GEILER, Narrenschiff (Strafiburg, 1520), 153, as cited in RUMPF, Perchten, 13. ^®Also associated with epiphany; see RUMPF, "Berchtoldstag," 65f. "Sie [Perchten] tanzen, springen und singen vor den Hausem der Beampten und ihrer Schonen, und man lafit sie ungestort herumziehen, wenn sie die Granzen der Ordnung und Sittlichkeit nicht allzu auffallend uberschreiten." Franz FREIHERR VON SPAUR, Reise durch Oberdeutschland (Leipzig, 1800), I, 243; as cited by RUMPF, Perchten, 127. 72RUMPF, Perchten, 70. tttVHtl' i V>t« («»»*«•

figure 3.8 Pcrchten Mask figure 3.9 Demon on the Train of a Dress w Salzburg Museum Caroline Auguslcum VINTLER, Plucmen der Tugent (ONB, Cod. Vindob. 13 567) Ul 136 in Chronicles from the same period/^ Yet who were these creattires, whom

children called Perchtenl^^ A thirteenth-century Tyrolian fable tells how Frau unwittingly caught a demon on the train of her long dress when

passing by a mud puddle75 Hans Vintler used the same exemplum in 1411 for his poem Pluemen der TugentJ^ A manuscript copy of that poem illustrates the mud-puddle scene with a demon stealing a ride on a woman's dress, while a holy man and the devil stand by (figure 3.9). In a Bavarian Thesaurus pauperum from 1482, Perchten appear as a troop of nocturnal women, traveling about on the twelve nights from to Epiphany.''^ A Catechism from the same period warns that anyone who puts faith in Perchten, pagan gods or werewolves is breaking the first commandment.^® Belief in Perchten was condemned as superstition in 1468 by a monk in

Scheyer.79 All evidence points to the fact that these Perchten were demons.®^

When exactly people began to dress and disguise as Perchten is not clear. The earliest archival evidence dates from 1408.®^ We also know that

^^RUMPF, Perchten, 62. About the origin and various spellings of Frau Perchte, Berchta, Prerschtl and Perchtenlauf, Perhtag, Perchtentag, Brechentag and Brehentag see idem, 9-22,61-93. 74pEUCKERT, Deutsche Volksglaube, 104f. ^^Tractatus de septem vitiis, Oberaltaich, 13th c. (BayStB, dm 9528), 332-341; as cited by RUMPF, Perchten, 71. 76VINTLER, Pluemen der Tugent, 313.9405 - 314.9415. ^^"Es glauben viele, dafi in den heiligen zwolf Nachten [i.e., between Christmas and Epiphany] mehrere Weiber zu ihrem Hause kommen, deren Fuhrerin die Herrin Perchta ist." Thesaurus pauperum (BayStB, elm 18013 and 18014), fol. 392v - 394r; as cited and translated by PEUCKERT, Deutscher Volksglaube, 106. 78RUMPF, Perchten, 89f. 79RUMPF, Perchten, 90f. 80"Wir gelangen zu dem Resultat: Percht ist ein Damon, der unmittelbar aus dem Seelenglauben hervorgegangen ist." WASCHNITIUS, Perht, 149. "Sie [Frau Perchta] ist ein Fruchtbarkeit verleihender Damon, der in den Zwoften durch die Hauser zieht und dem man reiche Speiseopfer darzubringen pflegt, — ein Damon, der freilich um diese Zeit schon hie und da zu einer Kinderscheuche werden will." PEUCKERT, Deutscher Volksglaube, 107. ®^PRODINGER, "Terchtenforschung," 552, 555. 137 the Perchtenlauf was outlawed in Salzburg in \72lP- and that by the end of the eighteenth century, groups of masked Perchten in the Pinzgau numbered as many as 300.®^ Especially barbarous ones, some even armed, were jailed for breaking the law.®^

Perchten had many meanings, as did folk behavior and festivities elsewhere, whether at carnival in Romans, or for charivaris in Provence. These masked creatures from Salzburg offer a less detailed catalogue of the differences between humans and devils than would a summa of theology, but they provide a more complete vision of the world where demons ruled in disguise. Parodies of the demonic were an attack on the devil. They challenged the established spiritual order and showed that spiritual boundaries could indeed be traversed. Yet in crossing over, Perchten reaffirmed the common belief in two different worlds: good and evil, light and dark, God and Satan. The symbolic reversal in spiritual roles, with Perchten-in-contTol, served to confirm these beliefs and legitimate hierarchies. Demons were, as Piirstinger wrote, "humanity's sharpest and most sharp-witted enemies."®^ For all their ugliness, Perchten could never beat demons at the trickery of disguise, otherwise the charade would have been too threatening. The reality was, after all, that demons ruled the world. They were superior to men and more intelligent.®^ What the evil prince could not do himself, he accomplished by enlisting vile and depraved

82"Dafi dem verboth zugegen in der hi 3 Konign Nacht beschechne berchten lauffen Und darbey Veriebt dotsgefahrliche schlogerey am Dumberg bet." Salzburg Hofsratsprotokollen (21 July 1721), fol. 566f (SLA), edited and printed in FISCHER, Terchtenlauf," 119. ®^H0BNER, Beschreibung der Erzstifts, H, 399. S'^FISCHER, Terchtenlauf," 107-119. ®^'Torro daemones sunt humanae naturae hostes acerrimi et astutissimi." OE 17,6. ^"Multa tamen daemones possunt scire vi naturae, hoc est ex naturali influentia seu impressione. Natura enim hominibus sunt superiores et intellectu perspicatiores." OE 17,16. 138

missionaries,®^ ^ot for the purpose of destroying people but to seduce their minds.®® Until the reformatio Christi, and the final triumph of good over evil, God over Satan, the devil and his helpers were in charge,®^ joining themselves to the worst of humanity.^® If Perchten mocked that spiritual reality, in mocking it they unwittingly vindicated it. Whereas demons ruled normally, during the limited time of Perchtag, the controlling powers allowed a ritual coimterattack.

Gog and Magog

Vae unum abiit, et ecce veniunt adhuc duo vae post haec?'^

How it came to be that the biblical prince, Gog, from the land of Magog, became the unclean cannibalistic nations of Gog and Magog, monstrous people locked away in the Caucasus mountains, is an intriguing history.^- Already early in several extra-biblical sources, Gog and Magog were linked to Alexander the Great, being incarcerated by him near the Caspian Sea. Later, both the church and the empire used Gog and Magog as fodder in the

®^"Et quod princeps daemonum per se immediate non potest, tentat per suos satellites perficere." OE 17,9. ®®"Ex divina vero permissione, nequam daemon hodie solutus, fraudulenter saevit, non apertis viribus ad perdendum corpora sed astutis dolis ad seducendum animas hominum." OE 17,6. ^^"Dum diabolus atrium suum, id est terrenum orbem, in pace sua possedit [Luc 11:21], non solum ipse in mundo dominatus est, sed etiam sui satellites." OE 17,2. 50"i;^i daemones potestatem habent et suam influentiam ideo exercere possunt, ut perversos homines sibi coaptent et seducant qui spemunt veritatem et credunt mendado." OE 17,14. 9lApoc 9:12. ^^For an excellent survey of related ancient and medieval legends see ANDERSON, Alexander's Gate. For a shorter, but still valuable introduction, see PFISTER, "Gog und Magog;" and PEUCKERT, Grosse Wende, 164-171. About Gog and Magog as Jews, notably the Lost Ten Tribes of Israel, and the so-called Red Jews, see GOW, The Red fetvs. Unlike Anderson and Pfister, Gow studies the legend into the sixteenth century. There is no comparable monograph about Gog and Magog as Turks. 139 cannons of ecclesiastical and imperial propaganda. According to some, Gog and Magog were hostile ungodly Jews. According to others, they were bloodthirsty Ottoman Turks. Indeed, depending on fears and social factors, which contributed to prejudice and xenophobia, Gog and Magog were Goths, Huns, Celts, Persians, Magyars, Mongols and Tatars. To Purstinger, they were Turks, instniments of divine wrath, the personification of the "scourge of the sword" iplaga gladii). They were apocalyptic beasts, who, with leave from God, would deliver the coup de grace to this present world of darkness, leaving in their wake of destruction a curse of murderous death more savage than any affliction ever experienced. They would outperform even the great antichrist at the work of creating chaos. Gog and Magog were apocalyptic monsters par excellence, the worst of the worst. According to the book of Ezekiel, Gog was a sinister prince from the land of Magog. He ruled the ungodly people of Rosh, Meshech and Tubal (Ezek 38-39). Ezekiel predicted that Gog would lead his wanton cohorts during the last days in a military assault against the defenseless Israelites. With the intervention of Yahweh, however, able to command earthquakes, pestilence and fire, Gog and Magog would suffer an ignominious and unqualified defeat. Just to bury the dead, it would take seven months. The picture changed slightly with the book of Revelation chapter 20, where Gog and Magog appear as godless nations from the four comers of the world, countless in number, gathered by Satan to kill the saints and destroy the beloved city (Rev 20-7-9). In the end, all are consumed by fire sent from heaven. 140

The first-cenhary Jewish historian, Flavius Josephus (tca.100), added to

the legend of Gog and Magog. He described characteristics of the apocalyptic duo that remained with them until the time of Piirstinger. He wrote that Alexander the Great had locked the Scythians away behind iron gates in a high mountain pass, to prevent them from attacking the inhabitants of Media.®3 Later, Josephus identified the Scythians (as they were known to the Greeks) with the people of Magog (as known to the Jews).^'^ Beyond building a cultural bridge between Greece and the Near East, Alexander the Great became the empire's legendary guardian, defender of its frontiers. Biblical places had to be reconciled with Greek geography; and Greek legends had to seek eqmvalents in Jewish history.

More important to the Latin West than Josephus, however, regarding the fusion of Gog and Magog with the Alexander legend, were Syrian texts, produced likewise at the crossroads of East and West. In the fifth-century Christian Legend Concerning Alexander and Discourse of Jacob of Serugh, Alexander is more than a pagan king, he is an instrument of God.^^ Instead of fortifying the border to exclude Scythians, he entraps Gog and Magog. Rather than placing a gate at the existing narrow mountain passage, he prays to God to bring two mountains together, within twelve cubits of each other. These were called the "Breasts of the North" iubera aquilonis). A third work, more influential than either the Legend or the Discourse and attributed to a fourth-century, martyr bishop named Methodius of

93JOSEPHUS, The Wars of the Jews, VII.vii.4 (= Works, I, 499). 94JOSEPHUS, The AntiquiHes of the Jews, I.vi.l (= Works, n, 81). ANDERSON, Alexander's Gate, 20-28. Part of the Discourse in English translation can be found in MCGINN, Visions of the End, 56-59. Q,noale^adcrmaQnf i fnagog iBuomodo 0O5td&3505 eteuHtCd &e cogwpimame i carpi)d ttionib^lufeiit,. cafpij'a ODtitientro'ram J frael

figure 3.10 Gog and Magog Imprisoned figure 3.11 Gog and Magog Released Pscudo METHODIUS, RepeJflh'ones, 1504 Tseudo METHODIUS, Rcvelaliones, 1504 4^ 142

Patara,^^ was actually written at the end of the seventh century in Sjnriac. By

the beginning of the eighth century, it had been translated into Greek and Latin. During the following centviries, Pseudo-Methodius enjoyed a wide distribution,^^ perhaps second only to Scripture and the church fathers in terms of influence.®® Shortly after the 'invention' of printing in Germany, it

was published in Cologne in 1475. Wolfgang Aytinger (tl508) wrote a Commentary on Pseudo-Methodius in 1496, which was later published together with the book. Piirstinger used such an edition, quoting both works frequently. A fine illustrated version of the texts in one binding was printed by Sebastian Brant in 1498, with one woodcut of the imprisonment and another of the release (figures 3.10 and 3.11). The fusion of the Alexander legend with Gog and Magog is broad and unmistakable in Pseudo-Methodius:

He [Alexander] reigned 19 years. He traveled as far as the sea which is called the region of the sun where he found unclean people grotesquely formed.... Giving orders, he gathered them together with their women, children and belongings, and led them from the east... until they entered the far north. There is no way in or out from the east to the west, [no pass that Is] through which one can go to [those people] or enter [their land]. Alexander continued to pray to God, who heard his petitions. And the Lord God commanded two mountains, called the 'Breasts of the North," to come together within twelve cubits of each other. Alexander

®^For a detailed history of Pseudo-Methodius see SACKUR, Sibyllinishe Texte, 1-55. For a short summary see MCGINN, Visions of the End, 70-73. About its contribution to the legend of Gog eind Magog see PFISTER, "Gog and Magog," cols. 914-916; and ANDERSON, Alexander's Gate, 44-50. ®^The work is knovm under several titles, notably: Opusculum divinarum reoelationum et de AntichrisH; and Sermo de regnum cantium et in novissimis temporibus certa demonstatio. I refer to it as Pseudo-Methodius. ®®No one has yet contested the claim: "Ja, die Methodiusschrift hat einen so universellen Einfluss gehabt wie kaum eine andere des Mittelalters, vom Kanon und den Kirchenvatem abgesehen. Wie in Deutschland, Frankreich, England, Danemark, Italien, Dalmatien, finden wir ihre Spuren sehr fruh in Armenien, in Syrien, Byzanz und in den Salvenlandern." SACKUR, Sibyllinische Texte, 6f (with bibliography). A "preliminary survey" found 190 manuscripts in Latin alone, 21 of which date from before the 12th century. MCGINN, Visions of the End, 70 with fn. 1. Cf. GOW, The Red Jews, 25 with fn. 8. 143

built bronze gates [at the gap] ... so that if anyone wanted to pry them open with steel, he could not, or melt them with fire, neither could he do that.... In the last days, according to Ezekiel: 'Gog and Magog, at the end of time on earth, will go forth into the land of Israel.' Who are the nations and the kings that Alexander shut up in the north? Gog and Magog.^ In Pseudo-Methodius, Gog and Magog were still independent of any identification with evil Jews or bloodthirsty Turks. But sometime before the twelfth century, legends were conflated, no doubt because the Gog and Magog imprisonment story shared similarities with tales about the Lost Ten Tribes of Israel. The apocalyptic destroyers from the north, as monstrous Jews, thus began to feed the fibres of . The legend of the Lost Ten Tribes is rooted in the book of 2 Kings (= IV Regum in the Vulgate). It draws its apocalyptic character from the apocryphal book of 2 Esdras (= IV Esdrae).^^ Piirstinger quoted the key verses at length:

In the ninth year of Hoshea, the King of Assyria [= Shalmaneser] captured Samaria and took Israel into captivity in Assyria, and settled them in Halah and Habor, on the river Gozan (alias Euphrates), in the cities of the Medes (m civitatibus Medorum).... The Lord was angry with Israel, and removed them from His sight, and none remained except the tribe of Judah.^0^

^®"et regnavit in ea annis XVHII... et discendit usque ad mare qui vocatur regio solis, ubi conspexit gentes inmundas et aspectu orribilis.... Et praecipiens congregavit eos omnes mulieresque eorum et filius et omnia sdlicet castra illorum et eduxit eos de terra orientali et condusit niinans eos, donee introissent in finibus aquilonis. Et non est introitus nec exitus ab orientem in occidentem quis per quod possit ad eos transire vel introire. Continue ergo supplicatus est Deum Alexander, et exaudivit eius obsecrationem. Et praedpit dominus Deus duobus montibus, quibus est voeabulum 'ubera aquilonis," et adiuncti proximaverunt invicem usque ad duodedm cubitorum. Et construxit portas aereas ... ut, si voluerint eas patefacere in ferro, non possent, aut dissolvere per ignem, nec valeant utrumque.... In novissinus vero temporibus secundum Ezechielis prophetiam, qui didt: In nomssimo die consummationes mundi exiet Gog et Magog in terra Israhel. Qui sunt gentes et reges quos retrusit Alexander in finibus aquilonis? Gog et Magog..." Pseudo-Methodius, viii (= SACKUR ed., 72-74). ^OOGOW, The Red Jews. esp. 23-33, 37-69; but also ANDERSON, Alexander's Gate, 58-87. 68,10 (IV Regum 6:18). 144

And as you saw my son gather to himself another peaceful multitude, these are the ten tribes which were in captivity away from their own in the days of BCing Hoshea, whom Shalmaneser the king of the Assyrians led captive. He took them across the river, and they were taken into another land. But they formed this plan for themselves, that they would leave the multitude of the nations and go to a more distant place, where no one had ever lived, where they might keep their statutes which they had not kept in their own land. And they entered by the narrow passages of the Euphrates river (alias Gazan). For at that time the Most High performed signs for them, and stopped the channels of the river imtil they had passed over. Through that region there was a long way to go, a year-and-a-half joimiey. The country is called Arzareth. Then they dwelt there until the last times. And now, when they begin to come, the Most High will stop the channels of the river again, so that they can pass over. For that reason, you saw the multitude in peace.^^^ The fate of the Lost Ten Tribes as Gog and Magog, the apocalyptic destroyers, was a product of the twelfth century. Peter Comestor (tca.1180) was the first to conflate (or confuse?) the two groups in his Hist or ia scholastica (il69-1173).^03 Before another century passed, Gog and Magog and the Lost Ten Tribes were one and the same in scholastic theology, chronicles, poetry and drama. In German vernacular literature they were sometimes identified as the so-called Red Jews. The point here, in any case, is that Gog and Magog were monstrous and apocalyptic, cannibals in league with the devil and the antichrist^O"^ This was the most common interpretation of Gog and Magog during the fourteen and fifteenth centuries. Then the Turkish threat, bolstered by the fall of Constantinople to Ottoman Turks in 1453, began to alter the winds of racism. With a grievous loss of imperial troops on the plain of Mohacs in 1526, and then Turks finally

68,12 (IV Esdrae 13:39-47). ^^^ANDERSON, Alexander's Gate, 64-72; with critique by GOW, The Red Jews, 42-48. GOW, The Red Jews, esp. 65-92. 145 reaching Vienna in 1529, apocalyptic alarm was sounding louder, while doomsday vigilantes were watching the East. Although Red Jews continued to play a role in German vernacular literature during the sixteenth century, it was often alongside the new threat: the Turk. The pamphleteer Jakob Stopel, in his interpretation of the solar monster over Vienna in 1520 that so impressed Purstinger,^^^ discovered five signs in the celestial wonder, each one corresponding to a separate war. The third sign foreshadowed a war against the Turk, probably for 1525, while the fourth sign signified a war against the Red Jews, who would descend from their mountain-top prison to help the antichrist in 1528, or thereabouts.

From his home in Salzburg, all too near to the Eastern front, it is not surprising that Piirstinger argued that Gog and Magog were Turks. Despite any similarities between Gog and Magog and the Lost Ten Tribes, Piirstinger thought that differences were more striking, both regarding their past and their future.^07 Qog and Magog wotdd be the scourge of the sword, dogs chasing evil men, instruments of divine justice used for the purpose of good, Jews their victim as much as Christians. Gog was a hunter, a tyrant from the north. ^08 Among the many plagues permitted by God, the scourge of the

above, 122 with fn. 33. 106"Das drit zaychen bedeut den dritten krieg wider den Tiirken, welcher sich bald anheben wirt nach der kronung des Kaysers. Villeicht im jar 1525.... [^] Das vierd zaichen hemach volgend bedeut den iiii. krieg wider die roten Juden, welche kunrimen werden au6 den verschlofinen bergen wider die Christen zii hilf dem Endchrist, diser kreig wTrt ongefarlich imm jar 1528." [STOPEL], Auslegung der fUnff zaichen, Aiv^, Bi''. 107"^pparet itaque filiorum Israel indusionem esse aliann ab inclusione Gog et suorum. Nam iste pro flagello infligendo, illi autem ad id sustinendum reservantur. Gog enim sequens antichristi vestigia, eos uti Christi fideles persequetur interficietque." OE 68,14. lOS-porro inter caeteras ecclesiae et Christianitatis plagas est gladii plaga, de qua virgo Maria apud Birgitam iurat [Reoelationes 3.17]: Veniet venator cum canibus effrenatis qui non parcet velleribus a sagittis, nec corporibus a vulneribus, ad hoc ut vita finiatur.... Canes autem sequentes sunt viri iniquitatis, quibus Deus, quamvis mali sunt, utitur ad bonum non sibi sword, a barbarous assault from the north, would be the most horrendous. Gog and Magog were Scythians, whom Alexander the Great had shut up behind iron gates in the Hyperborean mountains.^®® But they were also barbarians who "ate the flesh of men and drank the blood of beasts like water,"i^o as pictured on the Ebstorf Map (figure 2.12 at 94).^^^

According to Piirstinger, the assault of Gog and Magog represents the last violent act of the apocalypse, brief in duration but sweeping in scope and unrivaled in magnitude, the third of three woes: "The first woe has already happened, but behold two others are still coming."'^^^ whereas the first woe is the affliction suffered by the church during the first five status, a prelude to worse tribulation,'^^^ second woe is imminent persecution by the great antichrist at the end of the sixth status.^'^^ The third woe is the scourge of Gog and Magog, after the defeat of the great antichrist (see figure 4.1 at 172). Piirstinger detailed three possible interpretations. Gog and Magog could ipsis sed aliis purgandis. Ille venator, id est Tyrannus veniet a plaga septentrionali.... Et non solum Goe sed etiam iste Tyrannus erit ab aquilone." 0£ 41,1. ^"'"Nam inter alias adversitates, quibus Deus suam ecdesiam aliquod annis hactenus conteri permisit, venit imprimis gladius, qui est incursus potissime Turcorum. Quorum gens potest intelligi per Gog et Magog.... Nempe Turd olim fuerunt Scythae ex hiis, quos Alexander Magnus inter Hyperboreos monies ferreis dausit repagulis." OE 49,proem. The mountains in the Alexander legend are normally identified as the Caucasus range running east to west between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea. See ANDERSON, Alexander's Gate, esp. 15. Piirstinger later calls the same range tfie Caspian mountains: 'T)eus in uberibus aquilonis, hoc est in montibus Caspeis, condusit Gog et Magog." OE 68,proem. Perhaps the "Hyperborean (.hyperboreos) mountains" are a corruption of the "Breasts (ubera) of the North"? ^^''"comedent cames hominum et bibent sanguinem bestiarum sicut aquam." OE 68^. ^^^The text there reads: "Hie inclusit Alexander duas gentes immundas Gog et Magog, quos comites habebit Andchristus. Hi humanis camibus vescuntur et sanguinem bibunt" ^^^See above fn. 91. llS'-pfimum vero vae ... est praesentis saeculi et figura illius magnae tribulationis.... Idem quoque primum vae est finis longevae tribulationis, quam ecclesia (ut dictum est) per singulos quinque praeteritos status passa est." OE 55,9. lT4''post abitionem denique unius, id est primi vae, videlicet postquam ecclesia per ignem primae et magnae tribulationis transient.... Circa finem equidem sexti ecdesiae status, flagellum magnum (quod erit secundum vae) Antichristus incutiet christianis et toti ecdesiae." OE 55,10. 147 possibly come during the seventh status, after the downfall of the antichrist, an event followed by a short hiatus of peace. Yet Job promised that no harm would befall the church during the seventh status. For that reason, some people thought that Gog and Magog wovild come at the end of the sixth status. The third possibility demanded a spiritual understanding of Job's promise. Although the faithful would suffer, as have martyrs, Gog and Magog would not be able to harm the faith of true believers.^ At one point, when commenting on Revelation, Piirstinger seems inclined toward the first possibility,^'^^ and later to the second possibility.'i^^ In either case, however, there is no mistaking Gog and Magog as the Turk. "ScriptTore speaks often about the incarceration of certain cruel people," noted

^^^"Interim vel post modicum intervallum adveniet tertium et ultimum vae et flagellum ecclesiae per Gog.... Et licet in lob videatur exprimi quod in septimo statu ecclesiam non tanget aliquod malum [lob 5:19], tamen subintelligendum est ^utumum, quoniam persecutio ipsius Gog non diu durabit, sed denique est malum septimi status. Vel ilia tertia plaga potest referri ad finem seu caudam sexti status.... Vel potest did quod illud vae non tanget ecclesiam sdlicet spiritualiter, sicut nec tyranni olim nocuerunt ecclesiae, quia Gog et sui satellites non intendent principaliter nocere ecclesiae sicut primum flagellum circa dignitatem ecclesiasticam, vel sicut secundum Antichristi flagellum circa fidem Catholicam, sed Gog et sui complices licet instigabunt homines ad colendum bestiam, tamen principaliter omnia morte prostemere conabuntur.... Iddrco huiusce malum temporale non tanget ecclesiam, neque eis seu suis membris in salute nocebit, quemadmodum olim martyrum sangxiine ecdesia non laesa sed salubriter irrigata est atque adaucta." OE 55,12. ^^^"Diabolus rursus ligabitur, nam refert coelestis aquila Angelus appraehendit draconem serpentem antiquum qui est diabolus, et ligavit eum et misit in carcerem et clausit et signam super ilium ut non seducat amplius gentes, donee compleantur mille anni.... Et post hoc, id est postquam ligatus est Sathan, oportet ilium solvi modico tempore [Apoc 20;2f], utpote infra ilium millenariimi, quandoquidem interim veiuet Gog, cuius persecutio durabit modico tempore. Antichristo etenim interempto, indpiet septimus ecclesiae status ... in quo ecdesia padficabitur et tranquillitatem obtinebit, dempto modico intervallo. Didtur enim, cum aperuisset sigillum septimum factum est silentium in coelo, id est in ecdesia, quasi media hora, id est usque ad Gog [Apoc 8:1). Inter quem et antichristum erit modicum spadum silentii et pads in ecclessia Dei, ad eo breve quod reputabitur dumtaxat media hora. Notanter autem loarmes non dimidiam sed mediam horam expressit. At quid per mediam horam significatur prorsus ignoro. Post Gog vero erit finis temporum laboriosorum." OE 61,13. 117"pertium itaque et ultimxmt vae post antichristum veniet dto, durante adhuc cauda sexti status; persecutio enim Gog et aliorum tyrannorum suorum (tametsi fiat concurrente septimo ecclesiae statu) asscribitvir tamen sexto statui, quia didtur: In septima non tanget te malum [lob 5:191." OE 68,2. 148

Piirstinger. "Methodius, especially, reveals that God, at the request of Alexander the Great, shut up Gog and Magog in the 'Breasts of the North,' namely the Caspian mountains, together with 22 kings and nations. Some interpreters (jdiqui) understand [those nations] as the Turks.""^^® Without identifying the aliqui by name, Piirstinger nevertheless adoped their view.^^^ 4* •

Monsters belonged to a world far more concrete than the shady zones of uncertainty and the spheres of mythology to which modern science abandons them. In order to appreciate the scope and character of apocal5^tic fervor in the sixteenth century, it is necessary to take inventory of the contemporary perception that monsters were everywhere — in increasing number. Sightings of creatures crossing from darkness to light and vice versa, as well as inquisitions into their behavior, flourished in a climate where people sensed the proximity of evil and battled its encumbrance on good. Someone or something was violating this world and terrorizing its dominion. Monsters came from hell. Perchten raised hell. And Gog and Magog would soon insure that hell broke loose. The devil came in many disguises. Such was the apocalyptic demography of Piirstinger's Salzburg. He heard about them, wrote about them and believed in them.

^^®"Scriptura multifariam loquitur de inclusione quorundam hominum crudelium. Methodius imprimis revelat quomodo ad Alexandri magni obsecrationem Deus in uberibus aquilonis, hoc est in montibus Caspeis, conclusit Gog et Magog unacum aliis viginti duobus regibus ac eentibus, quod aliqui de Turds intelligere volunt." OE 68, proem. ^^'Many interpreters still identified Gog and Magog as Jews. Even Jews, who had converted to Chjistianity, made the antisemitic connection. About Johannes Pfefferkom (tl522) see OBERMAN, Roots of Anti-Semitism, 42 with fn. 101. About Victor von Carben (+1515) on the Ten Tribes see GOW, Red Jews, 133-139. Luther identified Gog and Magog with the Turks, but not before 1529/30. See PEUCKERT, Grosse Wende, 170. OBERMAN, Roots of Anti-Semitism, 116f with fn. 82. BRECHT, Martin Luther, H, 350-355, esp. 332 with fns. 11 and 12. 149

CHAPTER FOUR

Dangerous Times: Apocalyptic Biography

Hoc autem scito, quod in novissimis diebus instabunt tempora periculosa.^

My mother groaned, my father wept Into the dangerous world I leapt; Helpless, naked, piping loud, Like a fiend hid in a cloud?-

Whether stalking the beast of the apocalypse through prophetic literature or helping the poor in Saalfelden, Piirstinger was preparing for reform. Neither undertaking is what one expects from a person of his privileged birth, advanced education, prestigious vocation and conservative bent. Most bishops were not writing books on the antichrist; and most rich people were not digging deep into their savings to help the needy.^ Yet

^2 Tim. 3:1. ^William Blake, "Infant Sorrow." ^About Piirstinger's income see SALLABERGER, 'Turstinger," 437f, 458. Regarding his generosity see ibid., 456, 464-467. Piirstinger's two big philanthropic projects were the Priesterbruderschaft (1532) and a Priesterspital (1538) in Saalfelden: "Das Spital wurde bei 150 staying abreast of fulfilled prophecy and finding God among the poor were important aspects of Piirstinger's vocation in the last days — ingredients of his imderstanding of reform.

Research about Purstinger falls into two categories. On the one hand, historians of anticlericalism and apocalypticism have investigated his religious pedigree and influence, offering a detailed intellectual history yet not recognizing him as a peace-keeper and arbiter in social conflicf^ They have neglected his role in early catholic reform. On the other hand, biographers and Landeshistoriker have examined events in his life, leaving a valuable contribution to regional history, while overlooking the end-time urgency everywhere in his oeuvre.^ They have missed the double role Piirstinger played as public bishop and anonymous prophet. Johann Sallaberger commented that "Onus ecclesiae has to be understood in relation seiner Grundung von Purstinger mit zahlreichen Gulten auf Hauser in Seialfelden bzw. mit Zehenten und Grundabgabe in verschiedenen Teilen des Pinzgaus beschenkt, die, wie Piirstinger betonte, nicht aus bischoflich-chiemseeischen Besitz, sondern aus seinem eigenen Privatvermogen (Erbschaft, Erspamisse) stanraiten." Ibid, 466. ^About Purstinger and prophecy see the old but still helpful book by WERNER, "Onus ecclesiae" (1901), the excellent dissertation by KLOVER, "Onus ecclesiae" (1922), and the more recent dissertation by SCHMUCK, "Onus ecclesiae" (1973). For Purstinger and anticlericalism see the solid study by SCHULZE, "Onus ecclesiae" (1992). Unfortimately, the best of German scholarship on Purstinger is separated from the best of Austrian scholarship. SCHULZE never mentions the excellent biographical artical by SALLABERGER; and no Salzburg historian has ever used the fine German study on Purstinger and prophecy by KLCTVER. Salzburg is often marginalized by German historians. A recent historical survey of sixteenth-century imperial politics (by Volker PRESS, "Habsburg Lands" in HEH, I, 437-466), discusses every principality tangent to Salzburg (Austria, Bavaria, Tyrol, Carinthia, Styria, even Vorarlberg), as well as those close but not tangent (Bohemia, Moravia, Hungary, Camiola, the Swiss Federation, Wurttemberg and Upper Palatinate), but nowhere even once mentions Salzburg. ^There are tluee short biographies on Purstinger. The first is the still helpful article by GREINZ, "Purstinger" (1904); the less significant Diplomarbeit by HEUWIESER, "Purstinger" (1981); and the recent article with new findings by SALLABERGER, 'Piirstinger" (1990). Several Salzburg Landeshistoriker mention Piirstinger in GS, see the Index, s.v. "Berthold" 1/3, 1588, and s.v. "Piirstinger" n/5, 3791. More helpful, however, is the short survey by SCHWAIGER, "Purstinger." See also the published proce^ings from the colloquium, "Zum 450. Todestag von Bischof Berthold Purstinger" (16 October 1993). Regarding end-time urgency in TTh see below fn. 125; and in TR see fol. 3Mv. 151 to the most important event of the period: the Reformation ignited by Luther in Wittenberg in 1517"^ Yet equally important, Piirstinger has to be interpreted vis-k-vis the marvels and catastrophes recorded in Onus ecclesiae — past, present and future. The following narrative focuses on the principal apocalyptic events in Piirstinger's life. It studies the intellectual climate that allowed him to frame historical events as harbingers of doom, and it examines the emotional dimensions of that terrifying reality. "These are dangerous days," he remarked time and again.^ They signal the apocalypse. Piirstinger knew that "in the last days," namely the fifth and sixth status of the church, "dangerous times would come."® At that point, only the ignorant would say "peace, peace, when there is no peace."® "The wedding had become a funeral, and its musicians were singing a dirge."^°

^"Die Schrift 'Onus ecclesiae' mufi im Zusammenhang mit dem wichtigsten Ereignis jener Zeit gesehen werden: der 1517 durch Martin Luther in Wittenberg ausgelosten Reformation, die schwere Erschutterungen im kirchlichen imd sozialen Leben der Zeit nach sich zog." SALLABERGER, "Piirstinger," 452. ^"in praesenti vitiorum caligine et tempore periculoso," OE 2,9. Cf. Von anfang der christenhait ist kunfftige verwiiestung Salzburgerisches landts und verderbung der inwohner so nachent und scheinbar nie gesehen als iezmals diser gefahriichen zeit." Ratschlag, Appendix B, no. 2, at 233.16-18. "Aber diser gefahriichen zeit stollen sich all sachen zur unschickhlichkheit und uiiruehe." Ibid., at 234.37-39. "... praedpue perverso hoc et turbulento saeculo." [Concilium cedendi]. Appendix B, no. 3, at 247.26. "Aber diser geuaerlichen zeit hat grewlicher tewfel etlich fals lere vnd allt Sect ... widenm\b awferweckht." TTh, Vorrede, proem, "der diser geuerliche zeyt grewlich angetast wirt." TR, fol. y. ®"De illis denique vanis dogmatibus Apostolus inquit... in novissimis diebus, utpote in quinto et sexto ecclesiae statu, instabunt tempora periculosa [2 Tim 3:1]." OE 18,14; see above, fn. 1. ®'Tax, pax, et non erat pax [ler. 6:14; 8:11; 12:12; 30:5]." Luther used the same refrain, taken from Jeremiah, as the principal text for his 92nd thesis of the 95 Theses (1517). LUTHER, ViA 1, 628.17-19. Piirstinger dted the verse twice (OE 15,45; 58,proem), the first time via Luther. Q. OE 2,7 and 20,5. ^°"Conversae sunt nuptiae in luctxmi et vox musiconmt ipsorum in lamentum [1 Macc. 9:41]." OE58,8. 152

Between Attila and Antichrist

Inter malleum et incundem}^

Piirstinger was bom in 1465 into a world with an older and rougher Christian past than the Salzbvirg we know from our histories of Exirope. For him, the first missionaries to cross the Alps were contemporaries of Peter the apostle. Their seminal work for the church, destroyed by Attila the Hun (t453), was rebuilt by Rupert (t716), the patron saint of Salzburg. By the sixteenth centxiry, not only the gospel mission but indeed the whole church was again threatened. This time by the antichrist. "Never before since the onset of has the devastation of Salzburg, nor the annihilation of its inhabitants, seemed so clearly imminent as now in these dangerous times," noted Piirstinger in January 1526.^^ His alarming commentary, an introduction to his political recommendation (Ratschlag) for the territorial estates, meant to show that the peasants' revolt of 1525 was more than a crisis. It was an apocalyptic plague.

Piirstinger could have piled story upon story, allowing the sheer weight of remembered bad times produce its own lesson. But instead, he focused on two events when God's wrath was especially manifest. He compared the militant unrest of 1525 to the tyrannical scovirge under Attila the Hun, and inferred from the defeat of the eastern church to the Turk, a form of divine punishment for being connected to false prophets, that the western church would siaffer the same fate if it ever adopted Lutheran ideas.

ERASMUS, Adages, I.i.l6 (= CWE 31, 65.1-7). ^^Ratschlag, Appendix B, no. 2, at 233.16-18. 153

The several-page Ratshlag offers an impassioned account of Piirstinger's past, and helps explain his present fear and future hope. Piirstinger started the Ratschlag with a reminder to the territorial estates that the first missionaries to preach the gospel in Germany were Matemus and Marcellus. But who were these men? They first appear in our documentation as part of a ninth-century legend about the founding missionaries of Christian Europe. Peter the apostle had commissioned three disciples to carry the gospel to Germany: Matemus, Eucharius and Valerius.^^ Soon after their arrival, Matemus died, so Eucharius and Valerius returned to Rome. In spite of their losses and misforttme, Peter sent them back to Germany, this time with his bishop's staff and instructions to place it on the grave of Matemus. No sooner had the two men done as told, when Matemus miraculously retumed to life. Reimited as a team, the missionaries carried on. Eucharius founded the diocese of , Valerius became his successor and Matemus established the diocese of Cologne.

The first bishop of Cologne, according to our records, was in fact named

Matemus, but that Matemus died early in the fourth century, too late for a contemporary of Peter. The discrepancy of 200 years or more did not seem to bother Piirstinger, assuming of course he recognized it,^'^ even though it did baffle others earlier, people who had explained the difference by inferring two bishops, each named Matemus. Likewise, they named four bishops to fill the

^^See WALCH, De Matemo uno, passim. The survey by LEVISION, "Anfange," is helpful for Matemus, but does not mention Marcellus. More complete is the older article in KL, s.v. "Coin," II, 673f. ^'^Purstinger refers to the same legend in his handbook of theology; "Was nu Roemische kirch gepewt vnd ordennlich hellt, das ist in tewtschen kirchen auch zehallten, vrsachhalb daz in awssendung der apostel tewtschland zuogetailt ist petro, der daselbs christenliche kirch gepflantzt vnd sein jxmger Marcellum vnd Matemum in ober vnd nyder tev^rtschland, gesandt hat, zepredigen waren glawb." TTh 91,14. 154 gap: Paulinus, Marcellus, Aquilinus and Clematius. Piirstinger drew on a tradition, with its own Salzburg peculiarities, which joined Matemus (of the original legend) to Marcellus (of the hybrid version), making them contemporaries and colleagues.The first writer to challenge the two- Matemus theory was Christian Walch in 1779.^^ Piirstinger reminded the territorial estates that those Christians converted by Matemus and Marcellus had soon turned away from the gospel. God thus brought a plague on Germany in the person of Attila the Hun, the very scourge of God. He overthrew the whole of Germany, plundering Salzburg (then called luvavum or Helffenburg),^"^ razing the city and killing its inhabitants.^® Even though "St. Rupert reawakened the Christian faith in the province ... with the aid and goodwill of Theodo, duke of Bavaria, ... during these present dangerous times, everything is collapsing into uncertainty and unrest, to the total destruction of territory and people."^^ Much of the history of St. Rupert as Piirstinger knew it,^® would be, in our estimation, hagiographic myth, dating from the eighth century.21 Indeed, to

^^There is no study on the legendary beginnings of Salzburg comparable to the fascinating eind probing article about Mainz by LEVISON, "Die Anfange rheinischer Bistiimer in der Legende." How and when the Matemus / Marcellus legends were joined are questions well deserving of future study. ^WALCH, De rmtemo uno, passim, but esp. 27. ^^Helffenburg was a common medieval translation of luvavum, the Roman city on which Salzburg was built Asstiming the name luvavum came from juvare, humanists called the city Helffenburg. In fact, though, cognates of the word luvavum predate even the Roman period. See Appendix B, no. 2, at 233, fn. 9. ^^Ratschlag, Appendix B, no. 2, at 233.22 - 234.28. ^^Ratschlag, Appendix B, no. 2, at 234.29-39. ^^Ratschlag, Appendix B, no. 2, at 234.29, 241.251, 243.288-307; OE 47,1; TTh Vorrede,l; 23^; 91;14. Piirstinger even defined his ministry as service to St. Rupert. PORSTINGER to LANG (15 September 1535), Appendix B, no. 11, at 269.18-21. ^^The most important sources include the Notitia Amonis (c. 788), the Breves notitiae (after 798) and the Gesta sancti Hrodberti confessoris (c. 798). See the description with further bibliography in H. WOLFRAM, "Die Zeit der Agilolfinger Rupert und Virgil, OS, I/l, 121-156, 155

winnow fact from fiction, without contamination, is all but impossible. Even so, historical or not, the legend reveals a substratum in Piirstinger's intellectual world. According to the legend, Rupert was the bishop of Worms before he retired and became a missionary to the east. Among his early converts was duke Theodo, whose connections and power facilitated the gospel's progress deeper into pagan Bavaria. Rupert navigated winding rivers and marched dilapidated Roman roads until he settled in Seekirchen, north-east of Salzburg on the Wallersee. He then moved south. Duke Theodo gave him luvavum in 696, a place to build a monastery and church. In time, the rough-cut stone of an abandoned Roman city became, with sculpted care, one of the finest jewels in the crown of Christian Europe.^^ "But now we have to worry," warned Piirstinger. "St. Rupert and other beloved saints, who ... have been praying for us for a long time (so long as we have followed their faith), are now asking God to take vengeance on us. They have become our accusers."^ The true peace of God has been sacrificed to unrest. The devil has flipped the world on its head. "All order and prosperity in the entire territory has been shaken up and turned upside down, as if our feet should stand in the air and our head walk along the ground. When the washtub is inverted, everything spills. Likewise, a whole territory must be destroyed. As long as inferior subjects continue to raise themselves at 122f. I have used the critical edition of the Gesta Hrodberti in MGM, SS rer. Mer. VI, 140- 162. 22in spite of the legend of a Roman ghost-town, overgrown with vegetation and left in ruins, we know that luvavum was not deserted when Rupert arrived. The upper castle was a bulwark, poised to defend the duchy against any threat from the south-east. As in other Saints' Lives, written in the genre of hagiography, Rupert settled down in a place perfectly wild and barbarian. Indeed, it was common for saints to find a "suitable" place to live, either in the long shadows of solitude or in the unharvested wilderness of Paganism. On the upper castle see DOPSCH / HOFFMANN, Geschichte, 86. ^Ratschlag, Appendix B, no. 2, at 243.288-291. 156 above their authorities, informed people will be silenced and ignorant people will talk."24

Piirstinger thought that the changes were due to disobedience. People had left the true peace of the gospel for the evil freedom of Satan. They had abandoned the faith of their ancestors, had deserted the sanctuary of the church and had left the traditional mass. In addition, they were tolerant of new teaching and seductive leaders. Behind the chaos was the devil, who recently had coaxed people into rebellion,25 When believing Christians leave the church and clutch new ideas, they make themselves vulnerable to a host of divine plagues. When they do not repent, God leaves them in their folly. To highlight the connection between unbridled disobedience and God's wrath, P^stinger invoked the example of the Hussites, whose history after the death of John Huss in 1415 was well known to the territorial estates: the Czech nobility had usurped the authority of bishops and had absconded with church property; Hussites had defiled the mass by giving bread and wine alike to the laity; and revolutionaries were still battling among themselves, fragmenting into splinter groups, including the militant Taborites and the moderate Utraquists. Piirstinger thought the whole lot was given over to the devil. They were not enjoying the peace of Christ, but rather the peace of heretics and pagans.^^ Still worse, the eastern church had been defeated by the evil Turk. To underscore the prophetic significance of apostasy, Piirstinger used Bridget of Sweden, whose authority he defended at length in Onus ecclesiae?-'^ Not only

Appendix B, no. 2, at 234.40 - 23551, quoted is 45-51. ^Ratschlag, Appendix B, no. 2, at 239.179-186. ^^Ratschlag, Appendix B, no. 2, at 239.186 - 240.202. 2^0 E ch. 3: "De auctoritate et sanctitate Birgittae." 157 had she predicted the subordination of the eastern church to the Turk as punishment for disobedience and superstition,^^ Piirstinger thought the same prophecy, and God's pimishment, would apply again to the western church for its Lutheran heresy.^ The Turk was coming and the end was near. The

Church was stuck between Attila and the antichrist, an apocalyptic version of "the hanuner and the anvil."30

Signs and Wonders

Ante magnum quidem antichristum pariter et ante extremum indicium signa erunt?^ Signs are taken for wonders. 'We would see a sign!' The word within a word, unable to speak a word. Swaddled with darkness.^^

If the setting of the stin eind the turning of seasons allowed people to track historical time, the appearance of signs and the fulfillment of prophecy helped them chronicle apocalyptic time. Piirstinger used Ezekiel, Daniel, 4 Esdra and above all Revelation as prophetic chronometers. He also drew from medieval prophets, including [PseudoJ-Methodius (tca.680), Joachim of

Fiore (tl202), John of Paris (tl306), Ubertino of Casale (tl330), Bridget of Sweden (tl373), Catherine of Siena (tl380), Henry of Langenstein (tl397), Vincent Ferrer (tl419) and Wolfgang Aytinger (tl508).

^^Ratschlag, Appendix B, no. 2, at 240.203-215. ^Ratschlag, Appendix B, no. 2, at 241.228-255 and 242268-277. "Ego quidem futuronmi ignarus tutus tremo atque timeo ne huiusmodi praenundata mala aliquando et in brevi ecdesiae ocddentali eveniant, quae in ecdesiae orientalis vicem modo sunt adimpleta." OE 45,4. "Orienttilium itaque ecclesiarum ruina est exemplum futuri lapsus ecdesiarum occidentalium." OE 45,11. ^See fn. 11. 3^0E 17,24. S. Eliot, Cerontion [1920], lines 16f. 158

Although prophecy was reliable, it was not precise enough to satisfy every curiosity. No one possessed a detailed schedule of events for the apocalypse. To be sure, Piirstinger knew that calamity would precede judgment, and that the antichrist would appear before Gog and Magog. But only God knew the hour and the day.^^ All the same, after admitting htrnian limitations and accepting certain inscrutable elements in eschatology, Piirstinger thought that people were able to discern at least the rudimentary aspects of future events.^^ He himself used signs and miracles to verify prophecy and to detect his whereabouts vis-i-vis the end. Although he mentioned several signs in Onus ecclesiae — earthquakes and floods,^^ disdainful controversies,^ demonic storms,^^ mercenary atrodties,^® plagues and wars^® — the Reichenhall fire of 1515 was particularly remarkable, and has not yet been studied in the literature.

33"Quando vero hoc magnae et proximae calamitatis tempus praecise futunim sit, soli Deo cognitum est, qui semper aliquid de futurorum cognitione sibi reservat. Diem nempe reliquumque tempus quo diabolus solutus vel iterum ligandus extiterit, pater in sua posuit postestate. Nam de die illo vel hora nemo scit nisi pater [Matt 2436]." OE 17,23. ^"Etsi non est nostrum nosse tempora vel momenta [Act. 1:7], tamen id non est usque adeo intelligendum quod futura sint a nobis omnino incognosdbilia." OE prolog, 1. "... licet signa futurorum ex naturalibus occasionibus vel praesumptionibus aliquando per homines coniicianhir." OE 17,23. "Sed accipietis virtutem spiritus sancti supervenientis in vos [Act. 1:8], quasi dicat non est vestrum, id est a vobis, sed a spiritu sancto est, per quem de antichristi tyrannide et de veri Christi illustratione ac de aliis secretis prophetabitis. Per ilia autem verba sed accipietis virtutem etc., non tollitur ignorantia temporum ciliorumve secretorum, sed divinum, quo indigemus, adhibetur auxilium. Tempora enim futurorum praedse nesdmus, licet determinationem seu coniecturas de futuris sumere possimus ex argumentis et obiectis praesentibus seu praeteritis nil tamen certi futurum affirmandum est, tametsi mala appropinquent et frequenter dtoque et in proximo compleantur ea quae nobis adversa sunt praenimdata." OE 63,1. 35OE 4,10. ^OE 12,7. ^'^OE 17,12. 38OE 26,6. 39OE 39,8. 159

On 12 March 1515, Reichenhall (today Bad Reichenhall) all but burned

to the ground. It was a mining town — since 1487 a dty^*' — nestled beneath Untersberg between Ouemsee and Salzburg, not far from Berchtesgaden. The longest and most detailed account of the fire was written in elegant Humanist Latin by a canon from St. Zeno and appended to the monastery's Necrologium, from which we follow the unfolding story:'^^ In the year 1515, a sleazy woman named Christina, who worked in Reichenhall as a bath-maid, was insulted by another woman in the same profession. To avenge the wrong, Christina concocted a wicked plan to bum down her rival's house, accessible from outside the rampart through a secret passage between the Tauerstein Portal and the Castle Gateway. On Monday, following the third Simday in Lent (= 12 March), when the opportimity was

right, she lit a torch, proceeded to the secret passage and tossed the flame onto a pile of jtmk beneath the roof. It did not catch fire. A second try with another torch produced the same result. On her third try, Christina called

aloud, invoking the names of all demons. This time, the roof of the house burst into flames. When the people of Reichenhall saw the fire, alarm broke into panic. They tried to save the house — but to no avail. A brisk wind bellowed the flames into a general conflagration. The blazing horror raced along rooftops, reaching buildings far and near. Within an hour, the whole dty was up in flames. Not a single house was spared, only the mineral-springs fountain and the canonry of St. Zeno, which were protected from the inferno, whether

About the Stadtrecht of 1487, renewed in 1521, see VOGEL, Bad Reichenhall, 41, 52. Edited in Appendix B, no. 1, at 228-232: Historica mrratio conflagrationis civitatis Reichenhal. The following account is a close and accurate paraphrase, not a verbatim translation. 160 by the grace of God or the courage of men. The sheer wonder in that saving miracle is even greater because the one building had a shingle roof and the other was just a single vacant lot from neighboring houses that did bum. To tell this story is one thing (wrote the author); to have witnessed it was altogether awesome. The wind circled into every nook and crarmy of the city, as if guided by reason to make ashes of anything flammable. To see it was both dreadful and spectacular. Gusts of wind blew embers and burning shingles toward the monastery. So thick was the air that one could not see the sky or even the clouds below it. A fiery dome capped Reichenhall from the dty to the monastery, and rose high into the heavens. It rained down embers, burning nearby fields and trees. One house and several hay bams were reduced to ashes even outside

the dty. Were it not for the weather, rain mixed with sleet, the surrounding area would have suffered greater loss. And if the monastery had not been under divine protection, it would not have survived. Yet God does not twice purush the same thing in the same way. (The monastery had burned to the ground three years earlier). To write further about the cmelty of the fire (remarks the author) he would need to pause, to leave his pen for a moment in the inkwell (but continue he did): The rescuers who braved the fire, wearied by toxic fumes and

dispossessed of their homes and possessions, saved themselves in flight. Who can describe or comprehend such an awful event? Women screamed uncontrollably, tears gushing down their cheeks, arms flailing in the air. Others carried crying babies, embraced in shaking arms, beyond the rampart. Men looked for their wives, women for their husbands, all fearing the worst. 161 for indeed tragedy did spill into death. About two hundred bodies were found and added to the toll of casualties. Perhaps these people had gambled too long in their effort to save property and were suffocated by the smoke, sacrificed to the torture of flames. The fire itself, the worst ever in Reichenhall, lasted upwards of two hours. Some of the rubble smoldered even into the second, third and fourth days. O the incomprehensible justice of God! O its punishment! Who is clever enough to know why such a terrible affliction strikes Reichenhall so often? Fire has taken the city three times in one centviry (1415,1424,1512). O most merciful God, save us mortals, lest being sent to the deepest level of hell (Tartarus), we are tormented by fire forever. The woman behind the evil deed (continues the author) was taken into custody and boimd. Under torture, she confessed. It had not been her plan, she claimed, to level the whole city by fire. It spread against her will. Based on having seen fires doused before, she had thought people could control it. But that excuse did not help her. The die was cast: death by fire. On the appointed day, she was wheeled by cart before the very house that she had set on fire. In front of the door, the executioner ripped morsels of flesh from the muscles in her arms by using red-hot forceps, causing her to let out blood-curdling screams. At long last, she was taken to the site of her execution, followed by a horde of pressing onlookers. A bulky stake had been set into the ground, surrounded by piles of firewood. "What is the purpose of this?" begged the mad woman. "Here," answered one of the officials, "is where you will pay the penalty of your deeds." Then the executioners, three in all, bound her to the pole with iron chains, secured by a large nail, to 162

prevent her from moving up and down. They torched the pyre of death, which went up in flames quickly. The wretched woman screamed from inside the fire. Onlookers started to scream as well, repeating the blessed name of "Jesus." Anyone who ponders this scene with half-a-heart will

realize something of the pain and torture she suffered. Whichever direction she turned, she felt whirling flames. O what scorching air she must have breathed when gasping flames and exhaling smoke, even though she deserved what she got. We hope she thus appeased God and men. In any case, no one was able to look without compassion. One needs only to imagine the excruciating pain if a single finger were slipped briefly into the fire, not to mention the blistering heat inside the flames when her whole body was chained to the fiery stake. How must that have felt? Because her body did not touch the wood and coals directly, which were removed from the stake by about two feet, she was unable to die quickly. Finally, though, burned by torttarous flames, she gave up the ghost. Charred and roasted, she was removed by order on the following day. Nudged by curiosity (confesses the author), he went to the place of execution already on the first evening, where to his astonishment he saw the corpse standing exposed, upper-arms raised above the head, hands hanging to earth, fingers clenched in a fist. The dead woman was blackened so by soot that she looked like a Moor. Flesh and skin still covered her skeleton for the most part. By order, she was cremated fully on the following day. So it was,

under such gruesome torment, that the wretched woman was offered up. Would that earlier, having been accused and apprehended for thieving, she had been sentenced to beating rather than punished with a fine: she would 163

have found a more pleasant death; Reichenhall would still be standing; and

this miserable massacre of men by fire would not have happened. This horrific report, penned by a man sensitive to the event because of his proxinuty to it, is a gold mine for material on subjects as diverse as views about corporal punishment and images of Moors. The focus here, however, narrows on fires as signs of the times. Purstinger interpreted the Reichenhall fire in apocalyptic terms, verses taken from both testaments. He wrote that the fire was not the final conflagration itself, as described by Daniel:'^^

As I looked thrones were set in place, and the Ancient of Days took his seat His clothing was as white as snow; the hair of his head was white like wool. His throne was flaming with fire, and its wheels were all ablaze. A river of fire was flowing, coining out from before him Thousands upon thousands attended him; ten thousand times ten thousand stood before him. The court was seated, and the books were opened. Rather, it was one of several apocalyptic plagues, like those described in

Psalms, fires started by lightning, arson or accident:^^

Fire goes before him and consumes his foes on every side. His lightning lights up the world; the earth sees and trembles. According to Purstinger, such fires, including the Reichenhall fire, adumbrate infernal last judgment: "For the Savior says, 'I came to send fire

^^"Hoc autem non est intelligendum de diluvio ignis quod fiet in novissimo extremi iudidi tempore [cf. Dan 7:9-11]" OE 36,5. ^^"Sed haec, de qua iam fit mentio, ignis plaga erit localis et eveniet forsitan partim per fulgura [cf. Ps. 96:3-4] partim per incendia negligenter commissa vel malitiose procurata." OE 363. 164

to the earth. What would I want except that it buni?""^^ Piirstinger's own

report of the Reichenhall fire was short. He was more concerned to explain the sign than to offer a list of casualties, identify the prostitute or clarify what became of her. He noted simply; "Foior years ago, namely in 1515, almost all the buildings of a dty in Bavaria, commonly called Reichenhall, with more than a quarter of its population tragically perished in a fire caused by a wicked old woman ivetula). Of such an extraordinary blaze nothing comparable among us has ever been heard, which consiimed in flames so many buildings and so many people so quickly, almost instantly.'"*^ Several questions about the Reichenhall fire of 1515 will have to remain unanswered: Did Christina really set the fire? Or did the people of Reichenhall turn in their livid panic to the easiest scapegoat — the "sleazy bath-maid" (ambubaia) of the first account, or the "wicked old woman" {vetula) of Piirstinger's report — who, while under torture, confessed to crimes she never committed? Whatever really happened in Reichenhall that night, we are helped to understand apocalypticism in the early sixteenth- century apocalyptic culture when focusing on peoples' perceptions of such disasters with the same rigor and interest that we dedicate to reconstructing the actual events. In Piirstinger's view, the Reichenhall fire was a sign: the apocalypse had dawned. Signs gave him his prophetic bearings and

coordinates. Even if inaudible, God's message to Salzburg was visibly clear.

^'^"Nam salvator inquit: Ignem veni mittere in terram et quid volo nisi ut accendaturl [Lk 12:49]. OE 36,5. quadriennium, videlicet anno domini 1515, perpetratione cuiusdam vetulae urbana aedificia ferme omnia cuiusdam in Norico oppidi Reichenhall vulgo nuncupati, unacum pluri quam quarta parte indigenarum igne lamentabiliter perienmt. Cuius miri incendii simile ab aevo penes nos non est auditum, quod teinta aedificia cum tot hominibus tam subito quasi momento igne fuerint consumpta." OE 363- 165

Reformatio et deformatio

The words reformatio, renovatio and restauratio were all evocative terms in the sixteenth century with an enduring hold on the hearts and minds of fervent papists and zealous conciliarists, theologians and astrologers, desperate princes and peasant rebels. The common prefix "re" underscored an idea of circular advance rather than linear progress, transformation and betterment by return ad formam primamA^ The message was proclaimed in all its vigor and appeal as an expectation or an admonition. In P^stinger's case, however, reform was a warning. The message of reform as expectation was strongest in the prophetic tradition, especially among Spiritual Franciscans. Not only was reform possible, it was inevitable. Joachim of Fiore (tl202) divided history into three ages, corresponding to the three persons of the Triiuty. The age of the Father lasted until the birth of Christ, followed by the age of the Son, which continued into thirteenth century. Joachim was living just before the dawn of the age of the Holy Spirit, predicted to begin about 1260. He prophesied that during the dispensation of the Holy Spirit, the corrupt ordo clericorum would be transformed into the ordo monachorum. More than a drastic change, the third age would be an altogether new era, a period when spiritual virtues and social accord would thrive. The message of reform was effective in raising hopes because it offered the exhilarating prospect, indeed assurance, of better times to come before judgment day. Such was reform. Some of Joachim's

^^For an imp)ortant exception to the idea of "backward aspiration" in late medieval Joachimism, see REEVES, Influence, 291-292: "Their [= Spiritual Franciscans] models might be drawn from the past, but their belief was that the life of the future would far exceed that of the past" (291). 166 successors, inspired with an virgent sense of mission, regarded themselves as the viri spirituales, impoverished prophets of the evangelium aeternum, whose role it was to establish the ecclesia spiritualis. Others thought that superhuman intervention or saintly dominion, namely a Last World Emperor or Angelic Pope, would be necessary for refrom. Likewise, though not always Joachimite, late-medieval astrologers often forecast inevitable reform. Acclaimed for predicting the peasants' revolt of 1525 based on a conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn in 1484, Joharmes Lichtenberger (tl503) also forecast a reformation.^^ Among the many astrologers to predict a devastating flood for 1524, Joseph Griinpeck (tca.1532) wrote likewise about a coming "holy man" — i.e. reformer.'*®

The message of reform as admonition was loudest in the conciliar movement. Not only was reform possible, it was necessary, but would require great sacrifice. According to Pierre d'Ailly, De reformatione ecclesiae (1415), and Nicholas of Cusa, Reformatio generalis (1459), the church had to

reform itself by returning to its original form. In reaction to excessive abuses everywhere in the church, they defined reform as the healthy transformation of Christendom "in head and members" (in capite et in membris), which involved the removal of offenses and the restoration of pristine virtue. On separate occasions, both popes Julius II and Leo X gave moving, if

hj^ocritical, addresses to bishops gathered for Lateran V (1512-1517), claiming that reform had to start in Rome (in capite) and spread from there (in membris).^^ Their prescription for change was top-down, beginning with the

'^^LICHTENBERGER, Prognosticatio, esp. 47^-48''. See KURZE, Lichtenberger, esp. 53-62. "^GRONPECK, Speculum, C iv^. Cf. TALKENBERGER, Sinflut, 110-145. ^^MINNICH, "Concepts of Reform," esp. 166-167,233. 167 pope and spreading from there, first to bishops and prelates, then to lower clergy. The admonition was repeated at provincial synods and reform convents in Salzbtirg-^o This same message of encoiiragement to action iirged the church along its tmeven course to the more impressive and effective ecumenical covmcil of Trent (1545-1563).

The border between expectations for reform and admonitions to reform was blurred. The two are best understood as polar ends of a continuum. Many late medieval reform thinkers wrote about the prophetic expectation of a glorious reform while at the same time admonishing the church to change its corrupt and ruinous ways. The spirit of the treatise known as Reformation Kaiser Sigismunds (1439), addressed to everyone from popes to parish clergy, is predominantly an admonition to re-establish the lost order. Yet toward the end of the treatise, the author wrote of a new order, belonging to the prophetic future. A holy man {sacer pusillus) would rise up to planish the imjust and govern the faithful. Emperor Sigismund knew that he was not the holy man himself, because of a revelation dating from 1403, which attributed the name "Friedrich" to the true reformer. Toward the other end of the continuvun, the reform message preached by the Dominican friar Savonarola (tl498) was principally an expectation. Even so, his promised renovatio, which slated Florence as the harbinger of a new millennial kingdom during the sixth age of history, still required the

^'In cuius visitationis initio admoneri debent archiepiscopus et episcopi quisque a suo capitulo, ut seipsos ac familias et curias suas reforment, ipsique id pro viribus efficere adnitantur, ne in futtira synodo a suis capitulis praelatis et dero argui vel accusari possint et detur occasio metropolitano ad refomandum sues coepiscopos et suffragcineos vel vidssim ipsis suffraganeis emendandi ipsum circhiepiscopum." Rezess des Muhldorfer Reformkonvents (31 May 1522), ARC I, no. 13, 62-66, at 63.33-38. On the various Salzburg synods of the 15th and early 16th centuries see the three-article study by HOBNER, "Provinzialsynoden," (1909, 1911 and 1913). 168 cooperation of the citizens, the populus Fiorentinus, whom Savonarola admonished passionately to leave their vicious habits. Crucial to late- medieval reform programs in all varieties, whether expected or admonished, was the concept of a dawning new age before the end of time, or the church's return to a pristine former age.

A third message of reform — a warning of pending doom — was heard for the first time in the early decades of the sixteenth century. It was especially strong among Lutherans and Anabaptists, but prominent too in Piirstinger. Luther elucidated his view of the reformation of Christ (reformatio Christi) most succinctly in his early Psalms' commentary, Operationes in Psalmos (1519-1520).^^ Sebastian Franck adopted a similar concept of apocalyptic reform in his Chronica, first printed in 1536.^^ Neither writer believed in, or hoped for, a new age of ecclesiastical reform before the end: a period of peaceful rule ushered in by spiritual men, benevolent emperor or virtuous pope, when the church would return to its pristine form. Likewise Piirstinger, having lost all hope for reform through human agency, proclaimed the coming reformatio Christi. It would be the glorious if gory apocaljrpse itself, a torturous, bloody ordeal. Only after the dust of Armageddon had finally settled (Rev. 16:16), might peace be expected, the everlasting pax of blessed eternity, different in both degree and kind from the ephemeral tranquillity of a restored church. Christ was coming to transform the militant church (ecclesia militans) into the triumphant church (ecclesia triumphans). In the prophetic view, which expected the dispensation of a new age, and conciliarist view, which admonished the church to a former

510BERMAN, "Luther — Vorlaufer," 94-102 (Germ, ed.), 24-33 (Eng. ed.). 52FRANCK, Chronica, H, fol. cclxviii-cdxxv, esp. cclxix^. 169 state, reform signaled the transformation of Christendom (the corpus christianorum) into the body of Christ (the corpus Christi). Reform would be horizontal, the chxirch amending christians. In apocalyptic reform, change would happen vertically, creator transforming creation. Piirstinger's view of reform was a hybrid, with elements from the prophetic expectation of a new age and from Luther's warning of apocalj^tic transformation. Although historians still place Piirstinger in the conciliarist tradition as an advocate of "reform in head and members," he never used that phrase.^3 Indeed, he denied the very possibility. He took note of the optimistic admonition for change voiced by Bridget of Sweden: "In order to reform the church, to retium it to a pristine, upright and holy state, the pope needs first to amend his ways, then cardinals, bishops and other clergy."54 Yet he dismissed her appeal as unattainable, preferring instead Luther's apocalyptic view. Although the Operationes in Psalmos were not printed in time for Piirstinger's Onus ecclesiae, the same fundamental idea of reformatio appears in Luther's Resolutiones of 1518, which Piirstinger quoted in chapter fifteen (De indulgentiis et remissionibus). Piirstinger did not cite Luther by name on this point, even though he cribbed one phrase from the Resolutiones nearly verbatim.^s Whereas Luther wrote:

^^"Reform an Haupt und Gliedem," GREINZ, Turstinger," 300; "Kirchenreform an Haupt und Gliedem," EDER, "Berthold," 162; ISERLOH, "Reform der Kirche an Haupt und Gliedem," in HKG, IV, 207. ^^"Birgitta exdamat: Ad reforaiandam ecclesiam et ad reducendum statum pristinum bonum et sanctum necesse est, ut papa prius seipsimi diende cardinales et episcopos caeterumque clerum emendet." OE 19,15. Cf. BRIDGET, Reoelationes, IV, 19. ^^Joseph Schmuck takes a more conservative view: "Wenn OE in der AblaClehre Luther folgt, darf daraus keine Anerkennung seiner anderen Lehren geschlossen werden." SCHMUCK, Onus ecclesiae, 254. 170

The church needs the reformatio, which is not the business of one man, the pope, nor of nnany cardinals ... but of the whole world, or rather of God alone.^^ Piirstinger's version is altered but slightly:

The reformatio will not be the business of one man, like the pope, nor of many cardinals, but of all Christendom, or rather of almighty God, who alone has the wisdom and power to reform his Church.^^ The irony in Piirstinger's reliance on Lutheran ideas to understand the reformatio Christi, is that he pointed to overconfident contentious exegetes as evidence that "the reformation of the church woxild be reserved for Christ alone. "5® Given such a view, in 1519, Piirstinger bunched "Lutherans and Eckians" into one group of maverick theologians and rebellious clerics, who, with their frivolous disputes, were spending the excellence of youth on the ruin of the church.^® Later though, in revising Onus ecdesiae (1531), when the dividing line between true theologians contentious or not and false prophets was more definitive, Piirstinger redeemed "Eckians" from his invective and spoke rather of "Lutherans and certain others."^" Yet still, Piirstinger continued to hold his Lutheran influenced view of the reformatio

56"Ecdesia indiget refonnatione, quod non est unius hominis Pontifids nec multorum Cardinalium offidum ... sed totius orbis, immo solius Dei." LUTHER, Resolutiones (1518), WA 1, 627.27-30. ^^"Reformatio autem non erit unius hominis, utpote papae, nec multorum cardinalium offidum id est, sed totius christianitatis, immo cunctipotentis D^, qui solus sapit ac valet suam reformare ecdesiam." OE 19,15. 5®"Quemadmodum hodie nonnulli audaces, novo studio etiam cum importuna deri repraehensione, nituntur sacra scriptura retorquere in reformationem ecdesiae. Sed timeo ne nihil profidant, carentes bono zelo utentesque acerbis disputationibus frivolisque invectionibus. Reformatione ecdesiae tandem reservata soli Christo, qui et synagogam solus reformavit, ideo suam ecdesieun iam pene dilaceratam solus resardet atque docebit in futuro suo secundo adventu, qua die filius hominis revelabitur." OE 62,19. ^^"sic hodie Lutherani et Ecciani temeraria et ambitiosa disputatione mutuo altercantes pro sua audada sacras literas torquent, nihil charitative se omnia invective ad seditionem defenduntur." OE (L, CA), 12,7. Cf. Appendix A, at 196f, fns. 18-21. ^^Textual variant: Luterani et Ecciani (L, CA) = Luterani et quidam alii (A, Cb). 171

Christi. In his Ratschlag to the territorial estates about the 1525 peasants' rebellion, he despaired of human ability even to survive let alone defeat the devil. "When David fought Goliath, he did not rely on his shield or sword. He put his trust in God."^^ Christ alone would be able to reform the church.^^ Unlike Luther however, Piirstinger was avowedly Joachimite. He divided history into three status mundi: the age of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit. He partitioned world history into seven aetates mundi and church history into seven status ecclesiae (see figtire 1.4 at 66). His depiction of the final drama, taken over principally from Telesphorus (tmid 14th c.), included the three advents of Christ, a tyrant from the north, a mixed antichrist, a great antichrist, four angelic pastors, two witnesses of the apocalypse, Gog and Magog, ten kings, ten lost tribes and a preacher of truth.

Purstinger was not thoroughly Joachimite. His particular view on the advents of Christ permitted him to adopt both the apocalyptic warning of doom and the prophetic expectation of a new age. Although Joachim believed in only two advents of Christ, other Spiritual Franciscans, notably Peter John Olivi (tl298) and Ubertino of Casale (tl330), espoused a middle advent, between the incarnation and the return of Christ at judgment.^^ xhe three advents together added balance and symmetry to their picture of history, with Christ appearing at the end of each age. His incarnation was physical (in carne) and marked the end of the age of the Father. His second advent was spiritual (in spiritu) and brought the age of the Son to a close. His return at final judgment was physical and spiritual (in carne et in spiritu),

^^PCTRSTINGER, Ratschlag, in Appendix B, no. 2, at 237.129-132. 62See OE 9,6; 60,2,3; 61,11; 62,3,4,8,9. 63REEVES, Influence, 198, 208, 291-292. The Last Days The Sixth and Seventh Stages of the Church

Tyranl | Mixcti hiur 1 Two 1 Greal Period | Gog and Ten 1 Preacher 1 i-inal Dfllie 1 Aiuichrisi Angelic 1 Wilnesses: i Antichrist of 1 Magog Kings 1 of Truth i Judgment Norlh Piistors 1 Einoch & 1 peace > 1 1 , Elijiih , \ \ 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 3 1/2 yrs. 1 1 1 1 1 First 1 1 Second 1 Third Sabbuth of Tranquility Woe 1 1 Woe 1 Woe dyerl^p Overlap

oflhe 7th Stage 6th Stage 5th 6t|i &7(h stages

Bert hold Second Mass Return of the Michael Third Piirstinger Advent Conversions l.ost Ten Tribes slays the Advent of CliriM Diagoii of Christ

I'cclesiii conjiixa I'cclesid refomuiiuld

1 1 sccoiul .stdlii.'i iniiiuli third .Mdlii.f iiiniiili

figure 4.1 173 ending the age of the Holy Spirit. The middle spiritual appearance of Christ, according to Olivi and Ubertino, was embodied in St Francis, who, inspired by Christ, ushered in the new age of the Holy Spirit. As Marjorie Reeves wrote: "St. Francis assumed the cosmic role of Christ himself to wage war on Antichrist. Piirstinger deviated from Olivi and Ubertino on two key points: he did not think Christ had yet appeared in spiritu; and he did not identify the second advent with any particular physical person. Regarding the exact time and place of the second advent, he invoked the same prophecies that others used for the third advent (or classic second advent). "As the apostle said [to the Thessalonians]: 'Concerning dates and times there is no need to write anything to you, for you know full well that the day of the Lord will come like a thief in the night'."^^ For Piirstinger, the thief was Christ himself, not a saint inspired by Christ or Christ embodied by a reformer. Indeed, Christ would come on his own {in spiritu) to judge the church as the whore of

Babylon,^ to reform the church and to liberate it from its worst adversary, the antichrist.^7 As the prophet Isaiah wrote: "He will strike the earth with the rod of his mouth, and with the breath of his lips will slay the wicked."^® Piirstinger regarded Francis, Dominic and Bernard as "the first, though

64REEVES, Influence, 198. ^"Hinc apostolus ait; De temporibus et momentis non indigetis ut scribamus vobis, ipsi enim scitis quia dies domini sicut fur in nocte ita veniet [1 Thes 5:1]." OE 63,3. About the time of the second advent see OE 63,2-5; about the place see OE 63,6. ^^Tari modo Christus in secundo suo adventu, id est in fine sexti ecdesiae status, iudicabit ecclesiam in suis membris usque adeo deturpatam ut iam Babylonica meretrix appelatur." OE 62,9. ^^"Sic eundem Christum Deum et hominem per suum secundum in spiritu adventum, decet dilapsam ecdesiam reformare et a maximo eius persecutore antichristo liberare." OE 62,3. ^®"Esaias meminit Domini secundo adventuri his verbis: Percutiet terram virga oris sui et spiritu labiorum suorum interficiet impium [Is. 113]." OE 62,6. 174 distant, forerunners" of the reformatio Christi.^^ The "near foreninners," or "distant heralds of the third advent/' were Enoch and Elijah^" Dating back to the early church, expositors of Revelation had identified Enoch and Elijah, revivified, as the two witnesses of the apocalypse (Rev 11:3-13)7^ But Enoch and Elijah were not reformers, according to Piirstinger. Only Christ deserved that title. All others were forerimners. So far this sounds like Luther's view of the reformatio ChristiJ'^ But striking differences distingmsh the two. Piirstinger espoused three advents of Christ and Luther only two. Everything Luther wrote about Christ as reformer applied to the end of time, the final judgment, when the militant church would be transformed into the triumphant church. But Piirstinger spread the reforming activity of Christ over the interval between the second and third advents, namely the third age of the world and the seventh stage of the church, during which time the church could expect a Sabbath period of tranquility as an earnest payment on heavenly peace.^^ Christ would transform the ecclesia confusa into the ecclesia reformanda (two

^®"Redeo ad generalem Christi secundum adventum, cuius annundatores seu praecursores prinru sed tamen remoti censentur olim fuisse Frandscus, Dominicus, Bemhardus aliive boni viri, qui sua doctrina et vigili condone laboranint pro reformatione evangelid status ut in corda fidelium reducerent Christum iamdiu despectum, illusiim et contemptum." OE 62,19. ^^"Enoch autem et Helias erunt proximi praecursores eiusdem secundi adventus Christi, sed remoti aimundatores tertii adventus ipsius Christi." OE 62,19. ^^Regarding interpretations of the Two Witnesses during the 16th and 17th centuries see PETERSEN, Preaching in the Last Days, esp. 9-16. For Piirstinger on Enoch and Elijah see OE 61,5; 62,19; 65,6; 70,4. ^^See LUTHER, Resolutiones (1518), WA 1, 627.19-34; idem, Operationes in Psalmos (1519-1520), Ps 10 (= Vulgate Ps. 9B), AW A 2,566-619, esp. 605.6-13, 619.19-20. Cf. OBERMAN, "Luther—^Vorlaufer," esp. 94-111 (Germ, ed.), 24-47 (Eng. ed.); idem, Luther: Mensch zwischen Cott und Teufel, 279-285 (Germ, ed.), 264-271 (Eng. ed.); and PEUCKERT, Die grofie Wende, 568. ^^'Tdem septimus status in Apocalypsi designatur per ecdesiam Laodicaeam [Apoc 3], et est quaedam quieta participatio futurae gloria ac si coelestis Hierusalem in terram descenderit." OE 66,2. "Septimus itaque status erit arra coelestis pads et quaedam temporalis beatitudo." OE 663- 175

manifestations of the one ecclesia militans)J^ The later manifestation would actually foreshadow the ecclesia triumphansJ^ The middle period — the Sabbath of tranquility or ecclesia reformanda — would not be the perfect dispensation of the Holy Spirit or the ecclesia spiritualis as described by Joachim. Although it would start with a brief period of peace and a mass conversion/^ eventually Gog and Magog would bring the "scourge of the sword," worse even than that suffered under the great antichrist/^ What is more, the ten kings would continue to fight during the seventh statuses Toward the end, the last forerunner of Christ would appear, the angel of Revelation 10, or the so-called "preacher of truth,"^^ to announce judgment day.®o Christ would come both physically and spiritually in his third advent; to judge, reward and condemn.®^ In Piirstinger's view, the reformatio Christi

^"^"Postquam enim Babylon id est ecclesia confusa merit, tunc veniet gloria novae sponsae id est ecclesiae reformandae." OE 61,11. ''^"Quamobrem idem finis apocalypsis potius intelligi atque mystice exponi debet de ecclesiae militantis septimo et ultimo statu, qui erit figura et initium status ecclesiae triumphantis immediate subsequentis." OE 69,5. ^^"In ipso tertio mundi statu ludei omnes fide vera imbuentur.... Praeterea totus imiversi orbis populis ad Deum convertetur.... Per hoc significatur quod reges et omnes maiores et minores totius populi humani eo tunc Christo incorporabuntur." OE 67,4. ^See above, 146-148. 78"Post interitum antichristi decern reges, qui potestatem accipient post bestiam, cum agno pugmbunt et agnus vincet illos, quoniam dominus dominorum est et rex regum [Apoc 17:14]." OE 61,13. ^^"Quicumque erit iste praedicator veritatis, fortis esse describitxir quia robustus erit in fide et de coelo, id est paradiso, descendet, amictus nubae, id est scriptura prophetarum, et in cttpite eius iris, id est spiritus sanctus vel arcualis refulgentia veri solis lesu [Apoc 10:1]. Die itaque angelus literaliter significat quendam eximiiun praedicatorem." OE 70,4. ^^T^am contra malignitates locustanim seu bestiarum annundet terribile Dei iudicium in proximo venturum ut bestiae contremiscant." OE 70,5. ®^'Tametsi eadem ecclesia a prioribus fuit adversitatibus per martyres, doctores aliosve sanctos viros Deo cooperante saepius sit liberata, ita tandem ipsa ecclesia et omnis creatura a solo Christo Deo et homine per suum tertiimi in came et spiritu adventum iudicabitur, praemiabitur et condemnabitur." OE 62^. 176 comprised the second and third advents together. Until then, the church could expect but a deformation.^^ Only Christ offered hope for a reformation.

Half Dead

Et in diebus illis quaerent homines mortem, et nan invenient earn, et desiderabunt mori, et fugiet mors ab eis.^

Piirstinger knew that running for his life in the last days was futile, a chase after the will-o'-the-wisp, for "those seeking peace do not find it."®^ On the other hand, he retired as bishop of Chiemsee during the worst of the peasants' revolt, "above all," he wrote, "because of the turbulent and perverse times.Three years later he wrote to archbishop Lang about moving to

Saalfelden: "I brought myself to this forested place of solitude, though rather than muses to teach me, I find foul-mouthed peasants (polluta labia)."^^ He quoted the same verse (from Isaiah) once earlier in his prolog to Onus ecclesiae, in support of a disclaimer about ineloquence: "I am a man of

®^"prout Telesphorus refert Franciscum inter alia revelasse: quomodo tempora appropinquarent, in quibus perplexitates et discrimina multiplicarentur et charitas multorum rettgesceret superabundaretque iniquitas et daemonum potestas plus solito solveretur ac ipsius Frandsd religionis et alianim relfgionum puritas maculata deformaretur." OE 16,4. ®^Apoc. 9:6. ^^"Fugient, itaque homines, in tenebris et derelinquent tentoria sua fugientque tantum animas suas saluare cxtpientes [IV Regnum 7:7], et pacem quaerentes, quam non invenient." OE 54,5. ^^Apjjendix B, no. 3, at 247.22-27. Appendix B, no. 6, at 254.27 - 255.32. See above, 113 fn. 85. The observation of Alois Eder is not hilly convincing: "Diese Formulierung steht eigentlich im Widerspruch zum Charakter Purstingers und zu dessen wohlwollender Haltung gegenuber Saalfelden" (EDER, "Piirstinger," 31). Piirstinger often identified his own experiences with those described by the prophets (see below, 180), and he twice used this verse (Is. 65) in print; once in 1519 (OE prolog, 2) and once in 1529 (here). It is difficult to assume, therefore, that it contradicted his character. We do better to understand the phrase with reference to its original prophetic context, while not limiting its significance to criticism of Saalfelden. 177 unclean lips and I live among people of unclean lips (polluta labia)."^"^

Applied to Saalfelden, however, the verse smacked more of discontent than disclaimer, a man frustrated in his pursuit of a quiet life. What do we make of a Piirstinger who wrote about the vanity in looking for peace, and a P^stinger who retired six years later expressly to find peace?

One explanation is that Piirstinger resigned as bishop when he was too old for war and already severely ill. Several phrases of self-description support this view, even if we find discrepancies between what he wrote iverbo) and what he did iexemplo). Among reasons for his resignation, he cited "feebleness and the inconveniences of old age."®® He was 61 at the time, yet lived another 17 years. He founded a brotherhood for priests, established a hospital for the poor, wrote three books in German and translated one into Latin. He was hardly invalid. When dedicating Tezutsche Theologey, two years after his resignation, he described himself as "old and absent minded," and showed a desire "to leave something behind before his death."®^ In fact, he left much more than Tewtsche Theologey. Eight years later, when Aegidius Rem died (Piirstinger's successor as bishop of Chiemsee), archbishop Lang dispatched two letters to Saalfelden requesting Piirstinger's return to the episcopacy. To the first letter he answered: "Under no circumstance whether brief or long could I accept the diocese of Chiemsee again, especially because of my waning years and wanting ability."^® Within an hour, when the second

®7"Cum propheta nempe damo ad dominum — A, a, a, domine Deus, ecce nescio loqui, quia pecator ego sum (ler 1:6]. Timeo vero ne inddam in illud apostolicum vae tadtumitatis, quando etiam evangelicus propheta se diutius siluisse dolet inquiens: Vae mihi, quia tacui, quia vir pollutus labiis ego sum, et in medio populi polluta labia habentis ego habito [Isa 651." OE prolog, 2. ®°Appendix B, no. 3, at 247.22-27. Appendix B, no. 4, at 25126-29. ^''Appendix B, no. 10, at 267.17-19. 178 letter arrived, asking him "to dedicate the rest of [his] life to the service of St.

Rupert [the patron saint of Salzburg]/'^'^ he responded with even stronger language. "I cannot and will not accept Chiemsee or any other diocese or prelacy. I am an unfit, feeble, half-dead man ... neither helpful nor qualified to God or Your Grace, either in Saalfelden or in Salzburg. I know that if I imdertook again to do worldly bvisiness, I would soon die.... I have no desire to travel anywhere.... I am bedridden and useless to the whole world."^^ Be that as it may, Piirtinger had just finished two books on the mass and would live another eight years. A month after declining the archbishop's two offers to return as bishop, Piirstinger waxed his most poetic and nostalgic, if still firm in resolve, with a long letter of advice to Matthaus Lang about the administration of Chiemsee: "I handed over my diocese nine years ago on accotmt of my age, deficiencies and unsmtability. I stand by that decision today, for my deficiencies have only increased, not diminished, and they will never cease as long as I live. If I were sent to the fountain of youth and rejuvenated, then I would again, as Your Princely Grace has desired, accept the church of Chiemsee. Yet would that God protect us from that!"^^ In Piirstinger's letter of dedication to his Tewtsch Rational iiber das Ambt heiliger Mejl (1535), he characteristically described himself as "old, forgetful and uninformed.Yet four years later, archbishop Lang would still value his thoughts and advice {rat und guetbeduncken). He sent Johann Rotmair (tl557), the Salzburg Kammermeister, all the way to Saalfelden just to leam

Appendix B, no. 11, at 269.19-21. ^^Appendix B, no. 11, at 26922 - 27034. Appendix B, no 13, at 280.125-132. ^^"als einen\ alten vergessem und unkundigen menschen." TR, 3'. "ich numals eraltent und ganz vergessen worden bin." KP, n 5^. 179

Piirstinger's ideas on the "Frankfurter Standstill Agreement" (19 April 1539).95

It is not clear from Piirstinger's extant correspondence what role age and infirmity actually played in his retirement. Whether his decision to resign was born of modesty and foresight, hypochondria and alarm or fear and retreat is still contested. Based on his role as a mediator in the peasants' revolt of 1525, Albert HoUaender described him as robust and fearless.^^ For his ineffective campaign two years earlier against Lutherans in Kitzbuhel, Georg May called him a tired old man, lacking perseverance.^^ On account of his early retirement, L^n Cristiani assumed he was seriously ill.'® Based on rvimors as early as 1516, that Johann von Staupitz would replace him as bishop of Chiemsee, Johann Sallaberger speculated recently that Piirstinger had a life-threatening disease.^' What did "half dead" mean to Piirstinger? To Staupitz the phrase carried connotations of himiility. In a 1523 Lenten Sermon to Benedictine nuns in Salzbiirg, yoimg and old alike, Staupitz remarked that when praying to God and asking for mercy, the nuns ought to say: "I confess that I am a sick and a poor sinner, who neither wants nor is able to endure anything.... I am

the half dead man lying on the road from Jerusalem to Jericho, Likewise

®^ProtokolI des Salzburger Ratschlags (30 May 1539). ARC in, 51.14-21. This is the same Rotmair who owned a copy of OE with a manuscript attribution to Piirstinger on the title page. See Appendix A, at 203, figure A.2, and 222 with fn. 115. ^^HOLLAENDER, "Salzburger Bauemkrieg," 1, 30; II, 82. See above, 43 fn. 100. '^MAY, Bischdfe, 463. See above, 43 fn. 101. 9®CHRIsnANI, "Piirstinger," col. 1361. See above, 43 fn. 101. ''"vielleicht lebensgefahrlich erkrankt" SALLABERGER, "Stiftsprediger," 255 despite the red herring footnote, 220. Cf. idem, "Turstinger," 457, fn. 142. 100"ich beken mich aber krank & fiier mn armen siinter der nichts halten kan noch mag.... Ich pin warleich der arm lam man der zwychen Jerusalem & Jericho leit halb tod" (the man helped by the good Samaritan; Lk 10:30). STAUPITZ, Lenfen Sermon, no. 2, 1523 (Matt. 12:38-45), SbSP, Codex b H 11, fol. 14 v. 180 in Piirstinger's use of "half dead," especially alongside the words "unfit and feeble" iain untuchtiger, prechenhaftig halbtoder mensch), there is a sense of humility.^^^ To Johann Serlinger (tl511), one of Piirstinger's colleagues in the treasury, death meant hope. His epitaph read: "Better is the day of one's death, than the day of one's birth [Eccl. 7:2]."^02 Piirstinger too found hope in death. He quoted the apocryphal book of Tobit: "It is better for me to die than to live."^03 But "half dead" during the last days had an apocalyptic sense, too.

For Piirstinger — who knew the book of Revelation backward and forward, who was bom and raised in an world where "fallen angels fly," trapped inside the "jaws of the devil" and surrotmded by "demons in disgmse" — the proximity of the end meant that people would be longing to die, but that death would escape them-^O"^ As was Piirstinger's wont to interpret his own circumstances and experiences in light of those conditions described and suffered by prophets — he felt like Isaiah when living among polluta labia — when growing older, weaker and more forgetful, the prospect of death and the hope it offered no doubt reminded him of Revelation and of people seeking death but not finding it. In that sense, Piirstinger felt half dead: robbed of the beauty of life by the unshackled devil and denied the hope of death when not dying. During his last year as bishop, Piirstinger was involved in trying to calm the restless and appease the angry. He helped to mediate a peace agreement between rebel leaders and the Swabian League, signed on 31

Appendix B, no. 11, at 269.24. "^O^See above, 28 with fh. 48, and 30 with figure 1. About Johann Serlinger see AMON, Bischofe, 156f; and BAYR, Familienpolitik, 113. ^'^^"Expedit enim mihi mori magis quam vivere." Tob. 3:6. ^®'^e above, fn. 83. 181

August 1525, which ended the first wave of the Salzbvirg peasants' revolt (May - August). Soon, though, once again, tempers flared and promises were broken, while hopes for lasting accord crumbled. In Piirstinger's Ratschlag to the territorial estates, he blamed the revolt on peasants putting themselves above princes while slighting authority.^o^ what is more, the revolt was divine punishment. "The terrible act of insurrection last summer was wrought on us by God as a vile plague [Widerwartigkeit], to move us to contrition and repentance. God's divine justice requires that sinful people bewail and bemoan [their misdeeds].Although God allowed uiurest, it was the devil who promoted it, and the mercy of God had to defeat it: "in order that we should return to the church and the way of true faith.... But we

are wholly ungrateful to God. We have not offered any thanks or honor to his divine mercy."'^07 As a final word of advice, Piirstinger told "his good friends from every estate of the common territory ... to avert God's wrath and future plague." In order for peace to endure, not just between peasants and

princes but between God and his people, all inhabitants, clergy as well as laity, would have to hold firm to the traditional mass and not change practices related to other sacraments or praiseworthy disciplines, including fasting, prayer and confession. Notwithstanding Piirstinger's impassioned warning and pious advice, the peace proved ephemeral. The second uprising flared during Easter week (1-7 April 1526). The fighting was fiercest in the Pinzgau. Unlike the haphazard earlier phase, this rebellion was engineered with care, largely by

Appendix B, no. 2, at 234.45 - 23551. Appendix B, no. 2, at 238.155-159. Appendix B, no. 2, at 245343-360. 108Appendix B, no. 2, at 246376-385. 182

Michael Gaismair from Tyrol (tl532).^09 It was also bloodier — time for Purstinger to retire. He empowered his secretary, Sebastian Klughaimer (tl546), and the Kammermeister from Salzburg, Johann Pietenberger (tl546), to tender his resignation to archbishop Lang on 16 April 1526.^^° The requested change was not effective immediately, however, and irate peasants meanwhile plimdered the castie of Fischhorn, part of the Chiemsee episcopal mensa.^i^ The revolt was now in Pmstinger's backyard. Fiscal damages hurt his coffers directly. Fortimately, those problems and liabilities were passed on to Aegidius Rem (tl535), when Piirstinger's resignation was made official on 11 May 1526.^^^ Under the renewed drciunstances of war, Piirstinger felt less disposed to solve the problem than to endure it from afar. He had the heart of a peacemaker, but could not stomach failing in that role. The end was bloody and the punishments severe. In Radstadt, 27 ringleaders were beheaded. In the Pinzgau, 27 more were put to death. In all, upwards of 100 rebel leaders met their end at the executioner's sword. To "liquidate" the rebellion, wrote Leonhard von Eck (tl550), a Bavarian chancellor, soldiers were no longer needed, only money and a hangman.^

Heinz DOPSCH, "Bauemkreig und Glaubensspaltung," in GS, n/1,11-131, at 63- 74. About Fischom as part of Chiemsee see Appendix B, no. 13, at 277.64 with fn. 146. Appendix B, no. 3, at 247-250. Some historians claim that Purstinger had a coadjutor appointed on 29 April 1525 (PICKER, 'Turstinger," 309.1-4; CRISTIANI, "Purstinger [sicl," col. 1362; and MAEIX, Glaube, 9). But there is no evidence to support that claim. Other historians have written mistakenly that he retired in 1525 (HURTER, Nomenclatur, 1195; REITHMEIER, "Vorwort," xiv; and most recently ZEEDEN, "Purstinger," 178). ^^^See DOPSCH, "Salzburger Bauemkrieg," esp. 236f. Anno seilutis millesimo quingentesimo vigesimo sexto, die undedma mensis Maji." From an 18th-century ProzefS-Summarium, as dted by GREINZ, "Purstinger," 289. Most historians follow Greinz (HEUWIESER, 'Turstinger," 26; MARX, Glaube, 9; MAY, "Bischofe," 463; Alois EDER, 'Turstinger," 30; NAIMER, Chiemsee, 68). But Sallaberger gives 6 May 1526 as the date (SALLABERGER, 'Turstinger," 457). ^^^As dted by Heinz DOPSCH, "Bauemkrieg und Glaubensspaltimg," in GS, n/1,11- 131, at 72. 183

After Piirstinger resigned in 1526, he moved to Raitenhaslach, a Cistercian monastery on the Salzach, two miles from Burghausen in Bavaria.According to the Chiemsee Lehenbuch, he retired "freely and willingly" ilibere et sponte). He was longing for "the quiet necessary to theological study and the stillness appropriate to real piety," especially during a godless age "when subjects from the mountains were revolting for a second time against their prince-archbishop and were waging a cruel and ominous war against the chiu-ch of Salzburg/'^^^ Aegidius Rem was appointed bishop immediately, even though his consecration had to be delayed until the rebels were defeated.^^^ With the abbot of Raitenhaslach, Piirstinger traveled to M^ldorf to assist archbishop Lang at Rem's investiture ceremony on 7 August 1526.

Among the Cistercians, Piirstinger found the environment and resources needed for study. He wrote Tewtsche Theologey, the first handbook of theology in German, in a matter of 22 months, finishing the hundred- chapter, well-documented, cross-referenced work on 30 November 1527.^ Four days later, he dedicated the book to Matthaus Lang; "Your Princely

ll^KRAUSEN, Raitenhaslach, 293. ^"[Piirstinger] vir doctrina religione et vite sanctimonia atque integritate insignis gravatus non nihil senio et cupiens solis sanctioribus studiis et vere pietati tranquillius vacare, precipue tempore illo iniquissimo quo subditi in Alpibus adversus Archiepiscopum eorum Prindpem secundo insurrexerant et atrox dirumque bellum adversus Ecdesiam Saltzburgensem gerebant, occupatis omnibus ardbus et lods alpestribus, cessit libere et sponte regimini." SLA, Lehensakten 211, Lehenbuch Chiemsee, fol. 66^, as dted by SALLABERGER, "Piirstinger," 457 fn. 140. The later copy (1708) used by GREINZ, Tiirstinger," 289 fn. 1, has errors. ^^^"Er [Rem] selbst handelte mit den Einwohnem von Taxenbach wegen der Zerstorung des Schlosses Fischhom im Bauernaufstand von 1526 eine Entschadigung von 1000 Gulden aus, obwohl er keinen Neubau auffiirhren liefi." NAIMER, Bistum Chiemsee, 69. Cf. SALLABERGER, "Piirstinger," 457 with fn. 142. ^17"Geschrieben im Ooster Raytenhaslach bey Burckhawsen und geendet am lessten tag des monats Novembris. Nach Christi vnsers hailers geburd. 15.27 jar." TT/i, fol. T vii^. It was not printed until 1528, by Hans Schobser in Munich. 184

Grace recommended on several occasions to us [your advisors] ... that we write something on the errors of the Christian faith ... so that your subjects and other wayward Christians could be helped back to the right track of faith and obedience.""^ While busy serving at court and occupied in affairs of the

church, Piirstinger could not answer that call. But his resignation changed those circumstances. In the letter of dedication, he added his signature caveat: "I do not come with fancy words, which are well beyond me, nor with remarkable wisdom, which was never mine, but... with unsightly words and simple-minded knowledge. He had long awaited a similar book in German, designed to elucidate the fimdamentals of faith and truth, but to no avail. And stalling longer would be irresponsible-^^o His neighbors, crippled in their "half-dead" faith, were not being helped to their feet, he feared. Here, the phrase "half dead" meant malignant ignorance, not coveted humility or blessed hope, yet still with an apocalyptic bent. Piirstinger had in mind people who were deceived by Satan, vmaware of the gospel and oblivious to the reformatio Christi. "These dangerous times have brought forth the abominable devil's false teaching and old sects, which have long been dormant and buried in hell.... As a result, we lead spiritually indecent lives, do not perform our duties and set poor examples. This has outraged

118Appendix B, no. 4, at 251.11-18. ll^See above, 41, fn. 96. 120"Nu hab verhofft vnd lang begierlich gewartt, herfur zekommen ainen oder mer, die griindt des glawbs vnd entliche warhait in schrift oder miindlich lere wurden anzaigen.... Nachdem jch aber dergleichen schrift oder lere in tewtscher zung aufgericht zesein biszher nit erfragen, niir auch darauf lenger zewartten gegen got vnuerantworlich ist." TTh, Vorrede, 5. 121"Deszhalb jch aus brueederlicher lieb genaygt ben vnnd ambtszhalben meines stands wol schuldig waere, in swebunden jrrigen sachen rut vergebens fiirzegeen vnd n\einen nagsten in halbtodtem glawb ligen zelassen." TTh, Vorrede, 5. 185

the common people ... and taught them to hate the clergy."^22 doctrine spreading throughout Germany had been forecast centuries ago in scripture. When Jesus told his disciples about the destruction of Jerusalem (Lk. 21:5-19), he warned them that people would come in his name who were not his, that infighting would spoil the church and that nation would rise up against nation.^23 Purstinger applied the prophecy to the general destruction of the entire church, indeed the whole world, as under the antichrist or at judgment day, but also to each and every destruction of the church along the way, as brought on Germany by the devil.'^^'^ Tewtsche Theologey — though not an apocalyptic treatise like Onus ecclesiae — was written nevertheless in an apocalyptic world. "In the last days (namely now) horrible times will come and men will rise up."^25

With the book finished, Piirstinger was ready to leave the monastery. He stayed through Advent, but quit Raitenhaslach on the first of the New Year.^2^ Whether he moved to Saalfelden directly, or domiciled elsewhere

122"Aber diser geuaerlichen zeit hat grewlicher tewfel etlich fals lere vnd allt Sect, die lang geschlaffen vnd in der helle begraben gewest, widerumb av»^ferweckht... vmb das wir geistlich vngeschickt leben fueeren, vnsere ambt nit wol awsrichten, poes exempel vortragen. Darab sich gemain volckh geergert... wider geistlich ainen has gefassL" TTft,Vorrede, proem. 123"[)az aber gegenburtige new lere, so yetz in tewtschland vmbfert fals vnd vnrecht sey, daz befindet sich in weissagung Christi vnnsers haylers [Luc. 215-19]. Da er seinn jungemn zuouersteen gab, wie Jherusalem zerstoert wurde. Fragten sy jne, warm solhe zerstoerung beschehen vnd was zaichen verlauffen wurden, darauf er fn geantwort. Jr siilt schawen daz ew nyemant verfueer. Vil werden in meinem nomen kommen vnd sagen sy seirm Cristus, aber sy werden vil verfueeren. Erstlich mueessen beschehen streyt vnnd manigerlay verwaenen oder disputation des streyts. Aber es hat noch kain end, sonnder furter wirt ain volckh wider das ander aufsteen." TTh Vorrede, 1. 124"]3igg weyssagung hat Qiristus nit allain woellen versteen von gemainer zerstoerung gantzer kirch vnd aller weld, als auf den Antichrist oder awf junsten tag, sonder auch Ziehen woellen auf ain yede ainlitzige zerstoerung seiner kirch. Als newlicher zeit dewfel angehebt hat tewsche kirch vnd christenlichen glawb in vnns Tewtschen zuoerstoeren vimd zereyssen." TTh, Vorrede, 2. 125"2uo lessten tagen (naemlich yetzmals) werden einfallen grawssam zeytung vnd menschen aufsteen." TTh 153- ^26KRAUSEN, Raitenhaslach, 460. 186 for a period, is not clear. As part of his resignation pension, he retained his episcopal suite in the Chiemseehof (Salzburg), with two rooms above the chapel and one below.'^^^ More than likely, he waited out the winter in Salzburg, rather than risking a trip through the mountains in winter, arriving in Saalfelden before snowfall two seasons later. His six previous trips to Saalfelden all fell between May and October.^^® He chose Saalfelden no doubt, beyond his search for muses, because he owned property there, because he knew people there (having quartered them in his Chiemseehof during the peasants' revolt), and because his pension was generated in part by its parish community.^^ Tewtsche Theologey was off the press only a few months when archbishop Lang requested a Latin edition. "The book Your Friendship has written in the vernacular, dedicated in our name, came into our hands," he wrote to Purstinger. "We have examined it and have discovered how full of sound teaching and principles it is, especially against the doctrine of the Lutherans.To make the work accessible to a wider public, Lang "encouraged and requested" that P^stinger translate it,^3i a task the retired bishop accepted reluctantly but tackled heartily. His translation carried a characteristic disclaimer. He claimed his Latin was rusty, and to finish the translation he had to bum the midnight oil. As a result, the product was hardly an elegant humanist treatise to please the ears, so much as a useful

Appendix B, no. 3, at 249.69-75. 1511; June 1513; August 1523; June 1518; July 1520; October 1521. PORSTINGER, [Weihere^ster], 2, 9, 10, 28, 34, 37, 38. i^See SALLABERGER, "Purstinger," 459. ^30 Appendix B, no. 5, at 253.12-17. Appendix B, no. 5, at 253.21-26. 187

book to serve the church.^^2 also added a comment about the assigmnent's peculiarity: "It is customary to translate Latin books into the vernacular. Here, contrariwise, the trick has been to render rustic idiom in good Latin phrases."^^^ Yet hardship or not, Piirstinger translated the book as Theologia Germanica in a matter of four months, completing the task on 15 April 1529.^^'^ It was not printed imtil 1531, by Alexander WeiCenhorn in

Augsburg.^35 Meanwhile, Piirstinger re-worked his Onus ecclesiae.^^^ Both books were then printed together in the same shop, during the same year, and were even bound together. Did Piirstinger rim for his life looking for peace? Was he a tired old bishop, bereft of fighting spirit? His post-resignation accomplishments speak rather of an outgoing man with exceptional energy, septuagenarian or not (he lived to 78). Although he did not intend his books as fodder for the cannons of controversy^38 — hating theological disputation^^? — h.e did write to help

Appendix B, no. 6, at 255.32 - 256.79. 133Appendix B, no. 6, at 254.24-26. l^^Lang's request is dated 17 December 1528 (Appendix B, no. 5, at 253.30-31). Piirstinger finished the translation on 15 April 1529; "Suprascripta traductio edita est in opido Salfelden vallis Pinzgeu, atque completa Idibus aprilis [= 15 April] Anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo vigesimo nono." TG, fol. n v*". 135philipp Schafer, in his recent contribution to the Handbuch der Bayerischen Kirchengeschichte, refers to a second edition of TG, namely Basel 1557 (SCHAFER, "Katholische Theologie," II, 485 fn. 55.). But he confuses the anonymous Theologia Deutsch (ca. 1350) — Matrin Luther's "favorite book" after the Bible and Augustine — with Purstinger's TG. The BayStB falsely attributes a later copy of the Theologia Deutsch (Berlin, 1817) to Piirstinger (L.impr.c.n.mss. 81). For other examples of the same problem see MARX, Glaube, 26f., fns. 161-165. 136see Appendix A, at 197-210. 137see Appendix A, at 220 with fn. 107. l38pQrstinger was not a Kontroverstheologe (so Zeeden, Marx and Lechleiter), see above, 48f, with fns. 130-132. 139"Haben sy doch mit jrem fleis vnd disputiem, gemain lewt biszher nit bewegt, von newer falschait ze fallen vnnd zuo allter wairhait Christenlichs glawbs widerzekeren." TTh, Vorrede, 5. "Nit daz jch woelle disputieren [2 Tim 2:14] mit jhenen die neyd wieder priesterschafft oder verdriis in guoten werchen oder sonst vnlust zuom gotzdinst haben, oder jren pxDch treiben, vnd sich deszhalb auf newe lere oder partheysch disputation geben. Dieselben 188 arm Christians in their spiritual battle.^'^o So what do we make of his retreat from the peasants' revolt to Reichenhall, then later to Saalfelden? Information relevant to that question is fotmd in his discussion "about men fleeing." He wrote an entire chapter on the subject in Onus ecclesiae (chapter 54, "De fuga hominum"). "We need to flee worldly enemies of God ... right up to the future advent of Christ" (i.e. the second advent).'^'^^ Christians ought to nm from schismatics and heretics, to shun their doctrine,^'^^ and to escape future scourges.^^^ In Tewtsche Theologey, he told people to flee Lutheran teachers as sheep would flee sheep-rustlers. Whereas shepherds make their voice known to each lamb of the flock, to keep their sheep from following a stranger. Christians should recognize the cry of Lutherans as the call of the devil — and take flight. The Lutheran heresy was not new. It had been resting in hell for centuries, then was revivified to wreak havoc in Germany.^^'^ In Tewtsche Rational, Piirstinger took his evangelical strategy from St. Paul's example, who did not preach where false prophets had already

laesst dewfel nymmer aus seinen kraempeln." TTh, Vorrede, 6. "Solche wort Pauli wamen mich, als ainen schlechtenn schreyber, daz ich mit den widersachen, die nut ihrer falschen leere numals furkonunen seinn, nit disputieren sol." TR, Vorrede, col. 3. Cf. above, fe. 59. muoesz nuch verwegen daz jch vnnd gegenbuertige mein schrift durch die widerwaertigen, werde geschendt, gelesstert, verspott verworffen vnd verdambt, nach art vnd poesen sytten der ketzer, so dieselben nit ferrer kunnen, alszdann entgegnen sy mit dewfels waffen." TTh, Vorrede, 6. ^^^"debemus fugere mundamos Dei immicos ... usque ad proxime futurum adventum Christi." OE 54, proem. 142"Hinc schismaticos et haereticos fugiendi et evitandi doctrinam pariter et exemplum dedit loannes evangelista." OE 54,1. 143"scriptura docet nos fugere a futura plaga [Matt 3:7]." OE 54,2. 144"|5gg2halb soellet jr soelh luterisch lerer, als frembd hyrten fliehen vnd nit erhoeren, nachdem jr mueesst erkennen, daz jr stymm hie ist vom dewfel vnd jren anfemg hat aus allten verlegen ketzereyen, die vor vil hundert jaren nacheinander wider Christenliche kirch erstanden vnnd langzeit bis in abgrund der helle vergraben gelegen vnd laider ditsmals in teutsch landen auf ain newes widerumb herfurgeruckt seinn, vns tewtschen zuo schand vnnd lasster, auch vil lewten zuo ewiger verdambnuss." TTh 15,5. 189

taught, and did not build on evil foundations in hostile soil.^^^ Piirstinger's advice about fleeing false teachers was more than a theory about what to do given persecution. It was a lesson bom of experience. While preaching in BCitzbiihel against Lutheranism in 1523, Piirstinger was harangued out of his pulpit, an unhappy event that lodged itself deeply in his memory, for five years later, he was still referring to it, curiously enough in the third person.^"^^ Piirstinger's retreat and monastic entrenchment represents a key 'apocalyptic moment' in his life. More than feebleness, for which we have no evidence, it was apocalyptic thinking that motivated his resignation. More than cowardice in the face of war, for which the sources are silent, it was his strategy to fight on a different front that compelled him to leave the peasants' revolt. There was a better way to fight the devil than with swords. Piirstinger chose the quill as his weapon. If he had failed as a peace-keeper, that did not discourage him in his battle against Satan. Onus ecclesiae {1519),Tewtsche Theologey (1528), Theologica Germanica (1531), Tewtsch Rational (1535) and the Keligpuchel (1535) were all contributions to an arsenal, designed specifically for that spiritual warfare.

145"Sanndt Paul hatt nit gepredigt an den orten, dcu-an vormals falsch Leerer vom gelaub haben gepredigt. Auff das er nit paw aff ainen bosen vnnd frembden grunndt [Rom 15:20].... Ich hab auch das Evangeli nit gepredigt wo Christus gemeldet ist (namlich durch falsch prediger) damit ich nit auff frembden gnmd paw." TR, Vorrede, cols. 2-3. ^'^"Daneben vndersteen sich etliche layen, sonderlich wo vnrichtig gesind beyeinander ist, als in perckwerchen, bestymbt falsch prediger wider jr recht Selsorger, ja wider landsfursten vnd all oberkait, on recht zeschermen, zebeschutzen vnd aufzehallten, mit anlegung fraeuenlicher hand. Wie ainem Bischof begegent ist, als er zuo Kiitzpiihel in seinem bistumb, wider newe verfueerische lere angehebt hat zepredigen, ist jm vnnder awgen aufmm predigstuoel von vnfridlichen lewten, aiin offene geschribene feindtliche absatz zuoegestellt, mit graussamer betroung, dadurch er gwalltiklich gedrungen ist, von seinem hailsamen fumemen aufzehoeren vnnd seinn Bistumb zeuerlassen. Dieweil er darjnn kainswegs wider gegenbiirtig geswind ketzereyen etwas guots hat koennen noch mogen auszrichten." TTh, 13,9. HT^Officium meum, quod ore perfcere nequeo, lectione et calamo jjersolvere conor." OE prolog, 3. 190

CONCLUSION

The Last Act

... bios zeigen, zvie es eigentlich gezuesen.^

Le dernier acte est sanglant, quelque belle que soil la comedie en tout le rest?-

This study has described how Piirstinger perceived his world, not how it really was. Before we conclude that perceptions and reality remain fundamentally different, however, let us examine them together. Piirstinger's perceptions, some similar and others different from those his contemporaries held, often injure modern sensibilities. He thought the Reichenhall fire of 12 March 1515, started by a wicked old woman, was an omen, a sign of imminent doom and pending judgment. An Augustinian canon blamed the same urban holocaust on a sleazy bath-maid, who started it by calling on demons for help. Strong winds then fed the ravenous blaze with precious lives and valuable property. The two accounts are compatible.

^RANKE, Ceschichten der romanischen und germanischen Vdlker, vii. ^PASCAL, Pensies, III, 210. 191

The fire could have been started by a woman, promoted by demons, fanned by winds and used by God to signal the apocalypse. Neither account, however, agrees with modern assumptions about how f'>es "really happen." Our histories devalue perceptions of the supernatural, or ignore them altogether in search of more concrete evidence. If dubious perceptions persist long enough, and represent the views of a large segment of the population, we label them myth or legend. Yet our suspicion of supernatural iixfluences does not help us explain Piirstinger's monstrous reality. Indeed, modern ideas about accuracy in history, which fail to take the devil seriously, or accept the horror of the antichrist readily, render the goal of describing the past as it really was impossible, not because the standards of objectivity are too lofty, but because our enlightened certainties get in the way. For Piirstinger, the apocalypse was anything but fanciful. Fires were portents, comets were monsters and time was running out. He never thought to distinguish biblical forecasts from historical truth. The last days were an emotional, historical, verifiable reality, part of the air he breathed, the groxmd he walked on, the battles he fought, the future he feared and the eternity he awaited. The apocalypse was more than a doctrine belonging to eschatology. Piirstinger's depiction of the final drama accorded well with Pascal's pensee that "the last act is bloody no matter how elegant the rest of

the play seems."^ As a prophet of doom, Piirstinger had an unfortimate knack for self- fulfilling prophecy. The "sinking ship" he worked desperately to keep afloat was the same church vivacious enough to censure his voice of protest. Onus

•^See fn. 2. 192 ecclesiae landed on the Index of Forbidden Books fourteen times in six different places. The "foul-mouthed, goiter-necked" people he served in Saalfelden belonged to the same archdiocese of Salzburg, which was equipped and organized enough to frustrate his efforts against the spread of Lutheranism. Parishioners in Kitzbuhel harangued him out of the pulpit and pushed him toward resignation. This study has challenged the assumption that apocalypticism grew deepest on the margins of society. Not only was Piirstinger a respected bishop and a conservative theologian at the center of the church in Salzburg, he was a zealous apocalyptic, no less convinced of his proximity to final judgment than a faithful Joachimite, Lollard, Hussite, Lutheran or Anabaptist. He was not expecting the last days soon. He was living in them. Every inauspicious event and miraculous wonder helped him orient his place in apocalyptic history, as he compared prophetic forecasts to signs of the times. Secondly, this investigation has challenged the claim that Piirstinger was an advocate of "reform in head and members." For him apocalypticism and reform were one and the same. All hope for church reform as the healthy transformation of Christendom and the moral betterment of Christians was past. He did not expect a late-arriving reformer, only forerurmers. No mendicant order, ecumenical council, rigorous inquisition, regular visitation or pious individual could possibly reform the church. The Bride of Christ, turned whore of Babylon, was well beyond saving by bishops, cardinals and even the pope. Christ was the only true reformer; and the coming apocalypse was the only authentic reform. Christ would transform the militant church into the triumphant church. This idea of reform 193 distinguishes Piirstinger's apocalypticism from its medieval antecedents, where reform was an outpouring of the Holy Spirit during the third age of the world, when Christendom (the corpus christianorum) would be transformed into the body of Christ (the corpus Christi). Thirdly, this work has shown that Piirstinger's anticlericalism was part of his proclaimed message of imminent apocalyptic reform. He criticized the church as a prelude to Christ's judgment of the church. Traditionally, anticlericalism has been regarded as an outcry for reform, a manifestation of discontent grand enough to jolt or shame the church into calling for its own institutional renewal and moral amendment. But for Piirstinger, apocalyptic reform was not about ecclesiastical renovation. It implied final divine judgment, precluding any hope for improvement from within. As the prophets had directed the faithful to criticize the abysmal lapse, so the title- page wood-cut of Onus ecclesiae, underscoring an illustrated message of doomsday spiritual warfare, carries the bellicose admonition: "Go make war ... and start with my sanctuary [Ezk 9:5]." Piirstinger's anticlericalism was primarily a response in obedience to God, not a reaction to abuses he observed. In this sense, criticism of the church marked the beginning of the end, "the scourge that starts at the sanctuary, that is the clergy." Piirstinger's apocalyptic anticlericalism belonged to the reformatio Christi. He denounced everyone from popes to common priests, from princes to their subjects, to prepare them for reform, the very reform they could not initiate themselves. 194

APPENDIX A

"There are two pamphlets from before the Reformation that are particularly noteworthy," runs an especially questionable refrain through each new edition of the century-old, continually revised and now well distributed history of the church by Bihlmeyer and Tiichle, "the widely circulated Reformation Kaiser Sigismunds ... and Onus ecclesiae."'^ Be that as it may, an appraisal tinged with hyperbole. Onus ecclesiae did enjoy at one time an important role in Reformation historiography. Piirstinger's nineteenth-century editor called it a "well known book."^ Pushing the point too far in the recent past, however, a pre-unification monograph from East

Germany described Onus ecclesiae as "very well known."^ Even the basic facts about Onus ecclesiae are disputed. Scholars disagree about who authored it, how many editions were printed and what role it played in the sixteenth century. Indeed, without such problems it would be difficTolt to explain why major research libraries in America and

Europe still catalogue the book under the name of a bishop who died 80 years before it was written,"^ why researchers refer to editions that never existed,^ why Reformation historians continue to make uninformed statements about

^"In Deutschland sind namentlich zwei vorreformatorische Flugschriften bemerkenswert: 1. Eine deutsche, die weit verbreitete sog. 'Reformation Kaiser Sigismunds'.... 2. Eine lateinische Schrift von 1519 unter dem Titel Onus ecclesiae." BIHLMEYER / TOCHLE, Kirchengeschichte, (1896) ^'1996, II, 534. I have verified the statement back to the ninth edition; it may indeed appear earlier. 2"das bekannte Buch." REITHMEIER, "Vorwort," (1852), xxi. ^"das sehr b)ekannte Onus ecclesiae." MARX, Glaube, (1982), 37. '^Namely Johann II Ebser, bishop of Chiemsee (reg. 1429-1438, tl438). 5I515, 1519, 1536, 1569, 1630 (cf. KOBOLT, Celehrten-Lexikon, 89). The Priesterhaus- bibliothek in Salzburg falsely ascribes the book Summula reverendissimi domini episcopi Chiemensis (Salzburg, ^1592), now in the SalzUB (102.659 I), to Piirstinger. It was written by the Italian Dominican, Sebastian Cattaneus (Cattaneo), bishop of Chiemsee (reg. 1589-1608, tl609). About Cattaneus see MAIMER, Bistum Chiemsee, 71f. 195 the book,^ and why nothing exists in English about it7 This appendix details the 'biography' of Onus ecdesiae to correct the mistakes and to help the book enjoy rightfully a reputation it has earned curiously: as "particularly noteworthy" and "very well known."

Onus ecdesiae: the four editions Johann Graesse (tl885) described three editions of Onus ecdesiae in his Tresor des limes rares.^ Johannes Ficker (tl944) pointed to foxor editions and three variations of the first edition.^ Karl Schottenloher (tl954) called each of the variations a separate edition iAusgabe)A^ Most Piirstinger researchers write of five editions, though not necessarily in the same order,^^ and one recent study speaks of six editions.^^ The editors of the monumental Verzeichnis der im deutschen Sprachbereich erschienenen Drucke des XVI Jahrhunderts, without distinguishing between editions and variations, have catalogued nine sixteenth-century printings.^^ For reasons to be explained, we recognize four editions and nine variations: the first edition (OE L) with

^Robert Scribner writes that the antichrist is "mentioned" in Onus ecdesiae; when in fact he is everywhere: chapters 42 (de antichristo mixto) and 61 (de antichristo magno) address the subject directly. SCRIBNER, For the Sake of Simple Folk, 149. See also BIHLMEYER / TCrCHLE, as cited above, fn. 1. ^Although there is a paragraph by Lewis SPITZ, s.v. "Piirstinger," in NCE, it does not mention OE. And the translation of FICKER's article for the The New Schaff-Herzog Enq/clopedia of Religious Knowledge, s.v. 'Tuerstinger," DC, 359f., is an abbreviated version of the Germem originad in RE^. ®In the following order L, Ca, Cb (GRAESSE, Tresor, 24f). ^In the following order: L, A, Ca, Cb (HCKER, Tiirstinger," 309.46 - 310.53; followed by SCHULZE, "Onus ecdesiae," 317f. with fns. 1, 4). Reithmeier also names four editions, but misattributes A to Cologne (REITHMEIER, "Introduction," xxi). ^OSCHOTTENLOHER, Landshuter Buchdrucker, 37f. ^^In the following order U, L\ Ca, A Cb (WERNER, Onus ecclesiae, 8; SCHMUCK, Onus ecdesiae, 60); or L^ A, Ca, Cb (GREINZ, Tiirstinger," 320; MARX, Glaube, 38-40); or L^, Ca, A, Cb (KLOVER, Onus ecclesiae, 31-35). 12in the foUowing order: L^, U, L^, Ca, A, Cb (HEUWIESER, "Piirstinger," 44f.). ^^VD16: P 2927 - P 2935 (P 2934 and P 2935 are identical and do not require separate listings). VD16 does not list OE (Cb) since it was printed in the 17th c. 196 three variations (L^, L^, L^); the second edition (OE Ca) with three variations (Ca^, Ca^, Ca^); the third edition (OE A) with two variations (A^, A^); and the fourth edition with no variations (OE Cb). The manuscript was finished in 1519, a statement made in three of the four editions,^'^ and verified by internal evidence.^^ The terminus ad quern falls between early spring and mid summer 1519, during the imperial interregnum: Maximilian had died (12 January 1519)^^ but Charles was not yet elected emperor (28 June 1519).^^ Scholars have cited chapter twelve to show that the book was still imderway during the Leipzig Debate (27 June - 16 July 1519), since the author criticizes "Lutherans and Eccians" for twisting scriptiire with "rash and vain disputes."^® But since the manuscript was finished before the imperial election (June), the author could not have been writing during the debate (end of June - July).^^ Nevertheless, some researchers maintain both statements without explanation.^o The available evidence shows that Onus ecclesiae was finished before the election, hence before the debate. The pejorative reference to "Lutherans and Eccians" must thus refer to separate hostile camps — Karlstadt contra Eck; Eck contra

^^"Opus compilatum est anno 1519." OE (L), fol. Cc i*"; OE (A), fol. Z iv''; OE (Cb), title page. ^^"Condlium Lateranense biennio elapse celebratum" (OE 51,5); "Quamvis a Qinsti nativitate usque ad praesens tempus fluxerint anni 1519" (OE 9,7); "prout ante quadriennium videlicet anno domini 1515" (OE 36,5); "primus equidem adventus in Christi came dudum utp>ote ante annos 1519" (OE 62,5). ^^"Maximilianus quandam caesar." OE 49,19. 17"id verificabitur, si Carolus iam in caesarem utinam absque ambitione et avaritiae practica legitime eligetur, Romani imperii coronam consequuturus." OE 48,9. ^®"sic hodie Lutherani et Ecciani temeraria et ambitiosa disputatione mutuo altercantes pro sua audacia sacras literas torquent, nihil charitative se omnia invective ad seditionem defendimtur." OE 12,7. Cf. WERNER, Onus ecclesiae, 8 with fn. 1; SCHMUCK, Onus ecclesiae, 5; and MARX, Glaube, 37. ^^See KLOVER, Onus ecclesiae, 28-31; followed by HELTWIESER, "Purstinger," 36. ^^The first was WERNER, Onus ecclesiae, 7-9; followed by SCHMUCK, Onus ecclesiae, 5; and MARX, Glaube, 37. 197

Karlstadt and Luther; Luther contra Prierias — while "rash and vain debating" would signal the growing animosity nourished by academic invective on the eve of the Leipzig debate.^i The first edition of Onus ecclesiae {OE L) appeared in 1524, five years after the manuscript was finished.^^ It was printed by Johann Weifienburger in Landshut,23 and corrected by a Dominican professor of theology named

^^Such is also the more natural reading of the plural nouns: Ecciani et Lutherani. "Lutherans" would include Karlstadt and Melanchthon; while "Ecciai«" would embrace Tetzel, Prierias, Cajetan and Wimpina. See OBERMAN, "Wittenberg's War on Two Fronts," esp. 122- 129 (on Luther and Prierias), and 130-148 (on Eck and Karlstadt). Salzburg was certainly close enough to the events to know of the tension. "Eck hatte zu Cardinal Lang uberhaupt engere Beziehungen. Schon im Jahre 1518 schickte er ihm seine 10 Thesen fur die Leipziger Disputation." (HAUTHALER, "Matthaus Lang," 160). Luther sent his ResoluHones to Staupitz in May 1518, with a request to forward the book to pope Leo X. Staupitz was likely in Salzburg at the time (cf. KOLDE, Augustiner-Congregation, 315; and SALLABERGER, "Stiftsprediger," 263). This is also a smoother reading of the word controversia in the same paragraph; "Magna profecto est insania tantam controversiam ... non silentio et prudentia sed conviciis et insolentia agilari" (OE 12,7). Had the author meant the Leipzig Debate, he might well have preferred the word disputatio: contraoersia suggests a prolonged battle, not a one-time university debate. ^^The reasons for a five-year delay could be many. First, Piirstinger may have grown hesitant to quote Luther favorably. "Es erklart sich aber, dafi er wie alle die Vertreter konservativer Reform, je mehr die Konsequenzen des Neuerers Luther klar wurden, sich zu fortgehender Ablehnung verstand und zu steigender Opposition fortschritt, ohne aber doch, was er als recht anerkannt hatte, preiszugeben." FICKER, "Piirstinger," 313.17-20; cf. 310. Second, the year of publication can be understood in the context of the large number of prophetic and astrological books, which rose remarkably as time drew close to the flood predicted for 1524 (FICKER, 'Turstinger," 310.4-12; about the flood see TALKENBERGER, Sintflut, passim). Third, assuming that Purstinger did write OE, and that he started the book to accommodate archbishop Keutschach's wish for a publication about clerical abuses (SCHMID, MatthUus Lang, 21-22), it makes sense that Purstinger would have abandoned the project when archbishop Keutschach died, unfortunately just as the manuscript was finished (June 1519). The new archbishop, Matthaus Lang, could have seemed too much like the tyraiuucal, worldly, episcopal princes criticized by Purstinger (MARX, Glaube, 43f, with fn. 293; SALLABERGER, "Purstinger," 452; SCHULZE, "Onus ecclesiae," 318f.). I see one problem with the first reason, and two problems with the third reason: 1) Purstinger still quoted Luther favorably in the third edition of OE (A); 2) he kept writing after Keutschach died; and 3) he had known for a long time that Lang (coadjutor since 1514) would replace Keutschach. Nevertheless, even these reasons, in combination with the second, may have contributed to Purstinger's decision to delay. ^^For a quick overview of Landshut printing and Weifienburger, see BENZING, Buchdrucker, 271f. For a detailed bibliography of his 171 editions, see SCHOTTENLOHER, Landshuter Buchdrucker, 1-53. Weifienburger printed Joharmes Eck, Exsurge Domine and the Edict of Worms, but also Desiderius Erasmus, Christoph Scheurl, Ulrich von Hutten, Johann Geiler von Kaisersberg, and Martin Luther. 198

Vincentius Viepeckius.^'^ The anonymous writer did not assist in the first printing,25 for Viepeddus claims that the book fell into his hands by chance, that he read it, and decided to have it published.^^ What is more, the title page on the third edition boasts "reworked by the author for the first time."27 Whether or not Viepeckius knew the author is unclear.28 Piis praefatio correctoris is dated 10 April 1523,^® well before the book left the press. Since Viepeckius admits to adding a few marginalia when correcting the manuscript for publication,^^ and because the printed text contains some anti- Lutheran comments too "mature" to have been written in 1519,^^ we have to

^^Vincentius Viepeckius (Furpeck, Fighbeck, Vypeck), O.P. from Landshut (+ 1532) studied in Heidelberg (1512), receiv^ his magisterium in Heidelberg (1518), was prior in Landshut (1518/20) and spiritual advisor for a visitation/inquisition in Styria (1528). Cf. LOHR, "Donunikaner," 287, 291. ALBRECHER (ed.). Visitation, H, 25-29, esp. 26f. ^At lecist there is no evidence for the claim: "Der Autor selbst hatte dieses Werk schon 1524 herausgegeben" (ZOLLER, Messopferlekre, 18); nor for the claim that he objected to it: "wider Wissen und Willen des Verfassers geschah der erste Druck" (WERNER, Onus ecclesiae, 9 fn. 2); "vermutlich ... ohne Wissen und Willen des Verfassers" (MARX, Glaube, 38). 26"Quum autem sequens tractatus, plurifaria quidem littera conscriptus, fortassis tamen per unum solum collectus, fortuito casu in manus meas devenisset, eum legi atque relegi et postquam placuit imprimi fed." VIEPECKIUS, [praefatio correctoris], OE (L), fol. A i^. ^^"iamprimum authoris exactiore adhibita lima typis a mendosis expurgatum" (italics mine). OE (A), title page (see figures A1 and A2). 2®The vague statement by Viepeckius in the first edition (fn. 26) was changed in the second edition: "(^um igitur subsequens opus, per unum (nesdo quem) doctissimum tamen atque optimum veritatis professorem sit collectum, fortuito casu in manus meas devenisset, illud legi atque relegi, et postquam placuit ad bonorum omnium salutem imprimi fed." OE (Ca), fol. A i^. Viepeckius wrote that the author was "unknown" (,autor iste ignotus), a phrase repeated in every edition. But ignotus could mean "anonymous" rather than "unfamiliar to me personally" inescio). 2^The infomnation is unique to L^: "Ex domo predicatoria Lantzhutana a parta virginali supra annum millesimum quningentesimum vigesimo tertio, dedma die Aprilis, quae erat sexta pasce feria." VIEPECKIUS, [praefatio correctoris], in OE (L^), fol. A i^. ^®"Nec quippiam de meis insertum sdas, paucis demptis signaturis in margine annotatis, quibus diverse in opere contente sententiae latius alibi visendae extenduntur." VIEPEdOUS, [praefatio correctoris], in OE (L), fol. A i'^ (repeated in Ca, but removed from A andCb). The anti-Lutheran statements are few, but all the same, people were not yet characterizing Lutherans — at least not before Exsurge Domine and the Edict of Worms — as a sect of false prophets brainwashing the hordes ("Et multi pseudo prophetae surgent et seducent multos, quemadmodum nunc surgit secta Lutherana." OE 64,5); or as rising up against the clergy 199 assume that Viepeckius spiced the text himself with some religious bias, if not outright animosity and propaganda.^^ To speak of three "variations" of this first edition (Ficker) is pushing the point; to call them separate "editions" (Schottenloher) is imwarranted, for and are special, hand-corrected

books, not separate print-runs. Although is relatively conunon,33 and L3 are each one-of-a-kind books.^"^ They have the same base text as L^, yet with 336 cut-and-paste corrections and hand-drawn changes made before either book left the print shop.^s and omit one line from the penultimate page that identifies WeiiSenburger as the printer,^^ and they share, because of their conmion prepared corrections, a last page of errata?"^ L3 is the only copy in which Viepeckius identifies himself as corrector;

and the Roman church ("quemadmodum iam secta Lutherana in aquilone adversus clerum et ecdesiam Romanam insurgit." OE 41^); or as pestilent anticlerics inciting defiant Germans to murder the clergy ("quemadmodum hodie Luterani petulantes vida cleri et abusus ecclesiasticos taxare simulando, pemidosissimam seditionem immiti vulgo inculcant, feroces germanorum animos ad necem deri indtando." OE 39,3). Certainly no one could be referring in 1519 to Luther's 1520 Babylonian Captivity of the Church (in the margin of OE 15,17). It seems Viepeckius wanted to understand OE as an anti-Lutheram tract. He bound his own personal copy together with two anti-Lutheran books (see fn. 39). 32see WERNER, Onus ecclesiae, 9f.; contrast FICKER, 'Turstinger," 30957 - 310.7. = VD16, P2927. The BayStB has four copies (Res/2 H.un. 85; 2 P.Iat 424; 2 P.lat. 477; 2 Exeg. 397). It once owned a fifth copy, which is now missing (2 P.gr. 33). The SalzUB has three copies (F n 56; F n 488; F H 489). 34l2 = VD16, P 2928 (now held by the BayStB, Res/2 Liturg. 391). L^ = VD16, P 2929 (now held by the BayStB, 2 Exeg. 399). ^^What is more, L^ has 7 corrections not foimd in L^ (= 343 total); and L^ has 68 corrections not found in L^ (= 404 total). The imique corrections were made, no doubt, aifter the two books were separated outside the print shop and perhaps over the next several years (see the end of fn. 55). Among the shared corrections and unique corrections (411 total), half were changed by pasting new printed text over the mistakes, and half were made by modifying the printed text with pen and ink, often with enough care to make the resxilt appear printed. 36"sed in lucem editum typisque D. Joarmis Weyssenburger Landsshute excussum anno donuru 1524 ." OE (L^), fol. Cc i''. has three columns of errata with 87 items, while L^ and L^ have two columns with 38 items. Strangely enough, the two tables overlap slightly. That the printer invested enough work to correct 61 of the 87 errata listed on L^ plus more than 300 other mistakes not listed, leaving 26 known mistakes, plus 12 others found later, to be printed on a new page of errata is, to say the least, peculiar. 200 otherwise he too, like the author, would be anonymous.^® betrays no telling signs of ownership. But belonged to Viepeckius and later to St.

Zeno, a canorury near Bad Reichenhall,^^ The evidence does not permit any firm conclusion, but certainly allows for the hypothesis that P^stinger at one point possessed or had access to L^. Otherwise it would be difficvilt to explain how Alexander Weifienhorn used to print Onus ecclesiae (A) in 1531,'^° and how St. Zeno acquired for its library.'*^ Making Piirstinger the middle

^®The "praefatio correctoris" in differs from that in and \J- at the following points: Frater Vincentitis Viepeckius, divi ordinis predicatorum. Sacre theologie professor et Corrector -ae-Cac" crossed out in penl studioso lectori salutem instead of Corrector pio ac studioso lectori salutem (added at line If); suapte ir\stead of suopte Gine 6); in modum instead of immodum fline 24); relegi postquam instead of relegi et postqmm (line 25f); id est futuram instead of qua futuram (line 36); Ex dome predicatoria Lantzhutarui a parta virginali supra annum millesimum quingentesimum vigesimo tertio, decima die Aprilis, quae erat sexta pasce feria (added at line 51f.). ^^Although scholars have examined the book, no one has noticed, or at least not commented on, the important clues of ownership. SCHOTTENLOHER, Buchdrucker, 37f, calls this the third edition. FICKER, Piirstinger," 309, calls it the first variation of the first edition. OE is boxmd together with John FISHER, Assertionis Lutheranae confutatio (Cologne, Peter C^uentel, 1524) and Joharm FABRI, Mfl//ews in haeresim Lutheranam (Cologne, Peter Quentel, 1524). The original leather binding survives in fair shape and is clean except for the name "Vincentius Vipechius" (sic) written on the spine. A handwritten comment on title page of 0£ — "Monrii S. Zenonis" — shows that the book was owned eilso by the canoruy of St. Zeno near Bad Reichenhall. The riame "Taulus Rothoffer" (sic), the provost of St. Zeno (1526-1553), is written on the last page of FISHER, Confutatio, and the last page of FABIU, Malleus. There is no information in the BayStB about whence or when was acquired (perhaps during the secularization of mor\asteries in Bavaria in 1803). It may seem strange that Viepeckius wrote his name on the spine of the book, rather than inside it. But it would be stranger for a second person to overlook all three book titles, both known authors, and write the name of the anonymous third volume's corrector on the spine. The book is the best corrected copy of OE and the only one that carries the rame Viepeckius. That it belonged to him is a safe assximption. ^®First we know that WeiCenihom used to print A in 1531 (see fn. 55). Second we know that Piirstinger helped prepare A for publication (see fn. 27). And third we know that Weifienhorn and Piirstinger were in dose contact — regardless of A — because Weifienhorn also printed Piirstinger's TG in 1531. Indeed he printed four of Piirstinger's books between 1531 and 1535: TG and OE (1531); TR and KP (1535). See EIDEN / MOLLER, "Alexander Weissenhom," 563f. with nos. 50-52, and 575 with no. 93. Why would a Dominican from Landshut bequeath such a predous volume — indeed a personalized copy that bears his name as Corrector when every other copy guards that anonjmuty — to a house of Augustinicm canons near Salzburg? Although that question remains unanswerable, it is clear that Piirstinger in his last Will did bequeath many possessions to St. Zeno (GREINZ, Tiirstinger," 293-98). Moreover, he knew the provost of St. Zeno well, Paulus 201 person solves two problems — getting the book from Weifienburger (Landshut) to Weifienhom (Augsburg) and St. Zeno (Reichenhall) — while creating a third. We cannot explain how Purstinger acquired from Viepeckius.^^ The second edition (OE Ca) appeared in Cologne, printed by Peter Quentel in 1531.It was based on for it repeats many of the mistakes corrected by hand in LP- and All three variations (Ca^, CaP and Ca^) are identical except for differences on the title page. Ca^ adds a long descriptive subtitle to the pithy "Onus ecclesiae" of L, but contains no information about the author.'^^ During the print run, it would seem, Peter Quentel heard rumor of the author's identity, for he broadcasts the news on both CaP- and

Rottenhofer, whose name twice appears in L^. Rottenhofer took part in the Priesterbruderschaft founded by Purstinger (SALLABERGER, "Purstinger," 469f.). Getting this volume from Piirstinger to St Zeno is easier than from Viepeckius to St Zeno. "^^We need to assume, without evidence, that Viepeckius met Piirstinger, discovered him as the author of Onus ecclesiae, and gave him the special one-of-a-kind edition. Such a meeting could have taken place in 1528, when Viepeckius worked as spiritual advisor for a visitation in Styria in 1528 (see fn. 24). But this is all speculation. The evidence shows that moved from Viepeckius (Landshut) to Alexander Weilfenhom (Augsburg) and eventually to St. Zeno (Reichenhall). ^About Cologne printing and Peter Quentel, see BENZING, Buchdrucker, 237f. ^^Schmuck clain\s, without defending his view, that Ca was based on L^ (SCHMUCK, Onus ecclesiae, 6). But Ca corrects fewer than 250 of the more than 4CX) errors and stylistic problems in L^, which were changed in and (see fn. 35). Quentel complained about the error-filled first edition: "Nam prior aeditio (i nobis tamen minime in lucem emissa) tot scatebat mendis, quot pardus maculis. Meremur itaque gratiam non vulgarem, ab omnibus Christianae fidei cultoribus, quod librum hunc tam praeclarum, tamque cunctis ad omnia necessarium, verae atque genuinae integritati restituerimus." OE (Ca), fol. cxxv^ (cf. below fn. 55). Moreover, when Ca does correct a mistake in L^, it does not eilways follow L^ and L^. For example (OE 15,44): "Judicium vero canonicae dumtaxat paenae ad pacificem spectat" (L^); corrected as "pontificem spectat" in L^ and L^, yet as "pacificum spectat" in Ca. See similar examples at: OE 7,2; 12,1; 143; 15,14; 15,16; 15,30; 17,4; 21,10; 38,6. '^^Ca' = VD16, P 2932. The full title reads: "ONVS ECCLESIAE I In hoc libro lector candidissime, admiranda quaedam ac plame obstupenda, de septem ec I clesiae statibus, abusibus quoq[ue] gravissimis, & futuris eiusdem calamitatibus ex sanctor[um] pro I phetijs & novarum revelationum vaticinijs, solidissimisq[ue] scripturis, luce clarius enarratur. I Verte igitur pagellam et capitulorum perlege argumenta. Quod si feceris (invenies enim I quor[um] culpa & q[ui]bus de causis, tota Qu-[istli pereat ecclesia) librum te hunc emisse nunq[uaml poenitebit" 202 ^iONVS ECCLESIAE^w tflnhocCbro lector canA'dijnme.adjmrandaqaedam aepIanr'ob^pcniJa,de J»tnnec- defo ftatibus.abiSI'OS guo

- - . - Archieoi SafrrborBc.,, a Suffrjgii5/ituciT0irfsa fidcdignwpofthu/uafibtiiinpreflionerortlanim clt.

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figure A.l OnKS ecdesiae, title page (Cologne, 1531) [= Ca^J Owned in 1535 by Johann Fabri, O.P., cathedral preacher in Augsburg (BayStB: 4 Dogm. 701 b) 203

'Nifi (Sttuni-fvmkf ^^^|jjidniinGcitvitwi6i^

(iftxinfbitilst ilt'^Bi-fm)

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•'It-v'ch figure Onus ecclesiae, title page (Landshut, 1524) [= L'] Owned in 1526 by Ulrich Ehinger and later by Johann Rotmair (SalzUB: F1156) 204

Ca^. Ca?- uses the same title page as Ca^ yet squeezes two lines of text,

somewhat askew, between the long subtitle and the large woodcut, to "identify" the author as Joharmes bishop of Chiemsee (figure Ca^ uses the same title page, yet pastes the added lines of information, printed separately, above the title and identifies Johannes more specifically as the "erstwhile" bishop of Chiemsee.'^^ Someone must have discovered that the acting bishop of Chiemsee was not named Johannes. Indeed, to find a bishop named Johannes, we have to retreat through the Chiemsee registers to Joharmes Ebser (reg. 1429-1438).'^® In spite of the overwhelming evidence that Onus ecclesiae was written in 1519,^^ the title-page proclamation about bishop Johannes launched a tradition, still alive today, that identifies the author of

Onus ecclesiae as Joharm Ebser Peter Quentel (tl546) commissioned a copy of the original frontispiece for L, which had been designed by Erhard Schon (figure A.2). The copy was similar in all respects except that it substituted type-face (figure A.l) for the

hand-cut font of the original.^^ A pig-faced devil with clawed feet plunders the church of God. He wields a sword in his right hand and a club in his left. Behind him flies a banner proclaiming that Satan is released from prison (Apoc. 9:3; 0£ 17,21). Beside the church on a blank wall hangs the chain that once shackled the now liberated devil. Just above the wall, an angel empties a

= VD16, P 2933. The added text reads: "Author est, R[everendusl p[ater] •[oininus] lohannes Ep[iscopu]s Chemensis, Reverendiss[imi] Archiep[iscop]i Saltzburgen[sisl I a Suffra^s, sicut nobis & fide dignis post huius libri impressionem relatum est." 4/Ca^ = VD16, P 2934 and 2935 (which are identical versions). The added text reads: "Reverendi in CHRISTO Patris ac domini D[omini] Ioar\nis, olim Episcopi Chemen I sis, & Reverendiss[imi] Archiepiscopi Saltzburgensis a Suffragijs." "^See above, fn. 4. '^See above, fns. 14 and 15. ^See below, fh. 81. About the woodcut see ROTTINGER, Erhard Schon, 57. 205

bowl of locusts over the church and holds a banner that announces: "Fear the

lord, for the hour of his judgment is coming" (Apoc 14:7). Above the angel is a longer banner, unfurled in three sections, that warns: "There are spirits of demons performing signs" (Apoc 16:14); "He sent upon them his burning anger ... a band of destroying angels" (Ps. 77:49). In the upper-right comer, the seven angels of the apocalypse hover over a banner that describes the action of the lower angel: "The angel poured out (that is, he proclaimed) the bowl (namely the vynrath and scourge of God)" (Apoc 16). From a quarter-circle band

of clouds in the upper-left comer, hailstones and tongues of fire rain down against the devil. The clouds embrace a two-fold message: "Unless you repent, he will sharpen his sword" (Ps. 7:13); and "From the throne proceed flashes of lightning and peals of thunder" (Apoc 4:5). The half-figtire of God,

centered at the top, dominates the heavens. Inscribed on the tablet in his left hand are instructions for the seven angels, toward whom he gazes: "Go pour out on the earth the seven bowls of the wrath of God" (Apoc 16:1; OE 5,4). The tablet in his right hand reads: "Seal up those things which the seven peals of thunder have spoken" (Apoc 10:4).52 The most prominent verse, because it underscores the whole of the woodcut and highlights the bellicose nature of the apocalypse — indeed the unavoidable anticlerical ramifications of apocalyptic reform^^ — comes from Ezekiel: "Go make war ... and begin at my sanctuary!" (Ezk. 9:5; cf. OE 38: De speciali plaga incipiente a sanctuario, id est a clero).

^^There are two problems with this tablet: "Signa quae locuta sunt septem tonitrua" (Apoc 10:4). First, both L and Ca wrongly cite the verse as Apoc 22, corrected in A and Cb. Second, Ca mistakenly changes "sunt" to "sum." ^^See above, 20-24. 206

The third edition (OE A) appeared in Augsburg, printed by Alexander Weifienhom in 1531.^^ It follows to the letter with few exceptions^^ and purports to be the first edition reviewed by the author.^^ During the same year, Weifienhom published Piirstinger's Latin translation of the Tewtsche Theologey under the title Theologia Germanica.^"^ He printed two variations of Onus ecclesiae (A^ and A^), identical except for the title page. He moved the woodcut of the devil to the verso side of the title page and commissioned a new woodcut for the recto frontispiece, designed to frame the title, to which he joined a subtitle, which emphasizes the Turkish element of the book.^s

^'^For a quick overview of Augsburg printing and Weifienhom, see BENZING, Buchdrucker, 17f. For a detailed bibliography of his 143 Augsburg editions between 1528 and 1540, before moving to Ingolstadt, see EIDEN / MOLLER, "Alexander Weissenhom," passim. Weifienhom worked regularly for Johannes Eck but also printed books for Johannes Co^laeus, Johannes Fabri, Urbanus Regius, Desiderius Erasmus, Sebastian Franck, Theophrastus Paracelsus as well as Philipp Melanchthon and Martin Luther. ^OE (A) corrects almost all the mistakes in U, following 6 of the 7 corrections unique to and 63 of the 68 unique to (see fn. 35). Weifienhom complained about the first edition flike Quentel, see fn. 44): "Indolui autem ex animo, cum chalcographi vitio himc viderem multis lods maculatum ac mendis ubique scatentem: quare anxie curavi, ut ex architypo veroque originali exempio bonis ortmibus opusculum istud exhiberem." OE (A), fol. A ii*". What is more, unlike Ca, A follows and L^. It corrects 114 mistakes in keeping with when Ca overlooks the mistake or chooses a different solution. For example: "Derelinquunt unum dei et mensis ministrant" (L^); corrected as "verbum dei" (L^, L^, A), yet left imchanged (Ca). The view that A follows is corroborated by changes found in both editions that are better described as stylistic improvements than corrected errors. These alterations cire evidence of imitation (for example replacing condemnatur with contemmtur in OE 32,10; see similar examples in 37,1; 37,6; 41:3; 48:10; 56:4). Perhaps the reason A does not correct every mistake discovered in is that some changes originated after 1531. Otherwise it would be difficult to explain why corrects a biblical citation in OE 17,6 ("qui extrahit Leviathan homo" to " qui ... hamo" lob 40:20), yet A reintroduces the error ("qui... homo"). 5^See above, fn. 27. 57TG = VDI6, P 2924. The full title reads: "[in red] THEOLOGIA I [in black] GERMANICA QVA CON-1 TINENTVR ARTICVLI DE I HDE, EVANGELIO, VERTV- ITIBVS ET SACRAMEN-1TIS: QVORVM MATE-IRIA lAM NOSTRA I TEMPEST ATE CONTROVER-ITI SOLET." 58The full title reads: "ONUS ECCLESIAE TEMPORIBUS HISCE deplorandis Apocalypseos suis aeque conveniens, Turcarumque incursui iam grassanti accomodatum, non tam lectu quam contemplatu dignissimum: lamprimum authoris exactiore adhibita lima typis a mendosis expurgatum: et quamplurimis turn Evangelistarum lods turn aliorum Sanctorum scripturis mutuo non pugnantibus, recens illustratum." 207

The artist must have fallen behind schedule, for one installment of the print- run (A^) left without the new frame (figure A.S).^® The other installment

(A^), with woodcut in place, required slight typesetting adjustments to accommodate the finished frame (figure A.4).60 To the right of center, on the new woodcut, Turks are killing women and children. Above and below them are verses from the prophets that read: "Behold I am bringing a distant nation against you, O house of Israel, declares the Lord, an enduring nation" (ler. 5:15); "Their bows will kill yoimg men, and they will not show mercy on the fruit of the womb" (Is. 13:18). Left of the title are two contentious preachers, perched in lofty pulpits set against each other, while a religious audience turns and walks away. Above the preachers we read: "Many will come in my name saying, I am the Christ, and they will deceive many" (Matt. 24:5). Below them is the verse: "I did not send these prophets, but they ran; I did not speak to them, but they prophesied" (ler. 23:21). Across the bottom of the woodcut, the sacred and secular worlds meet in a procession of clergy and laity, converging at the center, below the words: "It is good for me to be afflicted, so that I might leam your decrees" (Ps. 118:71). Leading the clergy on the left is the pope, accompanied on his right by a bishop and behind by a cardinal, followed by nvms and prelates. The emperor leads the adjacent pageant, followed by kings, nobility and citizens. The verses combine horror and hope. In the lower left: "It will be sheer terror to imderstand the report" (Is. 28:19). Yet in the lower right: "Being terrorized in a few things, they will be compensated in abundance" (Sap. 3:5). God oversees all from the top of the woodcut, appearing from the clouds and fiery heavens, holding a sword in

59= VD16, P 2930. 60 A2 = VD16, P 2931. i 1

208

F" J

ONVSECCLSIAE- TEMPORIB VS HISCE D EPLpR ANDIS APO cal^(ros.nussquecoaueniciis,Tarconinicpiacurfiu izm- gfallannaccoaiodaaim^noa camle^qaamcontems plata digniflunam. lamptimamauthoris CQ$ diore adhibica c^is a meadoflsexpur gacain:Scquampluriims cum Euanges; Itftaram lods turn aiiorum SaniElo rum (oipcuhs muaio noa pugnandbus,recais illuftratum. M. D, XXXI.

7 4?

I figure A.3 Onus ecclesiae, title page (Augsburg, 1531) [= AM SalzUB (F n 517) 209

Mulli uenim m no* Eeeeego iiitiedm fui mine mto, iieenlej; peruetgntemielon Ego fum dmflaf, (T multot fciucent. oi\rX ^ VY ^ "FL> V_> V i TI V I V •• AatrfomiiwCrgnTfcnt Kitt >4. SIAE TEMPORIBVS HISCE DE. nbnlUm erc-lert.t. plorandis Apocalypfcos fuisarque conuent: cnSjTurcarumt^ incurfui iam gralTantt acco mods cum, non cam Icclu quam contemn platu digniiRmumrramprimu auchoris cxacfliorc adhibica lima cypis a men dofisexpurgacum:& quam; plurimis cum Euangcli? (larum loci's cum alto^ rum Sancflorum fcripcurismu? tuo no pugs nannbus, recciis il luflra cu.

M. D. XXXI. Hon mittebmprapbe* S^gittirp^naletiu tu cr ip/I

-ra

Sou uresuointtOe' In pdvsanth, clum ddhc adttai. in multit bene iif left. ti. ponenifr. S^p.t

figiire A.4 Onus ecclesiae, title page (Augsburg, 1531) [= A^] Ba3^tB (2 Exeg. 4(K)) 210

his left hand and a bundle of switches in his right. This edition is significantly different from the first two, especially regarding Lutherans and Turks. Certain textual variants indicate that the author was "cleaning up" statements that soimded Lutheran, while other changes suggest an enduring affiiuty with Lutheran ideas, and an effort to "cover up" the evidence. After

the near fall of Vienna to the Turks in 1529, the author added four new paragraphs to chapter 49: "On the Turks and the Scourge of the Sword. The fourth edition (0£ Cb) appeared in Cologne in 1620. Unlike the previous folio editions, this one was printed in quarto. It follows the abridged text of A and copies both woodcuts, although with finely detailed copperplates. The renewed threat of the Turk and the outbreak of the Thirty Years War was justification enough for another printing.^^ This is the rarest edition in south-west Germany and Austria, yet the most popular edition elsewhere.^3

Onus ecdesiae: the author The author of Onus ecdesiae remains anonymous through all four editions, in spite of the late-rimning variations of the second edition (Ca^ and Ca^), which named a certain Johannes bishop from Chiemsee, and notwithstanding the claim on the title-page of the third edition (A), that the

61"De Turds et de plaga gladii" OE 49. The added paragraphs are 25-28. 62"Die Turkengefahr machte das Werk auch noch im 17. Jahrhundert aktuell." SCHULZE, "Onus ecdesiae," 317 fn. 1. "unmittdbar nad\ dem Ausbrudie des Drdfiigjahrigen Krieges erschien nodi erne vollstandige Ausgabe 1620." RCKER, Turstinger," 310.42-44. ^^Of the 14 extant copies of OE at the BajrStB (Munich), only one is Q> (4 Exeg. 629). Among the 6 copies of OE to be foimd in Salzburg (at the UBSalz, SMCA and KAS), just one is Cb (SMCA: 5017). Neither of the 2 copies of OE held by the ONB (Vienna) is Qj. Yet both copies conserved at the BN (Paris) axe Cb (D 4751 and 2344). The only microfilm copy of OE in the l«u-ge collection at the Center for Reformation Research (St. Louis) is Cb (s.v. "Ebser" C-EP- 63/788-893). 211 author himself reviewed that version. In the literature, we find four names attributed to Onus ecclesiae: Ubertinus bishop of Chiemsee, Joharmes bishop of Chiemsee, Joharmes Landsberg, and Berthold P^stinger. According to Lorenz Heuwieser, we find the manuscript attribution "Ubertinus Episcopus Chimensis" on a copy of Onus ecclesiae (1524) held today by the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Mimich.^^ But that handwritten comment reads "Joharmes bishop of Chiemsee" — crossed out and corrected to "Berthold bishop of Chiemsee."^^ According to Gerhard Marx, the Lutheran theologian Matthias Flacius lUyricus (tl575), identified the author of Onus ecclesiae as Ubertinus bishop of Chiemsee in his Catalogus testium veritatis.^^ But Flacius never mentions Onus ecclesiae.^"^ It appears then, that the first person to name Ubertinus as author was the Lutheran theologian, Johann Gerhard (tl637),68 who later changed his mind.^® All subsequent writers, who mention the name Ubertinus, refer to Vincent Placdus (tl699), who used Gerhard. But none of them, including Placcius, accepts the

Ubertinus possibility.^® The problem with Ubertinus is that no bishop from

^"Ein Exemplar von 1524 neimt einen 'Ubertinus Episcopus Chimensis'; dal? er auf die Spur eines Qiiemseer Bischofs gerat, mag an dem eingeprefiten Wappen auf dem Umschlag des Folianten gelegen haben." HEUWIESER, "Purstinger," 39 (fn. 16 refers the reader to BayStB: 2 Exeg. 397). ^^"Johannis [cor. "Bertholdi" s.l.a.m.1 Episcopi Chiemensis, ONUS ECCLESIAE, Landishuti in Bojaria, 1524." OiV (L^), BayStB: 2 Exeg. 397, inside front cover, in a late hand (apx. 17th c.). ^^Illyricus, Catalogus testium veritatis (s.l. 1608), 1795 (as dted by MARX, Glaube, 41 fn. 258). ^^I have not seen the 1608 edition dted by Marx (see fn. 66), but I have checked earlier and later editions: FLACIUS ILLYRICUS, Catalogus testium veritatis, I-II (Lyon, 1597) and idem (Frankfurt, 1666). ^®"Autor oneris ecdesiae compilati anno 1519 ... a quibusdam vocatur Ubertinus Episcopus Chimensis." GERHARD, Loci communes theologici, VII, c. 26, § 197. ^^GERHARD, Confessionis catholicae, 18f. (as dted by MARX, Glaube, 41 with fn. 259). ^^PLACCIUS, Theatrum anonymorum, 144; METZGER, Historia Salisburgensis, VI, 1147; SCHELHORN, Historische Nachricht, 18f; REITHMEIER, "Vorwort," xxii, fn. 7; SCHMUCK, Onus ecclesiae, 275; HEUWIESER, "Purstinger," 39f; MARX, Glaube, 41. 212

Chiemsee was known by that name. Schmuck and Heuwieser have recently speculated that the mistake was due to the dependence of Onus ecclesiae on Ubertino of Casale (tl330)7i That theory could be true. But of the two Ubertino books cited in Onus ecclesiae — Tractatus de septem statibus ecclesiae and Arbor vitae crucifixae — the first is Pseudo-Ubertino and the second is cited from a multi-author collection of prophecies called Abbas Joachim magnus prophetaJ^ We can thus easily exaggerate the author's dependence on Ubertino. Other prophets were more important, including Bridget of Sweden, Catherine of Siena, Telesphorus of Cosenza, Pseudo- Methodius, Joachim of Fiore, Vincent Ferrer, and Wolfgang Aytinger. What is more, the idea that Ubertinus wrote Onus ecclesiae was advanced only once, by Johann Gerhard, who later changed his view. Otherwise, no scholar accepted the theory. To speculate about the origin of the mistake by invoking the name of a medieval Spiritual Franciscan — one of 59 authors cited in Onus ecclesiae — is giving Ubertinus more than he deserves. One careless mistake, concerning the author's identity, has led to a die-hard myth about scholars who support that view, and even to speculation about their theory's pedigree, while in fact there were no such scholars and even Gerhard recognized his own mistake. The Cologne printer, Peter Quentel, was the first to name Johannes bishop of Chiemsee as the author of Onus ecclesiae, information he published in 1531 on the title page of Ca^ and Ca^. The rumor spread quickly. We find

71 "Ubertinus von Casalis dient OE als Quelle und wird dort wiederholt zitiert." SCHMUCK, Onus ecclesiae, 275 with fn. 2. "dieses Mifiverstandnis ist wohl auf die Anleihen, die das OE von Ubertino de Casales Apokal3T3senkonunentar 'Arbor vitae crucifixae' nimmt, ziu^ckzufuhren." HEUWIESER, 'Turstinger," 40. 7^See the overview in WERNER, Onus ecclesiae, 56f; with more detail in KLOVER, Onus ecclesiae, 62-77, esp. 67, 76f. 213 the attribution added by hand to other editions of Onus ecclesiaeJ^ Christian Greinz claimed in 1904 that Johann Fabri (the Augsbtirg cathedral preacher, tl530, not the Viennese Humanist bishop, tl541) wrote, on his personal copy of Onus ecclesiae, that the author was "Joharmes bishop of Chiemsee."^^ But that alleged manuscript comment is the supplementary two lines of printed text, which distinguishes Ca^ from Ca^ (figure A.l). Josef Schmuck copied Greinz in 1973, and Lorenz Heuwieser followed in 1981, both of them reiterating that the "manuscript hand" dated from the period of Johann Fabrics Soon after the Quentel edition, Wolfgang Lazius (tl565) adopted the Johannes attribution for his collection of prophecies published in Vienna in 1547.76 During the next three centuries, histories, and bibliographies all named Johannes as author.^^ The theory is problematic because the bishop of Chiemsee, when Onus ecclesiae was written, was Berthold Purstinger. In fact, the only bishop named Johannes in the Chiemsee episcopal registers, close in time, was Johann n Ebser (reg. 1429- 1438)7® It does not figure well, given these circumstances, that Johann DoUinger and later Manfred Schulze, both of whom accept the authorship of

7^See fn. 65. I have examined three other copies with manuscript attributions to Johannes bishop of Chiemsee: 6NB (19 c 34); BayStB (2 Exeg. 400); BayStB (4 Exeg. 629). 74"Die Miinchener Staatsbibliothek besitzt mehrere Exemplare vom Jahre [sic] 1524 und 1531, in denen von den einstigen Besitzem in handschriftlichen Notizen mit dem Schriftcharakter jener Zeit z.B. bestatigt wird: 'Author est R. pr. Johannes Ep. Chemensis, Reverendissimi Archieppi. Saltzburgensis a suffragiis sicut nobis a fide dignis post huius libri impressionem relatum est.' (So bemerkt Fr. Joh. Fabri, Dominikaner, Domprediger in Augsburg auf seinem Exemplar.)" GREINZ, Tiirstinger," 321. 75SCHMUCK, Onus ecclesiae, 275; HEUWIESER, "Turstinger," 40. 76"quod Joannes Episcopus quondam Chyemensis, in opero suo, quod onus Ecclesiae inscripsit." LAZIUS, Fragmentum vaticinii, fol. K iv*". ^^Well documented with reliable bibliography in MARX, Glaube, 41f. 7®Contrast MCUTC: "Bischof Johannes von Chiemsee, der laut den Listen der Bischofe von Chiemsee nicht existiert hat." MARX, Glaube (1982), 40; who uses SCHELHORN, Historische Nachricht (1732), 18f. Piirstinger, speak likewise as though Johaim were the author/^ There is no doubting that Johann Ebser died long before Onus ecclesiae was written.®^ When attached to the book at all, his name is a red herring, or perhaps a deliberate deception. Even so, still today, Ebser is the author listed for Onus ecclesiae in the national libraries of Austria, Belgium and England, as well as the National Union Catalogue for libraries in United States.®^ The third theory is that Johannes Justus von Landsberg (tl539), a Carthusian from Cologne, authored Onus ecclesiae, a view to dismiss out of hand except that Ludwig Pastor cites it without contradiction in his monumental History of the Popes.^^ He refers to the argument of a certain

^^"Nun bringt aber Berthold, Bischof von Chiemsee, in seinem im Jahre 1519 verfafiten Werke, 'Die Last der Kirche'." DOLLINGER, "Weissagungsglaube," 483, cf. 556. Contrast the statement he makes about OE and the legendcuy woman pope: "Selbst Johann Bischof von Chiemsee fuhrt die Agnes mit ihrer Katastrophe als Beweis em, dass die Papste mitimter vom bosen Ceiste getrieben wurden." DOLLINGER, Papst-Fabeln, 22 with fn. 3. Perhaps Dollinger made the 'Berthold discovery' between 1863 ("Weissagungsglaube") and 1871 (Papst-Fabeln). "Berthold Pirstinger ... hatte im Jahre 1519 zur Feder gegriffen, um die 'Last der Kirche' niederzuschreiben." SCHULZE, "Onus ecclesiae," 318. Contrast the footnote comment on the same page: "In einer Kolner bei Quentel erschienenen Ausgabe des Jahres 1531 wird der Verfasser fast identifiziert. Der Titel des Drucks lautet: 'Reverendi in Christo Patris ac Domini D. Joannis, olim Episcopi Chemensis.' [emphasis hisl" SCHULZE, "Onus ecclesiae," 318, fn. 5. The "almost" part of the identification for Schulze must refer to "the Bishop of Chiemsee" and not to ^e italicized Joannis. ®®See above, fns. 14 and 15. is cataloged s.v. "Ebser" (with no cross reference s.v. "Purstinger" or s.v. "Onus") in the National Union Catalog, the Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek (Vienna) and the Bibliothfeque Royeile (Brussels). It can be found s.v. "Ebser" (vdth cross reference s.v. "Onus") at the Universitatsbibliothek (Vienna) and the Center for Reformation Research (St. Louis). It is listed s.v. "Ebser" (as well as "Onus" and 'Tirstinger") in the British Library (London). See fns. 4 and 50. None of the literature on Purstinger or OE (Reithmeier, Werner, Creinz, Picker, Kliiver, Schmuck, Wallner, Heuwieser, Marx, Zoller, Sallaberger, Zeeden, Schwaiger or Schulze) so much as mentions the connection between the legendary Johannes Episcopus Chiemensis and the fifteenth-century bishop, Joharm Ebser, even though bibliographers and libraricms have made that bridge for centuries. One wonders if historians are searching for OE and not finding it, only for failing to look under "Ebser"? About Ebser himself, as bishop, see WALLNER, Bistum Chiemsee, 108f, yet there too without any discussion of his "connection" to OE. ®^"Onus ecclesiae.... In the work, written in 1519, and printed with anti-Lutheran interpolations in 1524, it seems as if the author were a member of a religious order. HEIDHUES 215 parish priest named Heidhues. Following that lead, we find only a brief summary of an unpublished paper, which argued that: 1) the author of Onus ecclesiae hints about links to the Carthusians (Landsberg's order); 2) the improved second edition of the work was printed in Cologne (where

Landsberg lived); and 3) nothing in the book contradicts Landsberg's other writings.®^ The paper itself, and any record of Heidhues, have disappeared.®^ Without the article in hand, therefore, one can only respond to the summary; 1) There is no evidence that the author of Onus ecclesiae was Carthusian, or even monastic for that matter. His quotes from Telesphorus, Merlin and Dandalus — who held that the establishment of the Franciscans and Dominicans foreshadowed the final reformatio — do not sviffice to make him a monk or a friar.®^ 2) The Cologne edition of Onus ecclesiae (1531), although vastly improved over the Landshut edition (1524), nevertheless maintains some 150 mistakes corrected by the Augsburg edition (1531), which claims to be reviewed by the author himself.®^ What is more, the Cologne publisher for Landsberg was Cervicornus not Quentel, the Augsburg printers were

(Annalen d. Histor. Vereins f. d. Niederrhein, LXXIX, 193) believes that a Carthusian of Cologne, perhaps Johannes Justus von Landsberg, was its author." PASTOR, History, Vn, 293. ^^Tfarrer Heidhues von Leuscheid... suchte die Vermutung zu begrunden, dass die 1519 verfasste, aber 1524 zum erstenmale gedruckte kirchliche Reformschrift Onus ecclesiae, die gewohnlich dem Bischof Berthold Pirstinger von Chiemsee zugeschrieben wird, ein Werk Landsbergs sei. Ausgehend von der Ansicht, dass nach Andeutungen der Schrift selbst ihr Verfasser nicht wohl ein Bischof gewesen sein und uberhaupt nicht dem weltgeistlichen Stande angehoren konne, vielmehr im Orden der Karthauser zu suchen sei, stiitzte der Vortragende sich hauptsatzlich [sic] darauf, dass 1531 in K51n ein verbesserter Neudruck erschien, und der Inhalt des Buches dem aus andem [sic] Schriften bekannten Geiste Landsbergs nicht widerspreche." Annalen des Historischen Vereins fiir den Niederrhein 79 (1905), 193. 84"|sjach Durchsicht der Register unserer Annalen mufi ich Ihnen mitteilen, dafi irgendwelche Abhandlungen von Pfarrer Heidhues nicht erschienen sind." Information graciously provided by Dr. Wolfgang Lohr, Schriftleitung, "Annalen des Historischen Vereins fur den Niederrhein," Historischer Verein fur den Niederrhein, 3 September 1996. SSsee OE 16,9. ®^See fns. 44 and 55. 216

Ulhart and Ramminger not Weifienhorn, and no publishing connection links Landsberg to Landshut.®'' Nothing in Onus ecdesiae indicates that the anonymous author lived in Cologne, yet several clues show that he knew Salzburg well, for he writes about fires in Reichenhall and Villach and about the Christian origins of luvavum (the Roman name for Salzburg).®® A final troublesome consideration is that Landsberg was rather young to fit the author's profile. At only 29, he was not likely seasoned enough to make the repeated pejorative references about yoimg whippersnappers (pueri) in both government and the church.®®

Berthold Piirstinger has been discussed as the author of Onus ecdesiae ever since its first printing. At least four copies of the book have early manuscript comments on the title page that refer to Piirstinger (figure A.2).50 The first person to study the question systematically, with an eye to reasons for and against Piirstinger's authorship, was Johann Schelhorn in 1732, whose work was improved significantly by Wolfgang Reithmeier in 1852.®^ Both men took the view that Piirstinger authored the book. Nevertheless, scholars still today doubt that attribution, notably Catholic chvu*ch historians of the last century: Heinrich Denifle, Ludwig Pastor, Josef Lortz, Erwin

S^KOHLER, nos. 2127- 2140. ®®0E 36,5; 47,1. Cf. SCHMUCK, Onus ecdesiae, 26f. About luvavum see. Appendix B, no. 2, at 233 with fn. 9. ®®"Sed hodie tun\ultuantur pueri contra senes" OE 22,7. Tueri erunt principes eorum et effeminati dominabuntur eorum" OE 24,2. "Nunc regna non sunt regna sed puerilia et deliramenta ac latrodnia" OE 24,5. "Vae tibi terra cuius rex puer est," OE 24,7. Tueri denique delicate educantur, in sana doctrina seu iusta disciplina mirume imbuuntur. Immo ad omnia mundana provocemtur maxime ad mendada, dolosa opprobriosaque verba pariter et facta eorum indoles a senioribus eo magis probatur quo plus mentiri et fallere ac temporalia usurpare assuescunt." OE 27,15. ^OSalzUB (F II 56). See also SalzUB (F n 489); BayStB (Res/2 H.un. 85); and BayStB (2 Exeg. 397). ^^SCHELHORN, Commentatio, 6f; idem, Historische Machricht, 17-20, 44-49. REITHMEIER, "Vorwort," xii - xv. 217

Iserloh, Romuald Bauerreiss, Karl Eder, Engelbert Wailner and most recently .^^ None of these scholars, however, answers the arguments in favor of Piirstinger's authorship; and only one of them gives reason to doubt it, namely the radical nature of Onus ecclesiae not reflecting Piirstinger's mild character.^^ On this note, one has to agree that Piirstinger is remarkably clement and open-minded in Onus ecclesiae when talking about particular people — statements ad hominem — and even about condemned heretics. He hesitates for example to pass judgment on Jerome of Prague and John Huss.^'^ Nevertheless about Satan — statements ad diabolum — his words tiirn uncompromisingly bitter. There was no language too vile or aggression too indecent for the devil. He was not playing false to his character of gentleness when condemning demonic campaigns against the church (immissiones per angelos malos). He was serving the devil his just desserts, fighting fire with fire.^^ There are certain reasons to distrust Piirstinger's authorship. Wolfgang Reithmeier, the editor of the nineteenth-century critical edition of Tewtsche Theologey, noted that Piirstinger was a busy man in 1519, so occupied in fact that it seems unthinkable that he wrote Onus ecclesiae. Hans

92dENIFLE, Luther, I/l, 4. PASTOR, History, VII, 293; LORTZ / ISERLOH, Kleine Reformationsgeschichte, 131; BALTERREISS, "Berthold" 266; EDER, Radkersburger, 85; WALLNER, Turstinger," 299; ZEEDEN, 'Turstinger," 179. ^^"Auf die Streitfrage, ob Berthold Piirstinger auch der Verfasser der sehr offenherzigen Schrift 'Onus Ecclesiae,' ist, kann in diesem Zusammenhang nicht eingegangen werden Die Tendenz der Schrift, emster Tadel der Mifistande in der Kirche und Reform der Kirche an Haupt und Gliedem, sprache fur den Chiemseer Bischof, dagegen scheint m.E. die radikale Scharfe des Tones der abgeklarten Art Piirstingers zu widerprechen." EDER, Radkersburger, 85. ^"^"An haec vel alia eronim dogmata [of Huss and Jerome of Prague namely] fuerint novae vanitatis an evangelicae antiquitatis nescio." OE 18,7 (L and Ca; removed in A and Cb). See also Appendix B, no. 2, at 239, fn. 32. 95See OBERMAN, Luther, (Eng. ed.) 106-110, (Ger. ed) 112-116. 218

Widmann, the tum-of-the-century Salzburg Landeshistoriker, compared

Onus ecclesiae and Theologia Germanica and found the Latin styles incompatible.^ But these objections are answerable. Although Piirstinger was indeed a busy man, he worked efficiently. He wrote the larger Teivtsche Theologey in less than 22 months and translated it in four months. Unfortunately, Reithmeier does not document what he means by Purstinger's filled schedule. The Weiheregister indicates, to the contrary in fact, that Piirstinger had more time in 1519, away from his episcopal duties, than during any year previous or subsequent. In 1518, he traveled to 72 different markets, monasteries and cities, consecrating altars, churches and cemeteries. In 1520, he made his way to 29 different communities as far away as Rattenberg and Altenmarkt. But in 1519, he recorded only one visit to Miilln (less than a mile from Salzburg) and another to Hoglworth (10 miles away).^^ In other words, Piirstinger was least burdened by his church duties at a time coincident with the writing of Onus ecclesiae. What is more, the similarity between Onus ecclesiae and Piirstinger's other books is striking, despite Widmann's undeveloped claim of "incompatibility in Latin style." Each work was written in response to a specific request.^® None of them included his name on the title page. Indeed, we know that the Tewtsche Theologey, Theologia Germanica, Tewtsch Rational and Keligpuchel all come Purstinger's pen only because of

^^"Eine Vergleichung des Stiles im Onus ... und in der lateinischen Ubersetzung der Tewtschen Theologey zeigt die Unmoglichkeit, dafi beide Werke von dem gleichen Verfasser sind." WIDMANN, Geschichte Salzburgs, HI, 64 fn. 1. ^^PORSTINGER, Weiheregister, xix- xxxiv. 98About Matthaus Lang's indirect request for TTh and direct request for TG, see Appendix B, 251-257, nos. 4,5,6. About Christoph Fuchs' request for TR and KP, see TG, fol., 2^' About Leonhard von Keutschach and OE see MARX, Glaube, 43. 219 introductory letters included by the printer. All his books were divided along biblical themes: Onus ecdesiae into 70 chapters because of the 70 palms from Elim (Ex. 15:27); Theologica Germanica into 100 chapters in keeping with the shepherd with 100 sheep (Matt. 18:12-14); Tewtsch Rational into 25 chapters and Keligpuchel into 30 chapters for the 25-30 stadia (3-4 miles) rowed by the disciples toward Capernaum before seeing Jesus walk on the water (Jn. 6:16- 19),99 What is more, Piirstinger uses the same signature formulae for citations, marginal cross-references and abbreviations in Onus ecdesiae as in Theologia Germanica. He even quotes the same passages from the corpus iuris canonici. The harmony in style, in fact, is what compelled Johann Schelhorn in 1732, during his analysis of Theologia Germanica, to return to

Onus ecdesiae, which he had examined earlier. Impressed by the accord between books, particularly concerning indulgences, he concluded that they must have been written by the same person.^oo Manfred Schulze found a clear uniformity of views between them regarding anticlericalism and apocalypticism.Finally, the author of Onus ecdesiae and the author of Theologia Germanica wrote identically about their literary abilities and their

^^"Distinguo ... praesentem materiam et coUecturam in ... septuaginta capitxila quasi in septuaginta padmas, quae erant in Helim." OE prolog, 7. "Congessi itaque libellum in centum capitula, quibus iuxta paradigma evangelicum centum ovibus pascua uberrima praestaretur." TG, fol. A iiv (here in Appendix B, no. 6,83-85). "die funff und zwaintzig gwandten wegs, so des herren junger auffm mohre bey Caphamaum angehebt habben zefaren." TR, fol. N 3'. "die dreyssig gwandten wegs, von denen meldung beschiecht im Evangeli Joharmis am sexten capitel." KP, fol. n 5^ col. 1; cf. fol. a 1*. lOO"Bey Durchlesung dieser Schrift [= TG] bin ich bey nahe auf die Muthmassung gefallen, dafi dieser Berchtold der Verfasser des Werks: Last der Kirche (Onus ecdesiae) vielleicht mochte gewesen seyn.... Die Schreibart in diesem Buche: Last der Kirche, und der hier gedachten Schrift: Deutsche Theologie, ist in beyden ziemlich einander ahnlich." SCHELHORN, Historische Nachricht, 37-54, esp. 44-51, here at 44f. This section was not part of the Latin original of the same year (SCHELHORN, Commentatio). It was added to the German traiulation. The key chapters on indulgences are OE 15 and TTh 89. lO^SCHULZE, "Onus ecdesiae," 321. 220 agenda, "not to charm the reader" {ad aures mulcendas) but "to help Christendom" {ad utilitatem reipublicae christianae)A^^ Both works were submitted to the judgment of the Holy Apostolic See, or to those in better position to dedde.^o^ Piirstinger's books often appear together in the same original binding. With few exceptions, Tewtsch Rational and Keligpuchel share one cover,^^'^ sometimes together with Tewtsche Theologey^^^ Likewise, Tezvtsche Theologey is bound with Theologia Germanica.^^^ Yet even Onus ecclesiae plays into this marriage of volumes. At one time or another, it was sewn together with each of Piirstinger's other four books. Onus ecclesiae (A) and Theologia Germanica often share one binding. They were both printed in 1531 by WeiCenhorn.107 Even Onus ecclesiae (Ca) — printed in 1531 by Quentel — appears with Theologia GermanicaA^^ Likewise, Onus ecclesiae was joined under one cover with the Tewtsch Rational and the Keligpuchel, again all three from the same print shop.^''® Beyond this sharing of shelf

lOZ-fsjam libellus hie non ad aures mulcendas linguamque poliendam, sed ad cautelas praestandas paratur ... non ex levitate sed ad communem utilitatem reipublicae christianae." OE prolog, 3. 'Ideo praesentem tractatum institui, non ad aures mulcendas vel ad eloquentiam ostentandam, sed ad christianae reipublicae utilitatem." TG (see Appendix B, no. 6, at 256.73- 75). ^03"Omnia autem et singula praesentia collecta subiido correctioni, emendationi et suppletioni sanctae sedis apostolicae caeterorumque meorum maiorum." OE prolog, 4. "sed offero me et mea scripta iudicio sedis apostolicae aut cuiuslibet catholid episcopi vel doctoris non suspecti vel legittimae universitatis, quorum onmiimi et singulorum cognitioni stare paratus sum." TG (see Appendix B, no. 6,25658-61). 104see TR bound alone (BayStB 2 Liturg. 383); and TR bound with Johannes Eck, Christenliche underricht (Ingolstadt, 1533), a copy owned by Eck himself (BayStB Res/2 Liturg. 384). ^O^BayStB (Res/2 Liturg. 385); BayStB (Res/2 Uturg. 386); SbSP (18.957 ID; and SalzUB (F II 145). lO^BayStB (2 Dogm. 45a). ^07BayStB (2 Exeg. 401; 2 Exeg. 401a; 2 Dogm. 46a). ^08BayStB (2 Exeg. 266). ^O^BayStB (2 Dogm. 43). 221 space, there was a documentable exchange of information. Onus ecclesiae is dted frequently in both the Tewtsche Theologey'^'^^ and the KeligpuchelA'^'^ Perhaps the best collection of Piirstinger books anywhere in the empire, including the rich monastery libraries of St. Peter's and Melk, was that held by the Priesterspital in Saalfelden (1621). The strength of the Saalfelden collection is no surprise, since the Priesterspital was founded by Piirstinger, and since he bequeathed much of his estate to it. Noteworthy nevertheless is the fact that its small collection of 187 volumes included, beyond copies of every treatise known to be written or edited by Piirstinger, a copy of Onus ecclesiae. Perhaps the most convincing evidence that Piirstinger wrote Onus ecclesiae hails from two people who knew him and who owned the book. The copy of Onus ecclesiae in view, held today by the Salzburg Universitatsbibliothek, was first owned by Ulrich Ehinger (tl539), and later by Johann Rotmair (tl567), both of whom served in the princely court of archbishop Matthaus Lang.^^^ Ehinger purchased the book in 1526."^^^ At the bottom of the titie page (figure A.2), he wrote his name, the year, and the words "I endure and I receive in full" dAvexco Kai ccTtixco). Near the top of the

llOSee TTh or TG; 10;3; 24,8; 54,7; 55,5; 74,4; 743; 78,1; 83,4; 84,6; 84,7; 89,2; 89,6; 91,10; 91,14; 92,6. KP 5,6 and 11,1. The different interpretations about the significance of these quotes — WIDMANN, Geschichte, HI, 64, fn. 1 (lacking references); GREINZ, Tiirstinger," 320 (with erroneous references); and HEUWIESER, "Piirstinger," 41f (following Widmann and Greinz) — cannot be answered, above all because the "Einleitung" for the KP (mentioned by Greinz), or "Vorwort" (so Heuwieser), does not exist! 112"Cathalogus librorum, qui in xenodochio Salveldensi habentur." KAS 8/89 facs. "Priesterspital, 1532-1667." St. Peter's holds two copies of TTh, one each of TG, TR and KP, but no copy of OE. Melk holds one each of OE, TG, TR and KP, but no copy of TTh. "^SALLABERGER, 'Piirstinger," 451-453 with fns. 119 and 120. About Ulrich Ehinger (+1539), coiart chaplain and secretary to archbishop Lang, see BAYR, Personal- und Familienpolitik, 123f. 222

page, after the title, he wrote "by the Reverend, Lord, Lord, Berthold, bishop of Chiemsee." (per R[everendissimum] D[ominum] D[ominuin] Berchtoldum Ep[iscopu]m Chiemen[sis] aeditiun)." When Ehinger died in 1539, Rotmair acquired the book. Crossing out Ehinger's signature, he wrote his own name on the title page (that same year, Rotmair and Purstinger had met in Saalfelden).^^^ But noteworthy enough, Rotmair kept the attribution to Purstinger, even after their meeting. Two men dose to Purstinger not only ascribed the work to him, but maintained that view during the next several decades while working in the same commvinity beside him. All the evidence, when considered together, points to the fact that Berthold Purstinger wrote Onus ecclesiae.

*****

Onus ecclesiae was not "one of the two most noteworthy pre- reformation Flugschriften;" nor today is it "a very well known book."^^^ As Christian Greinz observed in 1904, "The name Berthold Purstinger is seldom mentioned today, and to many, it is scarcely if at all known.... Even inside his homeland, he has been abandoned more or less to oblivion. Yet at one time Onus ecclesiae did enjoy a role more important in Reformation historiography than it does today. Soon after its first printing, it

About Johann Rotmair (+1567), Kammermeister (1539-1542), see BAYER, Personal- und Familienpolitik, 89, 91,113. Rotmair was sent by Matthaus Lang in 1539 to meet Purstinger in Saalfelden regarding Purstinger's "rat und guetbeduncken" on the Frankfurter Standstill Agreement. ARC, in, no. 31, at 50.14-21 (cf. above, 179 fn. 95, and SALLABERGER, 'Tiirstinger," 480). ^^^See above, fns. 1 and 3. The printing history of the Reformatio Sigismundi (Basel, 1439) shows its importance: with 16 manuscript copies, 4 incunabula editions, and 11 early printings. See Reformation Kaiser Siegmunds (H. Koller, ed.), 15-16, 34-46. 117"Der Name 'Berthold Purstinger' wird heutzutage nicht mehr oft gennant und ist vielen nur wenig oder gar nicht bekarmt... selbst in seiner Heimat ist er mehr oder weniger der Vergessenheit anheimgefallen." GREINZ, 'Turstinger," 275. 223 was known to both Protestants and Catholics. Sebastian Meyer the Protestant Commentator on Revelation used it in 1534 regarding the "mixed antichrist" and the "three-fold advent" of Christ.^Wolfgang Lazius the Catholic collector of prophecy in Vierma referred to it in 1548 in connection to the anonymous Praesagium Caroli that inspired Piirstinger to write.^^® Johann Wolf reprinted multi-page selections from Onus ecclesiae at the tiim of the century for his anthology of memorable works from the ISOOs.^^® In 1705 the Bibliotheca antiqua included a thirty-page svimmary of Onus ecclesiae culled chapter by chapter.^^i x^e Protestant historian Hermann von der Hardt (tl746) printed the entire fifteenth chapter — alongside treatises by Leo X, Tetzel, Luther and Melanchthon, all on indulgences — for his bicentennial compendium of Reformation literature.^22 ^ years later the Catholic theologian, Eusebius Amort (tl775), printed the same chapter as part of his digest volume on indulgences; Amort, however, included Onus ecclesiae in a section saved for theological errors.^23 johann Schelhorn devoted 37 pages to Piirstinger in his 1732 history of the evangelical movement in Sal2burg.^24 ^ century later, Johann Reithmeier, issued a critical edition of Piirstinger's Tezvtsche Theologey, and soon afterward Otto Clemen called for a critical edition of Onus ecclesiae.Johann Dollinger wrote that Onus ecclesiae was

^^®MEYER, In apocalypsim, fol SV, 84^ (Irena Backus kindly refered me to Meyer). ^^^LAZIUS, Fragmentum vaticinii, fol. 46*". On the Praesagium Caroli see OE prolog, proem, and 48,8. See also KLOVER, Onus ecclesiae, 45-47; and REEVES, Influence, 361. 120wolf, Lectionum memorabilium, n, 104-111. Bibliotheca antiqua, 201-213, 313-326. ^22HARDT, Historia, IV, 18-27. ^^"Hoc opusculum propterea inter Errores referre volui, quia ob varios errores merito inter Libros prohibitos ponitur. Onus Ecclesiae." AMORT, De origine ... indulgentiarum, II, 21- 31, at 31. ^^^SCHELHORN, Historische Nachricht, 17-54. 224 the "closure" of medieval prophecy, a book to identify as the "landmark frontier" of Reformation prophecy.^26 ^t the turn of the twentieth century, Heinrich Werner wrote the first monograph on Piirstinger. The Luther scholar, Johannes Ficker, devoted nine pages of detailed original work to a "Piirstinger" article for the Realenzyklopadie. In 1922, Herman Kliiver finished his Inaugural-Dissertation on the prophetic and apocalyptic sources used by Piirstinger. Shortly after the turn of the century, however, Piirstinger was largely forgotten by historians of the Reformation, left to a few talented researchers interested in Salzburg Heimatgeschichte (Greinz, Schmuck, Wallner, Heuwieser, Sallaberger and Schwaiger), with only two exceptions: the fine book on the theology of Tewtsche Theologey by Gerhard Marx, from the former DDR; and the article-length study on Piirstinger's anticlericalism by Manfred Schulze, then in Tiibingen. Indeed, Piirstinger and Onus ecclesiae have all but disappeared from histories and handbooks on the Reformation, save for the die-hard history by Bihlmeyer and Tiichle, now in its nineteenth edition, which calls Onus ecclesiae a pamphlet {Flugschrift),^^"^ confines it to

^^^"Sehr willkommen ware eine kritische Neuausgabe von Onus ecclesiae unter Kennzeichnung der nach Werners Ansicht [= WERNER, Onus ecclesiae] vom Korrektor [= Viepeckius] der Landshuter Druckerei 1524 hinzugefiigten lutherfeindlichen Interpolationen." CLEMEN, "[Review]" 362. 126"Ais den Abschliifi und Grenzstein des mittelalterlichen Prophetentums konnen wir das im Jahre 1519 geschriebene Werk des Bischofs Berthold von Chiemsee, 'Die Last der Kirche', nermen." DOLLINGER, "Weissagungsglaube," 556. its different printings, OE required between 123 and 140 folio leafs (or 246-280 pages). "Rugschrift kann man es kaum nennen" CLEMEN, "[Review]," 362. Bihlmeyer and Tuchle are not alone in calling OE a Flugschrift. See also: RUPPRICH, Die deutsche Literatur, I, 369 (OE as "Flugblatt"); II, 95 (OE as 'Tlugschrift); Erwin ISERLOH in HKG. IV, 207 (OE as "Flugschrift"). Any new discussion of "Rugschriften" will have refer to the research and findings of the Tubingen "Flugschriftenproject." Articles presented at the 1980 "Flugschriften Symposion" were published H.-J. KdHLER (ed.), Flugschriften als Massenmedium der Reformationszeit. ^e also the updated report by KOHLER, "Flugschriften der fruhen Neuzeit." 225

the pre-Reformation,^28 and affords it a reputation comparable to

Reformation Kaiser Sigismunds.^^^

^2®Purstinger reworked the book in 1531! ^^See fn. 1. 226

APPENDIX B

Texts

1) Histonca narratio conflagrationis civitatis Reichenhall (1515) 228

2) PORSTINGER, Ratschlag auf dem Landtag (25 January 1526) 233

3) PORSTINGER, [Consilium cedendi et renunciandt] (16 April 1526) 247

4) PORSTINGER to LANG (Raitenhaslach, 4 December 1527) 251

5) LANG to PORSTINGER (Salzburg, 17 December 1528) 253

6) PORSTINGER to LANG [Saalfelden, 15 April 1529] 254

7) PORSTINGER to LANG (Saalfelden, 2 September 1533) 258

8) [PORSTINGER] to LANG (Saalfelden, 22 October 1533) 260

9) PtJRSTINGER to LANG ([Saalfelden], 8 November 1533) 261

10) PORSTINGER to LANG (Saalfelden, 15 September]1535) 267

11) PORSTINGER to LANG (Saalfelden, 15 September 1535) 269

12) PORSTINGER to LANG (Saalfelden, 3 October 1535) 271

13) PORSTINGER to LANG (Saalfelden, 22 October 1535) 275

Glossary 281

Editorial Principles

1) Pimctuation is modernized. 2) Majuscules are limited to proper nouns and first words of every sentence. 3) Abbreviations are expanded (except for formalities like e.f.g.; see the list in ARC). 4) Latin orthography is standardized (according to LEWIS / SHORT, A Latin Dictionary). 5) German orthography remains as in the text. 6) Emendations are bracketed (e.g., [be]sonder, and conversionis Pauli [= 25 Jan.]). 7) Quotations (Isa 30:1-3) are distingmshed from paraphrased references (cf. Isa 30:1-3). 8) Biblical citations and abreviations refer to the Biblia vulgata (Madrid, 1982). 227

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Figure B.l PORSTINGER to LANG, 15 Sept 1535 (= no. 11, here at 269) 228

No. 1; Historica narratio conflagrationis civitatis Reichenhall (1515)

Location: BayStB: elm 1022 (fol. 52^''^). German translation from the sixteenth century, printed in HOFMANN, Die Schreckensjahre, 11-14. Literature: VOGEL, Geschichte, 43, 55, 56. Description: Paper codex (in folio) bound in leather, with the title "Necrologium monasterii S. Zenonis;" the "Historica narratio" is an addendum. Abstract: A maid-prostitute named Christina, employed at the public bath in Reichenhall, sets a house on fire to avenge a personal injury. The fire spreads, burns down most of the city and kills many residents. For punishment, Christina is burned at the stake.

Anno ab incarnatione domini quindecimo ultra sesquimillesimum. Mulier quaedam nefaria Christina nomine, in oppido Reichenhall, balnearum famula, quam ambubaiami quidam Latini vocent, a quadam vidna et eiusdem professionis femina iruxiriis affecta convitiisque lacessita, invidiae fadbus agitantibus, uldscendi modum diutius meditata. Hoc tandem malum et horrendtim vindictae genus inveniens, decrevit perpetrandum, ut domuitionem suae aemulae ignis incendio inflammaret, quod et perficere hoc modo instituit, siquidem ei haud diffidle facta fuerat. Habuit enim super oppidi moenia occultum planumque eius ad domum aditum, cui utriusque habitationes erant contiguae, altera super portam Taurstain, altera vero ad portam Schlaiztor nuncupatam.2 Itaque die lunae post oculi in quadragesima [=12 March], opportunitate nacta, face accepta ardenti ad domum alterius pergens ignem in carpentarum congeriem sub tecto coniectam intrusit ac prima fronte ignem continere renuit. Mox alteram attulit faoilam, quae cum ut prius sese institute videret frustratam stomachanti animo, tertiam corripuit facem, quam in omnium daemonum nomine intersit cumulo, qui tandem arrepto igne in flammas exurgens crepitantes, tectum domus totimi transcurrit. Quod cum oppidani conspicati essent, mente consternati attonitique pro domus defensione turmatim advolabant. At parum, immo nihil profecerunt. Ventus enim haud mediocris ignem

'Tjath-maid" i.e. prostitute. Horace and Suetonius used ambubaia to refer to young women in Rome who earned money as musicians and prostitutes (cf. HORACE, Satirae, 1, 2,1; and SUETONIUS, Nero, 27). ^About the city wall and rampart gates see VOGEL, Geschichte, 51. 229

vehementiorem reddens, qui tegtilis adhaerens suo flatu impellente ante remotiores incendit aedes quam proximas, et adeo invaluit, ut in unius horae spatio totum involueret oppidum, nec una remansit illaesa domus praeter salisputei^ et fratrum de monasterio domos,'* quae ab huiusmodi vulcani impetu aut divini numinis tuitione aut nervosiori defendentium conamine incolumes evasere. Quin potius, quum altera tecto esset laterido mxinita, altera vero a vidnis domibus aliquam per intercapedinem discreta. Mirum dictu sed visu mirabilius! Ventus enim in quosque oppidi angtilos sese gyrans veluti ratione utens nihil intactum illaesumque sinebat, sed cuncta cogente igne combustibilia in dnerem redacta fore satagebat. Horribile visu mirum in modum erat. Nam ex diversorum ventorum conspiramine favillae et ardentes tectorum scandulae sese conglomerando rotatae in sublime elevabantur, tanta densitate in aere convolantes versus nostrum monasterium, ut nec polus nec nubes videri possent. Haud secus cemere erat ac si ab oppido nostrum ultra coenobium tholus igneus sublimius in aere expansus videretur. Qui ignis sparsim in terram cadens, fimum in agris paulo ante aratum ac dilatatum arboresque nonnuUas incendebat. Praeterea plura horrea procul ab oppido pro faeno conservando coUocata et domum quandam in dnerem redegit, et nisi humor quidam, in raram congelatus nivem e sublimi nubium sparsim lapsus fuisset, multo maius circum oppidum incolis damnum intulisset. Nec nostrum quidem monasterium iterum evasisset, quia altera vice incendii flammis periisset, nisi divino fuisset protectum numine, quia fidelis Deus, qui non bis punit in idipsum.^ Verum ut de ignis

^About the Salzbrunnen built in 1438 see VOGEL, Geschichte, 48. '^t. Zeno, canons regular. ^About the St. Zeno canonry fire in 1512, three years before the city conflagration, the following report comes from a seventeenth-century Chronik: "Unter ihm [= Propst Oswald Ferg, 1505-1515] sank das Kloster in Folge einer zufallig ausgebrochenen Feuersbrunst am 5. Juli 1512 in Asche. Das Klosterdach, die Gerate und Kostbarkeiten der Kirche, auch die Bibliothek und wohl viele der alten Dokumente gingen zu Grunde. Dieses Ereignis versetzte den so gutherzigen Mann in tiefe Trauer. Nicht minder erschutterte ihn dessen Wiederholung, indem 2 Jahre deu-auf am 12. Marz 1514 [sic =1515] morgens 4 Uhr infolge der unheilvollen Anschlage eines bitterbosen Weibes eine Feuersbnmst die ganze Stadt in Trummer legte und fast 300 Menschen darunter begrub. Mit lebendigen Farben schildert der damalige Dekan des Klosters, 230

cnidelitate latius scribere paulisper calamum sistam, et hoc quod sequitur connectere placuit, vidisses viros defensionis labore et opaci 60 fumi acerbitate fatigatos, qui dolore ac pavore tabescentes dimissis rebus ac laribus suis fuga quaesiere salutem. (Quis namque verbis consequi possit, aut quo sermonum lamentabili genere, quis complecti queat illud terribile miserabileque spectaculum?) Vidisses quoque mulieres lachrymis ora genasque rigantes, maiubus super capita complosis, voces 65 edere lamentabiles, quasdam vero vagientes infantulos tremulis in ulnis extra moenia baiulare. Erat prospecto intuentibus lugubris aspectus, quinimmo sentientibus patientibusque dolor incredibilis. Quaerebat vir uxorem, et vice versa uxor virum, timentes alterutri, ne mortis discrimini sese quis exposuisset. Nec caruit hoc exitialis 70 calamitas plurimorum mortalium nece, quia ducenti fere homines utriusque sexus, qui rerum forsitan suarum observantia nimium solliciti densi fumi acrimonia suffocati ac ignis cruciatu combusti animas exhalasse, reperti numeratique stmt Itaque huius oppidi maior conflagratio duarum horanim spatio vel paulo longiore [foi. 52*] duravit, 75 at nondum ignis penitus extinctus, quia in plerisque aedibus postridie et tertium quartumve in diem lignorum in titionibus exarsit. O inscrutabilia Dei iudida! O divinae iustitiae animadversio! Quis etiam tanto intellectus acumine est praeditus, qui diiudicare possit cur tam lamentabilis miserabilisque plaga toties irruit super hoc oppidum? 80 Siquidem uno in saeculo vel ut darius dicam in centum annorum cursu, nimc tertio perit ignis incendio. De particularibus vero exustionibus litterarum monumentis mandare modo missum fado, ne legentibus oneri futurus fiam. O dementissime Deus, conserva nos mortales, ne inferias missi Tartareis cruciemur ignibus in saecula 85 duraturis. Amen.

Sed nec hoc praetereundum silentio arbitror. Actrix deinde huius mali capta vinculis mandpata, quae in tortiira se ream fassa, at non sui instituti fuisse asseruit, ut totum oppidum conflagratione perdere

Andreas Schwabl, uber dessen Werk ich eben sitze, die hochnotpeinliche Hinrichtung der Uebeltaterin, bei der er selbst zugegen war." LANDSPERGER, Chronik, § IV (no pag.). 231

decrevisset, sed praeter voluntatem suam ignem tanhim siunpsisse 90 incrementum, seque arbitratam non latius sese extensurum, sed defendentium manibus quemadmodmn prius usu venisset extinctum iri confidebat. Verum huiusmodi excusatio nullam vim habuit, nec ei opem ferre potuit, sed igni demiim addicta. Statute igitxir die posita in curru vehebatvir ad aedes, ubi nefandissimxim incendii facinus ordita 95 est, ante cuius fores camifex ignito forcipe, ex utriusque brachii musculis, carnis frustulum excerpsit, ipsa horribiliter clamante. Tandem ad extremimi supplidi locum deducta, magna populi stipante caterva, ubi palus baud mediocris crassitudinis terrae infixus et erectus fuit, strue lignorum circumseptus, quem ubi male sana mulier 100 conspicata fuisset, interrogavit, quid rei hoc esset? Ad quod lictorum quidam: "Hie, inquit, fore factorum tuorum poenam luitura es." Postea camifices, quorum tres aderant, earn palo catenis ferreis clavo firmatis fortiori alligaverunt, ne sursum deorsumve se flectere vel movere posset. Quo facto rogum igne admoto incenderimt, qui correpto igne 105 mox crevit ul trices in flammas et infelix mulier in mediis stans flammis horribiliter clamavit. Clamabat quoque populus coram adstans, et nomen Jesus benedictum ingeminans exprimit. His consideratis homo compatiens pensi habeat, quos dolores et cruciatus perpessa sit, quoquo enim se versebat, nihil ante nihil post se nisi torquentem sentiebat 110 ignem. O quam ferventem anhelando carpebat auram! Siquidem inspirando in se trahebat flaiiunam respirando mitabat aerem, licet iuste merebatur. Utinam sic Deo et hominibus satisfecisset, attamen sine compassione spectari neutiquam potmt. Animadvertat quis, si duntaxat digitum tantisper in igne haberet, quantis doloribus et cruciatibus 115 afficeretur! Taceo totum corpus eius ingenti ignis rogo cinctum ferventem flammarvun ardorem. Sensisse qmd sit? Nec statim mortem obire poterat, quia torres et prunae eam contingere nequibant, quia pyra per duorum ferme pedum distantiam a palo erat disiuncta, attamen flammis cruciando cremata animam reddidit, sicque integra quasi tosta 120 et assata, ixissu et sententia prindpis in diem sequentem est reservata. Ego itaque curiositate ductus Phoebo iam in occasum vergente bustum adivi, ubi non sine mentis stupore vidi miserabilis eius funeris 232

staturam adhuc enim nudata stabat, lacertis super caput elevatis, et msinibus versus terrain demissis, digitisque in pugnum contractis, 125 fuligine ignis adeo denigrata ut Maurae instar imaginem daret Camis tamen pulpae et cutis maiori parte integrae erant. Postridie vero eius diei tota incinerata est principe sic iubente. Tali igitur horribili tonnento misera mulier de medio sublata est.^ Utinam prius dum fuerat furti criminis acciisata, et ob hoc comprehensa, non fuisset poena 130 pecuniaria mulctata, sed corporali affecta, leviori utique mitiorique morte vitam terminasset, et procul dubio oppidum Reichenhall illaesum ac integrum permansisset, et non tam miserabilis hominum clades huiusmodi incendio facta fuisset. Faxit Deus, ut omnes eorum animae quiete aetema firuantur. Amen. 1524.

^The place Christina was bumed is marked today by the Reichenhaller Stachus (cf. HOFFMAN, Die Schreckensjahre, 15). 233

No. 2: PtJRSTINGER, Ratschlag aufdem Landtag (25 January 1526)

Location: SbSP: Codex b XIUSZ (pag. 227-241) Literature: Not mentioned* Description: Copy (ca. 1600) in a miscellaneous (Sammelband) paper codex; 20 x 30 cm 5 bouTui in pergament; part of a short Chronik by Stainhauser (see OSPALD, "Stainhauser," 12f, at fn. 34); later pagination in pencil. Abstract: Times have never been more dangerous! As Attila the Hun once overthrew the work started for the church in Germany by Matemus, so now the devil destroys the foundations laid for the gospel in Salzburg by St. Rupert. God allows Satan to stir people 10 into rebellion to punish thm for turning from the true faith of their ancestors to heresy, and now especially to the new ideas about freedom as preached by Luther. The eastern church, as St. Bridget once prophesied, is now subject to the Turk. The best advice, to avoid divine plagues, is to keep the true faith.

Herrn Bertholden byschoven zue Chiemsee rathschlag auf dem 15 landtag conversionis Pauli [= 25 January] anno 1526. Jahr. Von anfang der christenhait ist kiinfftige verwiiestung Salzburgerisches landts und verderbung der inwohner so nachent und scheinbar nie gesehen als iezmals diser gefahrlichen zeit. Da St. Peter sein jiinger Marcellum und Maternum in Teiitschlandt christlichen 20 glauben daselbs zu prodigen gesandt,^ haben wenig leiith denselben glauben angenommen, seindt bald darvon abgefallen. Darauf hat Gott desselben mals schware plagen iibers Teiitschlandt verhengt, sonderlich durch den t)^an Athila,® der sich deChalb ein gayfiel Gottes genannt und ganz Teiitschlandt iiberzogen 25 hat, dardurch dises landt und statt Salzburg, dieselb zeit genannt Helffenburg,9 gar in grundt zerbrochen, zerstort, verwiiestet, auch all

*Dr. Josef Feldner brought the manuscript to my attention. Dr. Adolf Hahnl helped tirelessly to solve paleographic problems. reference to the legend of St. Peter, who commissioned three disciples to preach the gospel north of the Alps. About Matemus and Marcellus see above, 153f, and TTh 91,14. LEVISON, "Anfange," is good for Matemus but does not mention Marcellus. Better is the article in KL, s.v. "Coin," II 673f. See also VORAGINE, Legenda aurea, 89. ^Attila the Hun (+453). ^Common Humanist translation of Juvavum, the Roman dty (abandoned 488), on which Salzburg was built. See BONORAND, Vadian, 34-37. The misleading translation is based on jtware Qience Helfenburg), but Juvavum had its roots elsewhere. For a survey of the various theories see Norbert HEGER, "Die Romerzeit," in GS, I/l, 76f, fn. 28. About Helfenburg as a medievcil and B«u*oque term see DOPSCH/HOFFMANN, Ceschichte, 40. 234 inwohner getodt iind verderbt, daneben dafi ganz landt mit sambt der statt verodt ist worden.

Nachmals hat St. Ruepprecht^^ diser provinz und umbligendten landten. christlichen glauben widerumb aufgericht, mit hilf und gunst des christlichen fiirsten Theodo, herzogs in Bayem,^^ dise statt Salzbtirg durch fromb christenleiith angehebt aufzubauen, des landt odtgrundt aufzuraiimen und zu frichten zuebringen, auch neii christenlich leiith und inwohnem darin zusozen. Dieweil dieselben und ihr nachkhommen, lonser eltem, aufrecht christen gebliben, hat ihnen der allmachtig[e] gueten frid verlichen und vor etlicher verderbung verhiiet. Aber diser gefahrlichen zeit stollen sich all sachen zur unschickhlichkheit und unruehe, auch [pag. 228] zur ganzen verderben landts und leiith.^^ Darumb ist anfanges zuebedenkhen, aus wafi ursachen unl2 solches verderben vorsteth, nemblich, warumb Gott verhengt, dafi der teiifel iezt verschinner zeit under gemainen leiithen in Teiitschen landten sovil aufstandt erwockhet und geursacht hat, dafi schier allenthalben landt und leiith in abfall gestigen sindt. Dan[n] durch aufstandt, dariim sich die undertharmen uber ihr obere[n] erhoben, wurdt[e] alle ordnung und wo[h]lfarth ganzes landt betriiebt und umbgekhert,^^ wo die fiiefi oben sollen stehn und dalS haubt soli auf der erden gehn, alsdann mueC der ganze potich

^®St. Rupert, bishop of Worms (until ca. 695), founding abbot of St. Peter's in Salzburg (reg. 696-716/18). See the sununary in Herwig WOLFRAM, "Die Zeit der Agilolfinger — Rupert und Virgil," in GS, I/l, 121-156, esp. 121-130; and DOPSCH / HOFFMANN, Geschichte, 84-95. ^^Theodo, duke of Bavaria (ca. 680-716), invited Rupert to Regensburg (in ca. 695) and later gave him land in present day Salzburg upon which to build St. Peter's (ca. 696). See further Herwig WOLFRAM, "Die Zeit der Agilolfinger — Rupert und Virgil," in GS, I/l, 121-156, esp. 128-29; and DOPSCH / HOFFMANN, Geschichte, 84-95. ^^Piirstinger introduces TTh with reference to St. Rupert, duke Theodo, Attila the Hun and Hellfenburg {TTh, Vorrede, 1); and later mentions St. Rupert (TTh, 23,8; 91,14); duke Theodo {TTh 24,6); Attila the Hun {TTh 91,14); and Marcellus tind Matemus {TTh, 91,14). He also mentions Rupert the bishop of Juvavum ("Rudbertus luvanensis episcopus" OE 47,1). ^^About the 1525 Peasants' War in Salzburg, with a critique of old and new literature see Heinz DOPSCH, "Bauemkrieg und Glaubensspaltung," in GS, II/l, 11-84, and idem, "Salzburger Bauemkrieg." For Purstinger's role in the Peasants' War see above, 176-189. 235

umbfallen. Also mueC ein gauzes landt zerstorrt werden. So sye die vinderthannen iiber ihre obere sich erhoben, so die weysen miiessen geschweigen und die imvemiinfftigen roden. Solche ursach unsers verdorbens ist vor augen und beraith verhanden, nemblich, umb das wtir Teiitschen leichfertigelich glauben und folgen neiien verfiiehrischen lehren, under denen aine ist von christlicher freyheit,^'^ die zur aigenwilligkheit und gefallen gemainen leuthen falschlich eingefiiehrt und ungeistlich von zeitlicher freyheit ausgelegt ist. Wiewoll wiir christen in christliche freyhait beruefft sein (wie sanct Paulus schreibt), dafi nimmer des teiifels gefangen soUen sein,^5 ermahnet uns doch derselbig Paulus, dafi wiir durch solche freyheit nit ursachen des fleisch[es] freyheit, sonder[n] in lieb des geists aneinder diennen.^^ Wer sich nun in crafft evangelischer freyheit anmasst, wider sein obrigkheit aufzustehn, derselb wurdt treiilofi und nit anders firey dann wie ein freyheit mit den loterholz,^^ Noch mehr ursachen kunfftigen unsers ellendts mogen angezaigt werden, nemblich, dafi wiir unsers hinunelischen vaters [pag. 229] gebot ubertroten, dafi wiir unserer heilligen muetter, der christlichen catholischen kiirchen, ermahnung, ziier und ordnung verspotten. Morckht, wafi Gott zum verkherten christen spricht: Ist nit die christlich kiirch dein miietter, die dein seel in der tauff zum hayll geboren hat?^® Item wur verursachen auch unser kunftiges verderben mit deme, daiS wiir imser geistliche arzenei xmd pflaster, die sacrament, verachten,!^ sonderlich dafi wiir nach unserm vermogen Gott, tmserem schopffer und erlodiger, nimmer erbietten zimmliche ehr noch diennstbarkheit. So wiir zuthuen schuldig sein, wie unsere eltern

I^lutheR, Von der Freiheit eines Christenmenschen (1520), VIA 6.12-38. 15Cf. 1 Tim 3:7; 2 Tim 2:26; Heb 2:14; Apoc 2:10. l^Gal 5:13. A wooden stick (magic wand) used for illusions, trickery and hocus-pocus (perhaps also a play on words: "Loterholz" and "Luther-holz."). 18a. 1 Pet 3:21; 1 Thes 2:7. Luc 5:31f. About geistliche artzney, sacramenien and pflastern see TTh, 58,2-6. What Scribner says about Arznei — "visitors were explicitly asked to make sure that none of the clergy nuide use of folk healing {Arznei)" — refers to herbal remedies for physical ailments, not sacramental aids for spiritual ailments. SCRIBNER, Popular Culture, 255. 236

75 andachtigelich gethaiin und unfi dergleichen zuethuen underweiset haben. Wer Gott nit gibt gebiirlichen diennst, nemblich forcht, lieb, zucht und ehr, auch anders wal3 ein vemiinfftige creatur Gott zuthuen schuldig ist, demselben verleicht Gott nit, was ihme noth ist. 80 Darumb sprach graf Achior zu herzog Holofemamr^o Alfi offt die kinder Israel (da aber die christen bedeiittet sein) ausserhalb ihres Gott[es] einen anderen angebettet, alsdan sein sye mennigelich gegeben zu preyfi und in schlag auch in schandt und laster. AliS offt sie aber berueh[r]t haben, umb dafi sye sich vom diennst ihres Gottes abgezogen, 85 alsdann hat er ihnen von himmel crafft ge[ge]ben zu widerstehn ihren feinden. Unnd dieweill sye in angesiicht ihres Gottes nit gesiindiget, dazwischen haben sye gehabt guete wolfarth. Dergleichen die Salzburger und inwohner des landts, weil sie im diennst Gottes und der kiirchen gehorsamb gewesen, da habens[ie] gliickh und haill gehabt. Da sye aber 90 neiie falsche lehre gehort, gelesen und angenommen, darneben gewohnlichen gottesdiennst verlassen und underlassen, [pag. 230] die kiirch verschmacht und verfieherischen maistem nachgefolgt sein, hat sye der teufel zu aufstandt bewogt, dardurch sie in armueth und in vill andere iibel gefallen, der kiirchen zuer und klainot, mit denen unsere 95 eltern Gott und himelische kurch hie in streitendte kiirch^^ andachtigelich geehrt haben, haben wiir schandtlich verkhert, verschmolzen und sonst bosslich bekhiimmern miiessen, der gestaldt ist dem teufel und seinem hauffen worden, was Gott und seiner kiirchen zuegehort. 100 Darauf sein gottliche weysheit zu unfi spricht durch Ezechielem:^^ Ihr habt in alien ihr belaid [igjungen und immenschlichkeiten meinen heilligen vorrath zerbrochen. Danunb wurdt ich eiich auch zerbrachen imd mich iiber euch nit erbarmen, sonder[n] meinen zom erfiillen. Die

About Holofemes and Achior see Judith 2-6; for Achior's speech itself, 5:5-25. Purstinger also refers to Holofemes as a symbol for the Turk, tjn-anny and the fury of the laity (OE 46^). It was common for late-medieval German writers to give noble titles to biblical fimres (here Graf and Herzog). ^^ecclesia triumphans and ecclesia militans. 22Cf. Ezech 6:6; 12:20; 19:7; 20J3; 26:19; 30:7; 35:4; 36:4. 237

statt[e] werden verlassen und die hochen vosst zerstorret, auch eiich^^ 105 grundt und ackher zergehn; eiir erdt will ich odt legen, umb dafi ihr meinen gebotten nit seyt abgelegen, und nicht meine recht, sender [n] haydnische redit voUbracht habt. An mehr andem orthen der [heiligen] schriifft spricht Gott zu unfi: Ich hab eiich beruefft, und ihr habt mir widersagt. Ich hab 110 aufgereckht mein hand, und niemandt hat aufgeschaut. Dir habt verschmacht meinen rath, und mein straffliche ermahnung habt ihr versaumbt. Defihalb wiirdt ich in eiiem verderben auch lachen. Item ich will ihnen zuefiegen sachen, die sye forchten. Dan[n] ich hab sye beruefft, und niemandt hat mir geantwortet. Ich hab mit ihnen 115 gerodt, und sie haben mich nit gehort, sonder[n] vor meinen augen ubel gethan und jene ding erwehlt, die ich nit gern hab, beneimtlich den aberglauben, wie wiir iezt des Luthers und seiner gesoUen falsche lehr und betruegliche auslegtmg erwohlen und alter heilligen vattem wahre lehr [pag. 2311 imd getreue auslegtmg verwerffen. Darumb trohet unE 120 Gott, dergleichen plagen iiber unC in kiirz ergehn zulassen. Dann alle sachen des [erzjstuffts Salzburg stehn diesmals dermassen miisslich, auch ist das landt alles vast geschwacht imd die inwohnner sovill erarmet, daiS einer ehrsammen landtschafft nit moglich noch in menschlichen rath fiindtig ist, auf getrohete rach auch vorgefordte[r]te 125 schaden der auslander uimd auf ander morckhliche gefahrlichkeit, so imfi vorstehn, khomme. Urmd [verjmiig khonfftiger schadt[en] unnd ganz[e]s verderben vorkhommen oder iiberwunden werden, nur Gott khonune und bekhe[h]r imser verkherts gemiiett und wesen. Darauf ist allain in Gott und nit menschlicher hiilff zusuechen, 130 ablainimg des unfridts und gottlichens zoms. David hat gegen seinen widerwertigen [Goliat] nit verhofft in sein armbrust noch in sein schwerdt, sonder[n] zueflucht vmd trost in Gott gesuecht.^'^ Dann syg imd gueten frid zuerlangen, stehet nit in der menschen macht, siin, wuz Oder sitten, sonder[n] allain bey Gott, der spricht durch Esaiam:^^ Wehe

^^The context demands cure. Sam 17. 25lsa 30:1-3. 238

135 jennen menschen, so mich verlassen und machen ihren rath aus ihnen selbs[t], nit aus mir, und weben oder wiirchen ein leinbath, nit durch meinen Geist. Sye raisen hinab in Egj^ten und haben meinen mundt (nemblich Christum) nit darumb gefragt, sonder[nl ein hiilff gehofft in Pharaonis starckh, welche starckh ihnen gedeicht zu einer 140 verwuckhlung, und ihr vertrauen khombt ihnen zu laster. Daraufi wiirdt verstandten, dafi unser rath nach fiimenunen nichts gilt noch taugt wider gottlichen zorn, der nit aufhoret, dieweil wiir von g[e]w6hnlichen imd schuldigen gottesdiennst aufhoren. Unnd [es] ist zubesorgen, solcher gottlicher zorn werde unfi Salzburgern 145 khonfftigelich erzaigt mit vill beschwarlichen plagen dann bisher geschechen. Nachdem gemainelich [pag. 232] greulichere straff angelegt wiirdt jenen, die in ihrer imgehorsamb verhar[r]en. Dann Gott spricht zu unfi in meiug orthen der [heiligen] schriifft: Ob ihr mich nit werd erhoren, noch alle meine gebott[e] verbringet, 150 sonder[n] meiner gesaz versuechen und meine gericht[e] verachten, alsdarm will ich eiich haimbsuechen in durfftigkheit, mein angesiicht wider euch sozen, und ihr werd[elt niderfallen. Ob ihr mir dariiber noch weiter wiirdet imgehorsamb, alsdann will ich eiier straff sibenfeltigelich mehren von wegen eiierer sundt.^^ 155 Nunn hat verschinen sommer Gott iiber unfi verhengt den groben aufstandt zu einer widerwertigkheit,^^ dardurch wiir bewegt wurden zur puefi und widerkherung. Dann sein gottliche gerechtigkheit erfordert erstlich, [dafi] die verkherten leiith [ihren Abfall] zu wainnen und klagen, wie er imfi dann verschiner zeit mit kriieg imd 160 uiurathe ermahnet hat, wider zukhern in wahrem weeg christlichens glaubens. Wann aber auf solche ermahnung die leiith nit widerkheren, sonder[n] in wtmn imd freiden leben,^® kolber imd schaf abstochen, zue jeder zeit fleisch essen und wein zutrinckhen,^® alsdann wurdt solche

26a. Lev 26:18-28. 27About the Peasants' War (May-August 1525) see above, fn. 13. 28cf. TTh 100,13. 29lsa 22:13. 239

165 bosheit nit vergeben, bis die verkherten leiith all getodt[et] sein, laut heilliger schriiHt. Darin Gott fehr[n]er zue seinem volckh spricht: Du hast mich nit angeruefft, noch in muehe mir gearbeit[et], noch mit deinen gebiirlichen opffem geehrt, sonder[n] du hast nur gearbeit[etl in deinen boCheiten. Darumb hab ich dich geben in todt und schandt. 170 Mehr stehet geschriben; Die leiith haben abgeworffen des Herm gesaz. Darumb ist gottlicher zom bewogt wider das volckh und hat dasselb geschlagen. Item nembt wa[h]r Gottes augen iiber ein siindiges landt, imd zerknierscht dasselbe in angesiicht der augen. [pag. 233] Als offt ein glaubigs landt von christlicher k^ch gestandten und 175 neiien erfiindtigungen obgelegen und nachgefahren ist, sind alzeit damach in demselben landt grosse plagen geschechen. Wo sich das volckh dariiber nit gebossert, alsdann ist solches landt in seinem irrthumb von Gott verlassen. Dessen haben wiir ein beyspill nachent hierumb, benenntlich im 180 landt Behaimb,^^ da dasselbes die christen auf verfiiehrische lehr

Hannsen Hufi^i von gemainem glauben und von Romischer kiirch fiellen, und etlich alt kozerisch mainimg (die diesmals Luther mit mehr andem artiiculen avif ein neiies aufigmilt)^^ angenommen imd cruzlich beschtonet haben, haben sye darob vill ungemach iiberstandten mit 185 inwendigen aufriiehren und auswendiger widerwertigkheiten, mit vertilgimg ihrer geistlichkheit und wahrer christen. Damach sein sye aus alien Teiitschen land ten, auch aus anderen gegenten, feindtlich uberzogen, verbrennt, erschlagen imd ganzlich verdorbt und in ellendt gesozt gewesen, bis so lang sye in ihrem aberglauben von Gott verlassen 190 und gar iibergeben sein dem teiifel. Derselb hat nach solcher unruehe den Behaimem, die in ihrem unglauben verhortendt imd eines bosen ungehorsamben willens gewesen sein, zeitliche ruehe gemacht und sye all2 seine dienner zum weltlichen frid khommen lassen. Niit zu

^®Bohemia ^^John Hus (tl415). ^^Purstinger was less ready in 1519 to call the doctrines espoused by John Hus and Jerome of Prague heresy — "An haec vel alia eorum dogmata fuerint novae vanitatis an evangelicae antiquitatis nescio" OE 18,7 (L and Ca) — a comment removed from later editions of OE (A and Cb). 240

wahren frid, dan[n] auf erdt haben allain jene menschen, die eines

195 gueten willen seindt, als die engel zu des Herm gebiort gesungen,33 und den Christus seinen jiingem hinderlassen hat, da er spracti:^^ Den fried lasse ich euch, meinen frid gib ich euch, nit wie denselben die welt gibt, nemblich ainnigkheit in bosen sachen in massen die Behaimb und ander[e] kezer, Turtckhen und hayden frid haben. Davon der Herr 200 sprach:35 [pag. 2341 Ich bin nit khommen, den frid zusenden, sender [n] das schwerdt, mit dem abzuschneiden ist solcher weltlicher fridt, den die leiith haben im aberglauben tmd untugendten. Dergleichen wiirdt beftmden in St. Brigitta Weissagung,^^ daQ durch dieselb frau der Herr Christus den Griiechen, da sye von 205 Romischer kiirchen abfiellen, zuwissen gethann hat, dafi jhr kayserthumb vnnd reich, auch ihr herrschafft, nimmer wurden sicher sein, noch frid haben, sonder[n] ihren feinden underworffen sein, benenntlich dem Tiirckhen, von dermen sye morckhliche schaden und langwiirriges ellendt haben wurden, bis so lang sie sich in wahrer 210 diiemuetigkheit und rechter lieb mit gemainen christlichen glauben. Andachtigelich vergleichten auch sich der heilligen sazungen und gueten gebraiichen Rommischer kiirch ganzlich underwurffen. Die Griechen seind aber solcher wahmung nit nachkhommen, sonder[n] in ihrem aberglauben ersta[r]kht gebliben und von Romischer kiirch gar 215 abgefallen, defihalben dem Tiirckhen underthenig gebliben. Wie im alten gesaz Jerusalem gewesen ist figurierter stuel ganzer sjniagog und wahres glaubens, also in neiiem gesaz ist Romische kiirch wahrer stuell ganzer christlicher kiirch unnd gemaines christenlichen glaubens. Derselb glaub ab St. Peters stuell nimmer fallen wiirdt, des gibt 220 zeiignus unser haillandt, da er sprach zue Pefro:^^ Nimb war, der Sathan hat euer begert, dafi er eiich ausreittet wie einen wayz. Aber ich hab fur dich gebetten, damit dein glaub nit abgeht nimmermehr und so du zu zeiten bekhert bist, alsdan[n] besteth dein brueder, nemblich die

33Luc 2:9-15. 34loan 14:27. 3SMatt 10:34; cf. OE 15,18. ^BRIDGET, Revelationes, 7,19F. Also died in OE 45,10; and TTh 91,14. 37LUC 22:31f. 241

anderen apostel und ihre nachkhommen, die allenthalben auf erdt 225 christlichen glauben geprodiget. Aber nirgends [pag. 2351 denselben apostlen oder christenliches glaubens gemainer stuell erscheint allain, wo ein pabst s^t, alC St Peters nachkhommen. Daraus zuvermorckhen, dafi Romische kiirch, durch St. Peter aufgericht, dermassen durch Gott best^ckht ist (wiewoU sye in ihren 230 glideren offt mangel leidt), dannach in der substanz wahres glaubens khainen abbruch bisher gelid ten, noch von der wahrheit abgefalien ist, wie etwaim vill der anderen apostlen, kiirchen imd lander, darin sye christlichen glauben aufgericht hetten, von demselben glauben abgefallen tmd mmmals hayden, Tiirckhen oder ander imglaubig sein, 235 als iezt laider beschicht in disem landte, darin vor zeiten St. Ruepprecht und andere heillige vatter christenliche glauben gepflanzt und Salzburgischen stuell aufgericht haben, der dismals durch falsche Lutherische lehr widerumben ausgereiittert und falschlich verkhert wiirdt. 240 Darumb ist nit zu fragen, warumben unfi vorsteth verderbliche wosen, kriieg und ander uniiberwiindtliche konfftige widerwertigkheiten, dieweill wiir von wahren glauben abfallen und in menigen stuckhen antasten christenlichen kiirchen imd ihren wahren glauben, denselben in hochmueth oder ungeduldt nit in rechten 245 diiemiietigkheit suechen und disputieren mit gespott, schenndten und lastern, wie solches erscheint in Lutherischen biiechlein,^® so den leiithen wollgefallen. Dardurch sye verachten alter heilliger lehrer, schriifft imd biiecher. Ainer beschwart sich, wo ihme verruckht wiirdt sein march, so er auf seinem grundt nur ein Jahr gehabt. Vill 250 beschwarlicher ist zuverandern den alten glaubens und christliche ordnung, so schier tausent jahr von St. Ruepprechts zeiten durch vmsere vor eltem hie loblich gehalten ist darauf zuebesorgen, dieweil [pag. 236] wiir also in imserem imglauben verharren, hart zu beleiben in fridt, der ein werckh ist der gerechtigkheit und ein gaab Gottes, der solchen frid 255 allain gibt seinen erwolhten imd nit den ungerechten.

^®See above, fn. 14. 242

Die khinder von Israel haben Gott nie barter erzmnet, dan[n] da sye von der sjmagog gestandten und jhrer vatter glauben verlassen und frembden glauben angenonimen haben. Darumb sprach Gott zue den abtriinigen Juden: Mein angesiicht will ich von ihnen abkheren, nach 260 dem sye sein ein verkhertes volckch und geschlecht und ungetreiie kinder. Sie haben mich wider sye bewogt mit ungerechtem glauben und mit ihren eytelkheiten. DelShalb ist in meinen zorn hie angeziindt ein feiir, das wiirdt brinnen bis zur abgrund der hollen.^^ Noch mehr graussammer plag stehen dafielbst in der [heiligen] 265 schr^ft, mit denen Gott getrohet hat zu straffen jene, die von wahren glauben fallen als ein gemains volckh, dafi ohn alien rath und weysheit ist, auch konfftigen schaden nit betrachten.'^o Also fallen wiir diser gefahrlichen zeit ohn alle vernunfft von wahren glauben und folgen abtriniger pfaffen und ausgeloffen 270 monichen und andem bosen Leiithen, die sich vor Gott und der welt unrain und lasterlich halten. Ob denen unsere vatter ausgespiirzt hetten, dieselben loben wiir und erhoben sye fiir vmser vorgeher alfi wahrhafftige lehrer, die doch schalckh imd mainaydig sein an ihren herrn, auch an Gott tmd heilliger kiirch. Wiir"^^ khomen wiir dan[n] 275 glickh und hayll erobern, dieweil wiir solchen bosen leiithn und verfiierhrischen lehrern nachfolgen und die alten heilligen lehrer verwerffen. Dan[n] wiewoU die heilligen in himmelischer kiirch Gott bitten fiir jene, die hie in streittender kurch wohnen,'^^ nach ausweisung 280 heilliger schriifft, wiirdt doch nach gebetten iiber die abgefallnen christen. Darvon in Psalm steth:^^ Herr wollest haimbsuechen all haydnisch volckh imd dich nit erbarmen iiber jene, die bosheit thuen, [pag. 237) sonder[n] nach all unglaubige zue nichten, zerstreiie sie in deiner crafft imd thue sye wegckh. Es stehet auch geschriben, dafi die

39cf. Ecdi 45:23. Apoc 15, and OE 40: "De generalibus plagis christianitati modemae imminentibus." '^^The context demands Wie. '^See above, fn. 21. 43ps 9B:15. 243

285 imschuldigen zue Gott schreyen und sprochen: Heilliger Herr und wahrer Gott, warumb richtest du nit und thuest rechen unser bluet wider jene, die auf erden seindt? Also hast des Abels bluet vor Gott geschryen wider Cain.'^ Daraufi ist zuebesorgen, St. Ruepprecht und andere liebe heilligen, der[ren] heilligthumb hue ligt und lange zeit fiir 290 unli (dieweil wiir ihrer lehr gefolgt) Gott gebetten haben, bitten nunmals iiber unfi rach und seind gegen unfi klager, die uniS anklagen, umb dal3 wur nit halten christUche underweysung, die sie uniS vor zeiten von Gott gegeben, wie Moyses in jener welt Gaut dem evangely)'^^ anklagt die Juden, umb dalS sie iibertrotten gottliches ges^, so er ihnen gegeben 295 hett. Sanct Ruepprecht hat ohne zweifel zu den Salzburgem alfi seinen sch^flein vor Gott gesprochen wie St. Peter zue seinen jiingem:'^^ Ich will embsig fleili ankheren,^^ eiich nach meinen abgang zuerhalten, dafi ihr [ejingedenckh seyt alles dessen, nemblich aller der lehr, darinn ich 300 euch underweiset. Dann ich hab nit nachgefolgt ungelehrten fablen,'^® sonder[n] euch geoffenbahret gottliche crafft und vorwiissenheit unsers herrn Jesu Christi. Wahrlich hat sanct Ruepprecht nichts untiichtiges gelehert. Nachdem wur aber solch hailsame lehr, so er unfi hinder sein gelassen unnd loblichen herkhommen ist, nunmals vergessen, groblich 305 verschmachen [und] auch darwider streben, ist zuvermuetten, wiir werden deshalben schwarlich imd bald gestrafft. Ob unlS nun Gott und sein kiirch St. Ruepprecht tmd andere h[eilige] vatter mit ihrer christlichen lehr, desgleich langwiirriger gebrauch und lobliche gewohnheit oder lang herkhommen, nit mocht 310 bewogen, zustehn von der neiierwockhten kozerey und von erdiichter verfiiehrischen lehr, sollen unl2 doch zu widerkherung [pag. 238) billich bewogen, die erschrocklichen iibel vind geschwindt verderben, so uns bestimbter soekht und falscher lehr imC eines thaills begegnet sein und furder noch mehr imd beschw^licher begognen mochten, alC gesagt

44Gen4:10. ^Exod 32; cf. loan 5:45. "^See above, fn. 7. 47a. 1 Pet 1:14. 1 Pet 1:16. 244

315 wiirdt von etlichen Luterischen landten, wie dieselben mit sambt den inwohnern morckhlich verdorbt. Dardurch christliche ordnung, die unfi unser eltem nach ihnen gelassen haben, schier gar umbkhert sein. Danxmb ist zuebesorgen, hie[s]igs landt imd leuth werden zue lotst audi gar umbkhert und verderbt von wegen unserer miifibraiich, so wiir 320 begehn wider christliche aussazung ausgenommen, Gott wolt unfi in unglauben entlich verlassen und verhengen, dafi unl3 der teiifel gar besafi, als beschechen ist dem volckh Israel. Da sye in ihrem bosen wesen verharreten, seind sye verlassen gewesst von Gott, der sein gottliches angesiicht von ihnen gewendt und sye geantwort hat in die 325 handt ihrer feindt, nemblich der teiifel. Sofehr wiir unfi nun von Romischer kiirch abziechen und in Lutherischer sect verharren wiirden (darvor Gott sey), mochten wiir villeicht hie in diser welt gliickh und zeitliche seeligkheit erwarten, wie oben von der unglaubigen frid gemelt ist.^ Dasselb w^e der groste zom

330 Gottes, wie Augustinus schreibtr^o Nichts ist vmseliger dan[n] des sunders glickh und zeitliche seeligkheit, dardurch er khombt zue ewiger unseligkheit. Darneben steht geschriben: Wann Gott verhengt verkherten leiithen, die wahrheit nit zu prodigen (nach dem das h[eilige] wort den hunden nit ist mitzutaillen),5i auf das sye ihr siindt 335 erfiillen, alsdan[n] khombt gottlicher zorn iiber derselben verkherten leiithen bis zum endt, das sie zur lotst verdambt werden. Aber imlS ware haylsamer, das unfi Gott hie straffet und dort barmherzigkheit [pag. 2391 verliche. Dann er spricht durch den propheten:^^ Wo der kiirchen kinder mein gesaz verlassen und in meinen rechten nit wandern, 340 alsdan will ich ihr bosheit haimbsuechen in der rueth imd ihr siindt in straichen. Doch wiirdt ich mein barmherzigkheit von ihnnen nit zerstreiien.

"^^Lines 128-33; 203-210; 249-55. About "unglaubigen frid" and the biblical citatation ("pax, pax, ubi non est pax" ler 6:14; 8:11; Ezek 13:10, 16) see LUTHER (Thesis 92), VIA 1,628; and OE 15,45. AUGUSTINE {non invenitur). 51a. Math 7:6; 15:27. 52cf. Ps 9B:15. 245

Also hat unC Gott in negstverschinnen sommer mit einer geringen straff heimbgesuecht und verhengt, dafi der teufel den 345 aufstandt erwockht^^ Damach hat unfi Gott bannherzigkheit beweist und die aufruehr widenimb nidergelogt, auf dalS wiir widerkhem soUen zu der k^ch als zum weeg wahres glaubens, dann unfi xinsere liebe vatter und andere unser frombe eltem gelehret xmd gelassen. Wiir haben audi sonst in vill weeg Gott belaidiget. Darauf ein jeder mit dem 350 propheten sprochen soUe: Ich hab wider Gott gesiindiget, deshalb wiirdt ich seinen zom tragen als lang, bis er meinen sachen geurthaillet und mein gericht vollzogen hat. Aber wiir seind gegen Gott ganz imdankhbar. Dan[n] w^ haben seiner gottlichen bannherzigkheit nit einen ainigen danckh noch ehr erbotten, imib dafi unlS Gott genadigen 355 frid geschickht. Davon ist woU gerodt, dafi nach gemachten frid procoss und moss ambter gehalten [und] auch ander ziierlichkheit und andachtig dienst gegen Gott billich soUen erzaigt werden, aber dameben bedacht, das daraufi nur gespott, schandt und gelachter wurde erstehn von jenen, die dismals aus verkherter lehr alien gottesdienst 360 verachthen imd christliche ziierlichkheit verspotten. Hierauf ermahn und bitte [ich] euch, liebe herm und guete freundt von alien standten gemeiner landschafft, auch ein jeden in sonderheit,^'^ dafi ihr in eiiren gemiieth vergangene ungefiieg hinlogt, dieselb einer plag und khainer persohn zuemosst, (pag. 240] dariiber nit 365 rach suecht, die allain Gott gehort, sonder[n] weiteren khonfftigen schaden fiirzukhommen betrachtet. Unsers genadigisten herrn, des landtsfiirsten,55 vmd s.f.g. [erz]stiiffts wolfarth bedenckht, auch landt tmd leiith vor grosserem verderben verhiietten helff, khainer wolle seinen aignen nuz fiir gemainen nuz schazen, der teufel feiirt nit. Daraus 370 zubesorgen ist, wie er verschinner zeit imvemunfftige leiith hat zur aufstandt erwockht. Also versuecht er iezt, verniinfftig leiith ihrem aignen nuz nachzuefechten und dieselben zuverblendten, damit sye nit verstehn, das durch aigen nuzigkheit der gemaine nuz alzeit verhindert

above, fris. 13 and 27. About the estates and territorial diets in Salzburg see DOPSCH, "Landschaft." ^^Prince-archbishop, Ccirdinal Matthaus Lang (reg. 1519 - 1540). 246

und offt gar zerrissen oder zerstorrt wiirdt Dardxirch zue lotst aines 375 jeden landtsmann aigner nuz audi zue grundt gehn miiest. Zue ablainung gottlichen zoms und konfftiger plag ist endtlich mein getreiier rath: In gemainer landtschafft werde beschlossen und darob gehalten, dafi all inwohner, geisdich und weltlich, bleiben in alten brauch das hogsten ambts der moC, desgleichen in empfachung der 380 sacrament, auch in anderen loblichen ordnungen, alC niit fassten, betten, beichten, opffern und dergleichen gottesdiennsten und christiichen zierlichkheiten, nichts verandem, sender [n] andachtigelich halten, wie solches durch christliche kiirch [und] auch von h[eiligen] vattern und von unseren eltem und vorfahrern ziierlich an uns 385 khommen ist, bis durch dieselb kiirch anders f^genonunen werde. Darneben sollen wiir gehorsamb sein und nachkhommen den geboten und edicten, so wider abbestimbt verfiiehrische Lehr, (die durch christliche concilii vor zeiten verdambt), sein ausgangen: vom h[eiligen] Romischen stuell;^ auch von kayserlicher majestatt;^^ [pag. 24ii 390 desgleichen den geschafften und mandaten, so dariiber unser genadigister herr von Salzburg etc. hat ausgehen lassen.^® Darirmen allenthalben fiirsehung begriffen sein, wie man sich in solchen zweiflichen dingen halten solle. Worinnen wiir der obrigkheit (die unlS von Gott fiirgesozt ist) 395 folgen und nachgehn, darinen sein wiir vor Gott entschiildiget. Wo wiir aber kainniizingen persohnen in neu fiirgebrachten lehren nachfolgen, dasselb ist unfi von Gott imd menigelich verweifilich und dariiber zuforchten. So wur von bestiimbten m^glauben nit abstehn, sonder[n] in ungehorsamb bleiben, deChalb werde Gott verhenngen 400 iiber unfi baldt hartere straff zuegehn.

^Exsurge Domine (15 June 1520). ^^The Edict of Worms (25 May 1521). ^^Ein neues Mandat in Sachen Luthers (22 July 1523), printed in DATTERER, Matthaus Lang, xxx- xxxii. 247

No. 3; PURSTINGER, [Consilium cedendi et renunciandd (16 April 1526)

Location: HHStA, AUR 1526 TV 16 Literature: SALLABERGER, "Piirstinger," 457 mth fn. 141 (and photo 483); BAYR, "Personal- und Familienpolitik," I, 155. 5 Description: Pergament Notariatsinstrument with seal, attested by Nikolas Ribeisen, advisor to Lang. Abstract: Berthold Piirstinger, on account of his age and because of turbulent and perverse times, empowers two associates to retire his diocese into the haruis of the archbishop. In return, Piirstinger would like to receive: 1) the parish-income from Saalfelden or a 10 yearly pension of 100 Pfund Pfennig; 2) the decima from Waging; and 3) security that, as long as he lives, his personal quarters in Chiemseehof will remain his to use whenever he pleases.

Reverendissimo in Christo patri et domino domino Matheo sacrosanctae Romanae ecclesiae tittili sancti angeli presbytero cardinali 15 archiepiscopo Salzbiorgensi, sedis apostolicae legato etc., et domino meo observantissimo Berchtoldus Dei gratia episcopus ecclesiae Chiemensis obedientiam et reverentiam tarn debitas quam condignas cum hiimili sua commendata. Quia sedulo mecum perpendi agnoscoque officio pastorali ac conscientiae meae incumbere, non solum incremento et 20 utilitatibus ecclesiae meae Chiemensis pro viribus insistere, verum etiam ingruentibus ei detrimentis et periculis vigili ciira et sollicitudine prospicere. Considerans autem me longe ultra sexagesimum aetatis meae annonmi constitutum ad senium, quod corporis debilitatem et alia vitae incommoda secum advehit, vergere et perinde regimini et 25 administrationi ecclesiae meae Chiemensis praefatae diutius praecipue perverso hoc et turbulento saeculo, quo hominum malitia tam late excrevit non sufficienter et quantum expediret praeesse posse. Quapropter habito desuper praemeditato et maturo consilio ex deliberata libera et expressa mea voluntate, ut simul ecclesiae praedictae 30 opportunitatibus et indemnitatibus quam ocius alterius pastoris praefectione consuli possit, constitui, deputavi, creavi et ordinavi prout constituo, deputo, creo et ordino de praesenti meliori modo, via, iure, quibus possum et debeo procuratores meos legitimos honorabiles mihi in Christo dilectos et fidelem magistrum Joannem Pietenperger in 248

35 decretis licentiatum magistrum camerae^^ P.V.R. et Sebastianum Kluegkhaimer/® secretarium et magistrum domus meae, simtil et eorum quemlibet in solidum praesentes et omnis procurationis huismodi sponte in se susdpientes, cum integra et plenissima potestate nomine meo et pro me cedendi et renunciandi regimini et 40 administrationi praefatae ecdesiae meae Chiemensis libere in manibus P.V.R. tanquam metropolitani et ftmdatoris ecdesiae ipsius, ad quem cum eam pro tempore quomodolibet vacare contigerit, ex apostolids et imperialibus privilegiis ac longa et inviolata consuetudine pleno iure spectat ei pastorem praeficere et de persona idonea providere. Et deinde 45 postquam ecdesiae huiusmodi fuerit per P.V.R. de alio idoneo pastore provisum et ille qui ei sic praeficietur munus consecrationis susdpiet, cedendi et renundandi etiam ex time tittilo et omni alio iuri mihi ad memoratam ecclesiam Chiemensis competenti. Supplicando P.V.R. humiliter, ut cessionem et renunciationem huiusmodi ex causis 50 praedictis per procuratores meos fadendam, primo paterne admittere ecdesiaeque Chiemensis praedictae de idonea persona providere ac administratorem perpetuum et irrevocabilem et pastorem loco mei praeficere, cuius salubri regimine animarum consulatur saluti et ecdesiae ipsius opportunitatibus in spiritualibus et temporalibus 55 prospidatur. Mihi vero pro congrua sustentatione et victu condecenti ex redditibus, fructibus et proventibus eiusdem ecdesiae Chiemensis ad dies vitae meae competentem et honestam portionem reservare et deputare, videlicet parochialem ecdesiam in Salvelden^^ diocesis P.V.R. Salzburgensis, quae memoratae ecdesiae Chiemensis perpetuo unita, 60 aimexa et incorporata pleno iure existit, cum omnibus suis fructibus et

obventionibus et una cum parva decima in Hoff et Gerlang^^ prope

^^Mag. Lie. deer. Joharm Pietenberger (tl539); University of Vienna (1504); Salzburg Kammermeister (ca. 1525-1539); see further BAYR, Personal- und Familienpolitik, I, 112f. ^"Sebastian Klughaimer (tl546); Domherr in Regensburg, Pfarrherr von Haus im Ennstal; chaplain of the Marienkapelle inn Chiemseehof; seeretary in the Salzburg treasury; see further BAYR, Personal- und Familienpolitik, 1,154f. ^^Saalfelden, market town in the Middle Pinzgau. ^^Hof and Gerling, small villages in the Middle Pinzgau, both belonging to Saalfelden. 249

Salvelden, vel si fructus et emolumenta ecclesiae in Salvelden. successu temporum nimium extenuarentiir et decrescerent, loco eius pensionem animam centum librarum denariorum^^ monetae Salzburgensis super 65 fructibus mensae episcopalis Chiemensis. Praeterea integram dedmam in Waging/^ quam bonae memoriae quondam Ludovicus episcopus Chiemensis^^ emit a Wilhelmo Trauner milite,^^ et quae ad praesens locata existit domino Wolfgango praepositio monasterii Sancti Zenonis^^ prope Reichenhall,^® ad meae et suae vitae dies. Item pro 70 loco habitationis meae et meorum, cum me Salzburgam divertere, vel inibi morari placuerit vel contigerit, in aedibus pontificalibus Chiemensis stubam et cameram supra capellam, quam hactenus diu inhabitavi, ima cimi camera inferiore post capellam sita, et supellectile in praedicta camera superiore recondita, ut his omnibus mihi modo et 75 forma, quibus praemittitur assignatis et per sucessores meos quamdiu me supervivere contigerit praestandis et reservandis, et quod eis libere et licite uti, frui et gaudere possim, absque eorum seu aliorum quorumcumque contradictione vel impedimento secundum arbitrium et voluntatem meam. Promittens in fide boni praelati, quod in 80 constitutione, deputatione, creatione, ordinatione, voluntate, cessione, renunciatione, supplicatione et reservatione huiusmodi non interveniat fraus, dolus, syinoniae, labes seu quaevis alia illicita pactio, in quorum omnium et singulorum fidem et testimonium praemissorum praesentis literas meas patentes in forma publici 85 instrumenti confid et sigillo meo appenso communiri et per notarium

^librum denarius = Pfund Pfennig. ^'^Waging, market town in the so-called Rupertiwinkel; see fn. 153. ^Dr. Ludwig II Ebner (or Ebmer, tl516); University of Vienna (1466); cathedral Ccmon in Salzburg (1482-); provost of St. Zeno near Reichenhall (1482-98); Bishop of Chiemsee (1495-1502, resigned); returned to St. Zeno; moved to Vienna as an advisor to Maximilian I, see further FORST, "Chiemseebischofe," 241f.; BURGER, Rupertigau, 44- 46; WAGNER / KLEIN, "Domherren," 19; and WALLNER, Bistum Chiemsee, 116f. See his epitaph in the Stiftsmuseum Klostemeuburg. ^^On the Trauner family see BAYR, Personal- und Familienpolitik, I, 16-19; and on Wilhelm specifically, idem, 141, 165. ^^Wolfgang Lueger (tl526), master of the court under archbishop Keutschach (cf. BAYR, Personal- und Familenpolitik, I, 106); provost of St. Zeno, canons regular (1515- 1526); see further LANDSPERGER, Chronik, § IV (no pag.); and VOGEL, Geschichte, 46. ^®Reichenhall (today Bad Reichenhall) in Bavaria near Berchtesgaden. 250

publicum infrascriptum^^ subscribi et publican fed praesentibus regio et providis viris Paulo Altman, P.V.R. secretario/® et Leonardo Merczinger, familiari et cellarario meo/^ testibus ad praemissa spedaliter vocatis atque rogatis. Acta sunt haec Salzburge in aedibus 90 solitae meae residentiae die decimasexta mensis Aprilis, anno a nativitate domini millesimo quingentesimo vigesimo sexto.

^^Mag. Nikolaus Ribeisen (tl547); University of Heidelberg (1498); service to Matthaus Lang (1513-); advisor to Matthaus Lang (1523-); raised to noble orders ("von Neuenchieming") at the Diet of Augsburg (1530); see further BAYR, Personal- und VamilieTwolitik, I, 61-65. ^Paul AJtmann (t after 1541); University of Tubingen (1514); master of the mine for the gold-smith fraternity (1519-); contact with Philipp Melemchthon and Johannes Reuchlin (cf. BONORAND, Vadian, 43); service to Matthaus Lang (1519-); secretary in the treasury (1520-); court secretary (1527-); ncuned Anxvalt of Chiemsee (1536) after the death of bishop Aegidius Rem. Cf. below, fn. 142. See BAYR, Personal- und Pamilierwolitik, I, 91-93. '^Leonard Merzinger; Burger from Saalfelden; one of the witnessess for Piirstinger's Last V/iU and Testament, printed in GREINZ, "Purstinger," 293-98, at 297. 251

No. 4: ETTRSTINGER to LANG (Raitenhaslach, 4 December, 1527)

Location: Printed in TTh (fol. T viiT) Literature: MARX, Glaube, llf; SALLABERCER, "Purstinger," 460. Abstract: PiirsHnger dedicates Tewtsche Theologey, penned in the quiet of a Cistercian 5 monastery, to archbishop Lang, who requested that such a book be written — a treatise on the basics of Christian life and faith. Old, forgetful and not trained in theology, PUrstinger affirms his readiness to withdraw any comment that Lang or his advisors find objectionable.

Dem hochwirdigisten fiirsten und herren herren Matheusen, der 10 heyligen Roemischen kirch cardinal und ertzbischof zuo Saltzburg etc., meinem genedigisten herren, embewt ich Berthold, Bischof etwan zuo Kiembse, mein gehorsam dienst Dieweil ich verschiner zeit in e.f.g. rat gesessen, hat dieselb e.f.g. unnd andem iren geislichen raten mermals bevolhen, in disen geschwinden irrungen christenlichs glawbs, dorinn 15 e.f.g. unnderthan ditsmals schweben, embsiklich ratzeflahen und etwas in schrift zebegreiffen,^^ wie doch bemelten ewrer gnaden underthan auch anndem verirrten christen in gegenwiirtigen lewffen widerumb auf rechte pan des glawbs und christenlicher gehorsam moecht geholffen werden. Darauf bemelt e.f.g. geistlich rate ettwas zuozeyten 20 gemacht, aber ich hab desselbenmals an ewrer gnaden hof und in zeitlichen beladungen nichts kiinnen noch moegen schreiben noch machen. Deszhalb ich mich auf ain ort^^ than auch von weltlichen sachen abgesondert tmd obbeschriben tractat''^ zesam getragen hab, auf das e.f.g. sehen moege, daz ich irem obbestimbtem bevelh gehorsamlich 25 gelebt und gem das besst than hiet, soverr ich koenndt tmd darzuoe geschickt waere. Nachdem ich aber ungelert imnd in der schrift imgeyebt, auch numals allt und vergessen bin, hab ich mit meinem embsigen fleis imd arbait erstatten mueessen, was an meiner kimst und schicklikait abgeet. Domit ich vor meinem sterben etwas hinder mein 30 lasse, dadurch ich e.f.g mein gehorsam erzaige und ewrer gnaden

letter with a specific episcopal order has been found. ^^Namely the Cistercian monastery Raitenhaslach on the Salzach. About Purstinger and Raitenhaslach see KRAUSEN, Raitenhaslach, 95f, 293f, 460; and SALLABERCER, 'Turstinger," 460. ^^The letter was printed at the end of the book, hence "obbeschriben." 252

underthan nach meinem guotbedunckhen ain underricht christennlichs glawbs gebe. Verhoffeimd, e.f.g. werde meinen guoten willen annemen fiir die frucht meiner arbait, die ich in obbeschribem puoech angelegt hab. 35 Heirauf schickh ich soldi puoech e.f.g., dasselb zeiibersehen und durch sich selbs order ir gelert rate zelesen. Und ob hierinn ain oder mer irrig artickel oder unrechtmaessig maynung begriffen, die dem ewangelii unnd heiliger schrifft ungemaes oder gemainer kirch widerwaertig waeren, dasselb bin ich erbutig auf e.f.g. anzaigen zewiderrueffen, nach 40 billikait auch sonst allenthalben mich hierinn unverweislich zehallten, mich allzeit e.f.g. underthaeniklich bevelhend. Geben zuo Rayttenhaslach, am vierden tag des monats Decembris, anno domini 1527. 253

No. 5; LANG to PURSTINGER (Salzbtug, 17 December 1528)

Location: Printed in TG (fol. Aii^); Germ, trans, by Reithmeier, "Introduction," xoii. Literature: MARX, Glaube, 23f; SALLABERGER, "Piirstinger," 460f. Abstract: Matthdus Lang praises Tewtsche Theologey — a book finished one year 5 earlier, written in German and dedicated to the archbishop himself (see above, no. 4) — for its use in riotous times, especially in the fight against Lutheranism. To benefit a wider readership, the archbishop requests that Piirstinger publish a Latin translation of the book.

Mathaeus miseratione divina cardinalis archiepiscopus 10 Salzeburgensis apostolicae sedis legatus etc., venerabili fratri amico nostro charissimo domino Bertoldo episcopo quondam Chiemensi. Pervenit ad manus nostras liber nostro idiomate vulgari conscriptus et a fratemitate vestra anno proxime elapso in lucem aeditus^^ et nomini nostro nuncupatim dedicatus,''^ cui titxilus erat Theologia Germanica, 15 quem cum perlegeremus, comperimus pluribus salubribus doctrinis et praeceptis refertum et praecipue adversus dogmata Lutheranorum et nonnuUorum aliortun, qui hoc calamitoso saeculo populos passim a via salutis seduamt, cum itaque hie liber videatur plurimum conducturus ad confirmandam sanctam fidem catholicam praecipue in cordibus 20 eorimi qui titubantes et ambigentes in quam partem declinent, nondum aperte a fide desdverimt. Existimamus utile admodum fore, ut liber hie quam latissime etiam apud aliarum linguarum christifideles divulgetiir. Quapropter fratemitatem vestram, quam pro sola gloria nominis Chris ti hos labores subiisse non ambigimus, in domino hortamur atque 25 rogamus, ut eundem librum in linguam Latinam, quo quam amplissime evulgari queat, traducat, et in ea aedat atque publicet. Pro quo speramus eam accepturam amplissimam mercedem a remuneratore bonorum omnium Deo. Nobis vero fraternitas vestra rem faciet admodum gratam, mutua benevolentia compensandam. 30 Datum in civitate nostra Saltzburgense xvii mensis Decembris, anno domini MDXXVm.

(finished 30 November 1527), published by Hans Schobser (Munich, 1528). TG (finished 15 April 1529), printed by Alexander Weifienhom (Augsburg, 1531). ^^See above, no. 4, at 251.4-8. 254

No. 6: PURSTINGER to LANG [Salfelden, 15 April 1529]

Location: Printed in TG (fol. AiT'^) Literature: GREINZ, "Piirstinger," 306; SALLABERGER, "PUrstinger," 461. Abstract: In response to Matthatis Lang's request, Piirstinger translates Tewtsche Theologey into Latin, a book written against the errors of Lutheranism. Although people more often translated Latin into German than vice versa, and in spite of Piirstinger's "poor" Latin, he retired to Saalfelden in search of solitude necessary for the task. What he produces is not an elegant humanist translation, to please the reader, but rather a useful book to serve the church. Reverendissimo in Christo prindpi et domino domino Mathaeo cardinali et archiepiscopo Salisburgensis apostolicae sedis legato domino suo gratiosissimo Bertoldus episcopus olim Chiemensis obedientiam debitam et reverentiam condignam. Mense Decembri proxime lapso praesentata est mihi epistola,^^ qua vestra reverendissima dominatio me hortatur ut Germanicam Theologiam adversus dogmata Lutheranorum et nonnullorum aliorum pseudodoctorum vulgari nostro idiomate nuper in lucem per me aeditam/® in Latinum quoque vertam, quo tenor eiusdem Theolgiae latius divulgetur ac exteris nationibus Christum colentibus et forsitan a via veritatis fraudulenter seductis pariter innotescat. Etsi non tam decrepita senectus quam ignavia mea sit impedimento quo minus voluntati V.R.P. de me benemeritae pro condigno morem gerere valeam, pro virili tamen senilium artuum meorum iussa adimplere gestio, ne ingratitudinis reus videar neve laborem fugisse arguar. Porro assuetum est Latina volumina in vulgaria idiomata tradud, hie converso more conandum erit agreste idioma in Latinum transmutari. Eo gravior opprimit me difficultas, quo minor est mihi Latini sermoius peritia/^ Qua ratione pro mea pusillanimitate in silvestrem solitudinem commigravi, ubi non musas, quae me doceant, sed polluta labia et strumosa colla

^The letter from Lang to Piirstinger (above no. 5) was written on 17 December 1528. The statement here, "Mense Decembri proxime lapso," dates this letter, therefore, to 1529, which is unexpectedly early. TG was not printed until 1531! But the translation itself was finished on 15 April 1529: Suprascrrpta traductio edita est in opido (sic) Salfelden vallis Pinzgeu, atque completa Idibus Aprilis anno domini millesimo quingentesimo zngesimo nono {TG, fol. n ivO. ^^TTh (finished 30 November 1527), printed by Hans Schobser, Munich, 1528. ^^et Piirstinger translated the book in just four months (Dec. 1528 - April 1529). 255 reperio,®o nempe in illo habitans rure nuncupate Pinzgeu, quod interpretatur altum rus,®^ situs lod revera altus est, ritus quoque incolarum runcinus. Nihilominus mandate vestrae reverendissimae dominationis pariturus, inculto stilo sequentem Latinam ex vulgari traductionem aggredior in quantum pro mea lucubratione Latini sermonis memoria mihi suppeditat, non ut mea incompta scripta in publicum prodire velim, sed per aliquem peritum rethorem meus aggrestis stilus intersiom Latinum reformetur, quo avidius Veritas huius Theologiae legatur, alioquin mea insulsa editio lectores prorsus fastidio afficiet. Hodie enim sordet quicquid Rotherodama®^ non pellet elegantia quantavis veritatis constet firmitate humilis quidem stili doctrinam non sustinemus, sed coacervamus nobis magistros prurientes auribus, conversi ad fabulas et a veritate aversi.®^ Confide tamen pii lectores me calumniose non irridebunt, animadvertentes quod sim ecclesiae debitor et mancipatus minister, quo minus mihi barbarismus vel soleedsmus est imputandus, quam si praesenti interpretationi me ultro ingessissem, praecipue ctun mihi quodammodo incumbat attendere cathelico gregi, quem Christus sue acquisivit sanguine.®"* Prepterea exanclandus est labor, ne illius sanguis de manu nostra requiratur.®^ [foi. Aii^i Atqui tolerabilius meum iners Latinum est ab intelligentibus admittendum, nec respuendum nec sinistre iudicandum donee erreneum deprehensum fuerit. Ubi minus perite aut parum caute scripserim, ibi emendari desidere. Nihil quidem est tam solidum quod non in dubium vertatur; nihil tam Claris probatienibus deductum quod cavillari nequeat. Multa denique sacrae scripturae verba trahi possunt ad eum sensum, quem sibi quisque sponte praesumit.®^ Quocirca si quis meam editionem ad aliorum fugillationem sephistice impugnare melietur, et me impie sensisse criminabitur, nolo secum

®®Isa 6:4; Cf. OE prolog,2. ®^ About Purstinger's move to Saalfelden, in the Middle Pinzgau, see above, 176- 193. ®2Erasmus of Rotterdam (+1536). ®32 Tim 4:3f. ®4Act 20:28. S^Ezech 3:18, 20. ®^Cf. Corpus iuris canonici. Deer Grat, D. 37, c. 14. 256

scripto aut verbo inutiliter contendere, sed offero me et mea scripta iudicio sedis apostolicae aut cmuslibet catholid episcopi vel doctoris non 60 suspecti vel legittimae universitatis, quorum omnium et singulorum cognitioni stare paratus sum. Verum siquid in meo tractatu utile comprehenditur, id beati Augustini aut alionmi divorum patrimi est, non meum, cuius solius est omne incompositum in eodem tractatu comprehensum. Huge hie libellus ob ineptitudinem non est omnino 65 aspemendus, sed potissime ob veritatis indagationem legendus, tametsi non scaturiat elegantia vel lenodnio verborum. Non enim venio in sublimitate sermonis mihi penitus ignoti,®^ neque in mundana sapientia qua prorsus careo, neque ut hominibus placeam sed Deo optimo maximo.®® Quippe Gregorius ad episcopum Alexandrinum 70 scribens,®' indignvim arbitrabatur verba coelestis oraculi restringi sub Donati regulis.^® Dabit itaque veniam V.R.P. incomptae et prope neglectae editioni meae, quae forte si minus auribus, bonis tamen mentibus plus erit salutaris. Ideo praesentem tractatum institui, non ad aures mulcendas vel ad eloquentiam ostentandam, sed ad christianae 75 reipublicae utilitatem et ad errantium informationem eorum scilicet qui magis imprudentia quam temeritate errant et circum veritatem vacillant ex simplidtate titubantes et ambigentes in utram credendi partem dedinent, non totaliter ab orthodoxa fide defidentes, quibus meam lucubrationem conducere spero. Alioriun autem me miseret, 80 quibus occurrentis coecitatis errore subversis mei labores minime prosunt, cum novitatum avidi et contra sanctam ecclesiam turgidi lutulentas falsitatis lacimas magis sitiunt, quam salientem veritatis fontem vel salutarem sapientiae aquam quaerant.^'^ Congressi itaque

®7lCor 2:1. Thes 2:4. ®^Cf. Pope Gregory I to archbishop Leander (of Seville not Alexandria!), a letter of dedication to his commentary on Job. GREGORY, Moralia, "Ad Leemdrum," 4 (= I, 7, 220-222). consider it disgraceful that the words of the divine oracle are choked by the rules of Donatus," for Purstinger meant: "it is unbecoming of prophecy to limit it by Latin syntax." Donatus Aelius (mid 4th c.), teacher of Jerome, wrote a Latin Grammar that b^me a standard textbook during the Middle Ages. a. loan 4:14. 257 libellum in centum capitula, quibus iuxta paradigma evangelicum centum ovibus pascua uberrima praestaretur.^^

92cf Math 18:12-14; and Luc 15:4-6 258

No. 7: PURSTINGER to LANG (Saalfelden, 2 September 1533)

Location: KAS 8/90 "Saalfelden: Priesterspital 1530-1749." Literature: SALLABERCER, "PUrstinger," 465. Description: PUrstinger autograph; one fol. leaf, in paper, zjaith dorsal address: "Dem 5 hoch wirdigisten fUrsten und herren herren Mathewsen Cardinal und Erzbischof zu Salzburg etc., meinem gnadigisten herren." Abstract: In response to Lang's request for information on Lutheran and Anabaptist activity in his territory, Purstinger organizes a fraternity of priests in Saalfelden to investigate the matter, secretly or otherwise. The priests send two representatives to 10 Lang, asking that he approve the fraternity's founding articles, which PUrstinger hopes will protect the true faith and unify the clergy, whom many people hate.

Hochwirdigister f^st, gnadigister herr, mein diemiitig pete zu Got, auch willig gehorsam dinst sein e.f.g. alzeit von mir berait. Gnadigister herr, e.f.g. hat mir langst bevolhen, mein fleissig 15 ervorschung zehaben,^^ ob iimdert hie umb Luterisch sachen oder Widertawfferey sich bey geistlichen oder weltlichen anzundten oder erwecken wolten, darinn ich bisher allzeit mein embsig awfsehen gehabt und noch furter gem haben wil. Deshalb ich ainen zesamgang, nemlich ain pries terbruderschaft, verfuegt hab zemachen, auf das ich zu mir 20 bringe die pfarrer, peichtiger und ander selsorger, bey denen ich mich auch sy selber imdereinander in gehaim oder sonst erkunden mogen: wie Luterisch und ander verpoten sect[en] bey inen und bey iren lewten geistlichen oder weltlichen steen; [tmd] ob irmdert ettwas vmgeschikts wolt einweissen oder zuetragen. Darauf hab ich mitsambt anderen 25 priestern die hiebeyligend artikel ainer leidlichen priesterlichen bruderschafft concipiert,®^ avif form imd innhallt als erwirdig herr brobst

zu Hegelwerd^5 imd herr Cristoff Diether, pfarrer zu Teysendorf,^^ yon unser aller bruder wegen e.f.g. furtragen und aiifuegen wirden, mit bitte.

letter with a specific request from Lang to Piirstinger has been found. ^'^"Fundatio confratemitatis et hospitalis sacerdotum in Saalfelden per Bertholdum, quondam Episcopum Chiemensem" (2 September 1532), printed in DEUTINGER (ed.), Beitrdge, VI, 440^6. ^^Wolfgang Criesstatter (or Griesstetter), canon in Berchtesgaden, provost of Hoglworth (1522-41); administrator of the Stift Baumburg (1536-38); provost in Berchtesgaden (1541-67); and Altotting (1564). ^Christoph Diether (von Hallein und Urstein), parish priest of , Oberkustos of the Bruderschaft (6 January 1534 - 1552); and Stiftskapitular of Berchtesgaden (1558). 259 dariiber ain bestattung von e.f.g. zuerlaimgen. Daneben pitt ich auch mit ganzem diemutigen fleiss, e.f.g. geruehe bem[e]lte bruderschaft gnadiklich zuezelassen und zebestatten.^^ Was darinn e.f.g. missvellt, dasselb sol gewendt und gemassigt werden nach aller billikait. Dann Ich ye verhoff, solhe bruderschafft werde wol dienen zu verhuettung hie bey uns das waren glaubens, auch zu rue und ainikait der pries terschaft, die sonst bey vil lewten gehasst wirt Darauf bevilh ich mich und die new bruderschafft e.f.g. als unseren gnadigisten herrn. Geben zu Salfelden, am andem tag des monats Septembris, anno domini 1533. E.F.G. Undert^ger Caplan Bertold bischof ettwan zu Kiembse.

^^"Confirmatio Confratemitatis sacerdotum Hospitalis in Salfelden" (12 November 1533), printed in DEUTINGER (ed.), Beitrage, VI, 446-453. 260

No. 8: [PURSTINGER] to LANG (Saalfelden, 22 October 1533)

Location: SLA, HK Consistorium 1530-1545, fasc. 1530-1539. Literature: SALLABERGER, "Purstinger," 465. Description: Purstinger autograph; on paper, 8 x 17 cm. 5 Abstract: Cover letter, or rather note, for a five-page RatshJag (nam lost).

Hochwirdigister fiirst, gnadigister heir, mein andachtig gepet zu Gott, gehorsam und ungespart dinst allzeit bevor. Awf e.f.g. bevelh hab ich in hiebeyligender sach mein ainfaltige maynung auf hier innbeslossene zedteln geschriben,®® wie e.f.g. vememen wirt. Daneben 10 sennd ich hiemit die funf zedteln,®^ so e.f.g. nogst bey mir hiegelassen und bevolhen hat, dieselben in e.g. hannde widenmib zuezestellen, das ich dann hiemit thue, imd bevilh darauf mich allten caplan e.f.g. als m.g.h., dene Got geruehe lang zait gluklich zebehallten. Geben zu Salfelden, amm 22. tag Octobris, anno domini 1533.

5®NO letter with a specific request for Purstinger's opinion has been found. 9^The Ratshlag itself is lost (perhaps no. 9 is a later version). 261

No. 9: PURSHNGER to LANG ([Saalfelden], 8 November 1533) Location: SLA, HK Consistorium 1530-1545, fasc. 1530-1539* Literature: SALLABERCER, "Piirstinger," 465 with fn. 181. Description: Piirstinger autograph; one leaf (2°, r-v) and one folded sheet (2°, lr-2v) in 5 paper; with dorsal remark "Alt Chiemsee ratschlag in causa statuorum;" foliation mine. Abstract: Advice on four points: 1) the oath Domherren take to the archbishop; 2) the use of cathedral chapels for ecclesiastical feast days; 3) the need for a revised Salzburger Brevier; and 4) the benefices attached to the Pilgrim chapel in the cathedral. Piirstinger emphasizes in an addendum that Domherren have only one lord, 10 namely Matthaus Lang, that the cathedral provost and cathedral deacon are likewise subject to Lang as prince, and that without a spiritual and temporal lord, Domherren are headless monsters.

Hochwirdigister fiirst, gnadigister herr, mein andachtig gepet zu Got, auch willig und pflichtig dinst alzeit bevor. E.f.g. hat mir yetz 15 zugeschickt, etlich artikel zeratslahen,^®^ darauf ich hierinn mein gehorsam erzaig, mer dann ich raten kan. Erstlich hab ich verlesen der herren vom capitl antwort, (die ich e.f.g. widerumb hiemit zuesende).^"^ Darinn sy bekennen, daz sy e.f.g. als landsfiirsten und ordinaria alle gehorsam reverentz und obedientz 20 zethun schuldig seien, auch solichs bisher gethan und noch furter thun wellen etc., mit mer guter undertaniger erbiettimg. Vermain ich, sy werden iiber solh ir benkantnufi Hartt zebringen ad praestandum personale iuramentum, ex causa mihi modo occurrente, quia canonici metropolitanae ecdesiae censentur esse in dignitate ceu prelati. Ideo ad 25 personale iuramentum non coguntur sed ad pectus promittere solent. Wiewol den herm vom capitl nit verwaislich ware, nachdem sy in iren statuten und iuramenten ainen thuembrobst und dechant oder ander mer bedenkhen, daz auch e.f.g. als ir aller oberer imd ordinari darein geslossen ware. Doch ligt nit vil daran, dieweil sy, (wie vor steet), ain 30 gute bekantnuC thun. Dieselb ist in albeg zemerckhen und einzeschreiben von wegen kimftigs zweifels, der furfallen mocht.

*My thanks to Dr. Hubert Schopf (SLA) for proofreading the transcription. 100"Statuta" (SLA: HK consistorium 1530-1545, fasc. 1530-1539). About the Salzburg cathedral chapter see VfAGNER, Domkapitel; WAGNER / KLEIN, "Domherren;" and GREINZ, Die fUrsterzbischSfliche Kurie. Antwort (non found). 262

Ich glawb wol, daz in Tewschland auf kainem stift die thumbherren iren ordinarien sonderlich sweren oder geloben. 1st audi awfm stift Salzburg nit gebrawchig. Ich vermain, es sey genug, daz im 35 eingang e.f.g. gemaine landschaft von alien dreyen stenden more solito gelobt hat, durch sich oder durch iren awsschufi, die burger mit awfgereckten fingern, die edellewt mit dem handstraich und die prelaten mit versprechen auf ir prust. Danmder ain thuembbrost und capitel auch beslossen imd desselben mals bey versamblung gemainer 40 landschaft gegenburtig gewesen seien. Darauf ist mein diemutig gutbedimkhen: e.f.g. welle sich hieriim gegen den herren vom capitel liederUch und gnadiklich hallten, dieweil sy sich sonst awsserhalb des persondlichen glubs wol erpietten, ne causa exasperata inquietam rixam generet in futuram pernitiem utriusque partes, [foi. (i)*l 45 Zum andem, als die herren von capitl begeren, die capellan in thuemb zum gotsdinst zeverordnen etc Dieselben capellan seien schier all gestifft und begabt durch die herren von Saltzburg. In iren stiftbriefen steet, daz sy ainen herren von Salzburg, so erselbs zu chor ist, dienen sollen. Ware wol billich gewesen, daz man nit allain der 50 erzbischof ere, sonder[n] daneben die hohen fest und der kirchen zier bedacht hiet. Darumb mag e.f.g. wol verordnen, daz an hohen festen voraws welhe e.f.g. festen seien, die capellan des thuembs i n processionibus et stationibus, von wegen e.f.g. zu kirchen dienen, angesehen, daz sich die herren vom capitel erpietten, die bemelten 55 capellan tailhaftig zemachen an bestimbten festen der gwondlichen presentz. Zum dritten ware langst zeit gewesen, den irrigen und langwerigen Saltzburger Brevier zureformieren.^o^ Dann ainen Selsorger ist ye unmoglich, in feriis das Saltzburger pete zesprechen und 60 daneben die Selsorg aws2«richten. Er muefi das ain verk^tzen.

102The Salzburg Brevier was printed six times after 1500. But the last printing with no later revisions was 1518 {Breviarum Salisburgensis, Venice, J. Oswald, 1518). Cf. BOHATTA, Bibliographie, 248f. 263

Zum vierden ist mir nit aigentlich bewisst, wie es mit den beneficiaten in capella Pilgrimi^^^ oder mit andern manualen in thuemb gehalten ist, anders dann wie in den stiftbriefen ermeldt und awstragen wirt. On mercklich ursach seien dieselben beneficiaten nit entsetzt. Inen ist auch nit gestatt, ire benificia, on [bejsonder zuegeben die herren von Saltzburg, zepermutiren oder durch ander pries ter zeversehen oder absentz davon zenemmen. Ob aber hiewider die chor capellan^O'^ gefreyt seien, ist mir gantz unbewisst. Derm dieselben chor capellan seien erst newlicher zeit awfkomen. Aber solich sachen e.f.g, gestifft capellan betreffend, steen all bey e.f.g. zelassen oder zeverhengen wie sie verlassen. 8 Novembris anno [15133

[Addendum, fbl. (2)^] In der hiebeyligenden handlund, das iurament etc. betreffend, vermain ich, gegen den herren vom capitel mocht gemeldet werden ain solhe maynung: Wissenlich ist, daz m.g.h. von Saltzburg der thuembherren in gemain und in sonderhait rechter herr ordinari und landsfiirst ist und sy sonst kainen landsfursten noch ordinari haben, noch ainen andern anzaigen mogen, der iiber ir person gemainklich vmd sonderlich in grossen sachen zegepietten oder zerichten hab potestate meri vel mixti imperii awsserhalb meins gnadigisten herrn von Salzburg, der in causis ecclesiasticis ir gesetzter ordinari ist und in causis saecularibus ir naturlicher landsfiirst ist. Wo gleich die thuembherren ainen thuembrobst oder dechand underworffen seien, ist doch solhe oberkait nur in causis minoribus non

Pilgrimskapelle in the cathedral was endowed by and named after archbishop Pilgrim 11 von Puchheim (reg. 1365-1396). There were six benefices attached to the chapel. See further KLEIN, "Erzbischof Pilgrim;" Hans WAGNER, "Vom Interregnum bis Pilgrim von Puchheim" in GS, I/l, here at 479-86; and Adolf HAHNL, "Die bauliche Entwicklimg" in GS, 1/2, at 854. ^^^Domchorvikare. About the reinstatement of Domchorvikare (3 Oct. 1530), after the secularization of the cathedral chapter (1514/15), see GREINZ, "Fursterzbischofliche Kurie," 133. 264

in arduis, utpote in criminalibus vel in similibus in personas tamen eorum exequendis. Ubi par in parent non habet imperium: Nam domini praepositus et decanus Salzburgenses sunt 90 solummodo simplices sacerdotes quemadmodum canonici, et neuter eorum est consecratus neque regalibus fulcitus, quemadmodum dominus reverendissimus Salzburgensis. Ergo idem dominus reverendissimus est verus et legitmus ordinarius et princeps dominorum canonicorum, quorum praepositus et decanus dumtaxat 95 iudices sunt pedanei. Die herren von capitl muessen ye ainen ordinari und landsfiirsten haben und werden gedrungen zebekennen, daz solher ir ordinari und landsfurst nyemand anderr sey dann allain m.g.h von Salzburg, der dariiber bestatt vom ist stuel zu Rom und regalia hat von 100 Romischen Reich. Dawider mogen die thuembherrn nit anzaigen ainicherlay griindtlichen ursach, derhalb sy nit schuldig seien, sich gemainklich und sonderlich mit ayd und trew gehorsamlich zeverpflichten under m.g.h. als under ir geordent hawp[tl in geistlichen und weltlichen sachen. 105 Sonst waren sy hawp[t]los imd acephali^^^ die in hohen und grossen sachen kainen obrer hieten. [foi. (2)^ Darauf ist gantz ungeschickt und spotlich, daz die herren von capitl geloben iren nidrern obrern, dem thumbbrost imd dechant, und vergessen oder versmahen iren hohern obrer, m.g.h. von Saltzburg, als 110 iren rechten ordinari und landsfiirsten, deme sy von wegen be[i]der oberkait geistlicher und weltlicher aws naturlicher billikait nach vermog aller recht auch nach art und gebrawch gemainer regiment schuldig seien, pflicht und gehorsam zethun, wie ander s.f.g. underthan imd landlewt pflegen zethxm. 115 Wo nu[n] in des stifts Saltzburg landschaft, darein die herren vom capid auch gezellt seien, ain zwifachimg oder spaltimg beschach ettlich wolten irem landsfursten nit angeloben, als die thuembherren edich muessen angeloben, nemlich die anderen stand[e] der landschaft

^05About acephali (headless monsters) see above, 127-129, and TTh 91,14. 265

geistlich und weltlich. Daraws mocht zwischen denselben st^den 120 unwill und zertrennung erwachsen, gegen m.g.h. ungehorsam entsteen, und in gantzen stift unrat beschehen. Ain herr von Saltzburg wesst nit, ob die thuembherren s.f.g. zugehorig w^en oder nit. Die unbesinnten und jungen thuembherren mochten gedenckhen, nachdem sy Irem rechten herm von Salzburg nit gesworen oder verliibt, waren sy auch 125 s.f.g. nit schuldig getrew und gehorsam zesein, tmd wurden also zu iibermuett geursacht, sich wider ainen herm von Salzburg awfzelaynen. Solich und ander von ungefell ist zebesorgen, so die thuembherrn m.g.h. nit angeloben. Demselben kunftigen unrat und sorglichen geverlikait so dem stift Saltzburg steet auf der thuembherren 130 widerspanikait, furzekomen, solten sich billich die gegenburtigen herren vom capitl bewegen lassen, sich mit aydes pflicht zeverpinden und undertanig zemachen, m.g.h. von Salzburg aigentlich s.f.g. gehorsam und getrew zesein. Die gehorsam betrifft geistlichen gwalt. Die trew betrifft LandsfiirstHche oberkait. [foi. (3)n 135 Als aber die herren vom capitel fiirgeben, sy haben tempore ordinis ainem herren von Salzburg nit gelubt. Dasselb ist glawblich, nachdem sy derselben zeit nit sui iuris, sonder[n] eingeleibt lewt gewesen, nit propria gehabt, sonder[n] mit alien iren sachen irem nagsten prelaten underworffen sein muessen, dann die regulierten 140 prelaten pflegen, anstat ir selbs und irer underthanen irem geistlichen ordinari desgleichs weltliche oberkait zegluben, auch die trew^°^ imd gehorsam zeversprechen. Dieweil aber bemelt thuembherren numals sui iuris worden und nymmer religiosen seien^'io^ sonder[n] sy all und yeder m.g.h. als 145 ordinarien und landsfiirsten on mittl underworffen seien, und ir hoch sachen geistlich und weltlich mit ordenlichem gericht nit anderswo awstragen soUen darm vor geistlichen oder weltlichen richten m.g.h., darumb ist recht und billich, daz sy s.f.g. die gehorsam imd trew angeloben als irem rechten oberherren.

^O^get-trew] cor. die trew. ^®^bout the secularization of the cathedral chapter (1514/15) see Heinz DOI'SCH, "Salzburg im 15. Jahrhundert," in GS, I/l, 487-593, here at 588-590. 266

150 Siquidem supradictis causis minime attentis, domini d[omini] capitula adhuc recusaverint homagium praestare domino reverendissimo, tunc erit impetrandum breve seu conquestum vel mandatum apostolicum, quo compellerent ipsi ut domino reverendissimo fidelitatam prostant, quemadmodum ceteri subditi 155 ecclesiae Salzburgensis praestare solent, aut causam allegent quominus ad huius prostarem tracanitur. Salvo in omnibus praemissis consilio meliori. 267

No. 10: PURSTINGER to LANG (Saalfelden, 15 September 1535)

Location: HHStA, OA Salzburg, fasc. 132, fol. 222^ Literature: SALLABERCER, 'PUrstinger," 479, fn. 248. Description: PUrstinger autograph: one folio leaf in paper; later foliation in pencil. 5 Abstract: PUrstinger hears about the death of Aegidius Rem, bishop of Chiemsee, in a letter from Lang (now lost), wherein Lang asked PUrstinger to return to his long-since retired position as bishop. PUrstinger declines on account of his waning years and wanting ability and recommends that Lang appoint a pious, spiritual and learned man (one of Salzburg's cathedral clergy, an episcopal advisor or a close friend) as soon as possible. If 10 someone is not found quickly, Lang should acquire the benefice himself temporarily (before the pope, emperor or archduke is able to intervene). During the interim he should find a consecrating bishop for Salzburg.

Hochwiirdigister fiirst, gnadigister herr, mein andachtig gebet zu Got, auch gehorsam dinst alzeit bevor. Ich hab yetz in diser stund auf 15 die verschidtmg meines herrn bischofs Egidi,^°® (Got sey im gnadig), bey Hannsen Meindel e.f.g. auf ir schreibenio^ geantwort vmd zuerkennen geben, daz ich kainerlay weis weder auf stat, noch auf zeit, kurze oder lange, das bisthumb Kiembse widerumb annemen welle, aws virsach meiner mangel des elters und vermogens. Als mir nochmals e.f.g. 20 bevilht, hieruber meinen rat anzezaigen, wie sich e.f.g. ferner halten, und darein schikhen solt etc., also bin ich ditsmals bedacht, daz e.f.g. aws irem capitel oder raten oder etwo aws iren gesa[m]bten frewndten fumeme ainen fnimen, geistlichen, gelerten, christenlichen und tapfem man, demselben das bisthumb BCiembse verleihe awfs poldest, ee dann 25 summus pontifex cum provisione apostolica furkome oder Kaiser Karl oder Konig Ferdinandus fur ainen gwaltiklich pitte, deme on sorg nit versagt kont werden.^^o Und also ain person iim stift Kiembse k^e, der villeicht e.f.g. und den stift Saltzburg rut wol fuegen werde. Ob aber e.f.g. nit gelegen ware, sopald mit ainen electen zum 30 bisthumb Kiembse zeh^deln, alsdenn ist mein rat, daz e.f.g. fiir sich vonstundan verfueg, zu Rom zeimpetriren unam commendam vet

Aegidius Rem, bishop of Chiemsee (reg. 1526-1535), died imexpectedly on 9 September 1535. See further, FORST, "Chiemseebischofe," 245; BURGER, Rupertigau, Chiemgau, 54-56; SALLABERGER, "Purstinger," 477; NAIMER, Chiemsee, 69. ^®^Letter not foimd. ^^''The fear of Habsburg interference and/or a papal provision wjis exacerbated by past experiences regarding the dioceses of Gurk and Seckau. See H. DOPSCH, "Salzburg im 15. Jahrhundert," in GS, I/l, 487-593, at 507,542. 268 reservatfionem]^^^ ecclesiae Chiemensis ad aliquod tempusM'^ In derselben zeit kan sich e.f.g. wol beraten, wie mit der verwaisten kirch Chiembse zehandeln und wol fiirzesehen sey. Dazwischen muefi man haben ainen weichbischof zu Salzburg. Solichs hab ich in eyl zueschreiben wellen e.f.g. als m.g.h., dene ich bevilh mich und das verellend bisthumb BCiembse, das mir fasst lieb ist, xmvb das ich davon vil gutikait empfangen hab. Datum in Salfelden, an der mitichen nacht post exaltationis sanctae crucis [= 15 September], anno domini 1535. EJ.G. imdertaniger diener Bertold B[ischof]

commenda vel reservatio = the transfer of an ecclesiastical benefice to another person on account of death or disability. fact, pope Paul III appointed Matthaus Lang administrator of Chiemsee for three years; but Lang resigned after 15 months and named Hieronymus Meitting the new bishop (reg. December 1536 - August 1557). See NAIMER, Chiemsee, 69f. 269

No. 11: PURSTINGER to LANG (Saalfelden, 15 September 1535) Location: HHStA, OA Salzburg, fasc. 132, fol. 235^"^. Literature: SALLABERGER, "Purstinger," 477-479, with fn. 248 (photo at 478). Description: Piirstinger autograph; one folio leaf in paper; later foliation in pencil. 5 Abstract: Within one hour of receiving Lang's first letter and having already responded (no. 10), a second letter arrived (lost), which Piirstinger answers by reinforcing his reason for not wanting to be named bishop of Chiemsee. He describes himself as unfit, feeble and "half-dead." The content of the two letters is similar.

Hochwirdigister fiirst, gnadigister herr, mein gehorsam dinst und 10 alias, was ich vermag, alzeit bevor. Mir seien yetz in ainer stund zwey schreiben von e.f.g. zue[ge]bracht, aines bey Hannsen Meindel,^^^ darnach das ander bey Hannsen Ainspominger. Daraws ich erschrokenlich vemomen hab den abgang m.g.h. bischofs Egedi.^^"^ Got sey ime gnadig und parmherzig. Daneben hab ich aws ersten schreiben 15 empfunden e.f.g. gnadigen willen zu mir annen knecht, dere solhe gnad umb e.f.g nye verdient hat, noch ymmer verdienen mag, nemlich mir and die wa[h]l gesezt, ob ich nach abgang bischofs Egidi das bisthumb BCiembse widerumb vermain anzenemen, alsdenn wolt sich e.f.g. darumben mit mir liederlich vergleichen. Darauf e.f.g. begert imd ratt, 20 daz ich die iibrigen tag meins lebens dem heiligen herm sand Ruprecht zu Salzburg diene.'^^^ Dariiber eroffen ich e.f.g. difi mein gemuett: wo es gleich besser umb mich ware, dann es ist, daz ich weder Kiembse noch ander Bisthumb oder preladur nynunermer wil noch kan annemmen als ain imtuchtiger, prechenhaftiger halbtoder mensch. Kund oder 25 mocht ich sand Ruprechts knecht sein vmd e.f.g. dienen imd mein arbait anligen, ich wolt solichs hie zu Salfelden gleich so gern thun als zu Salzburg. Ich bin aber weder Got noch e.g., weder hie noch dort, nutz oder tuglich. So waifi ich wol, wann ich mich zeitlicher geschafft widerumb underwande, daz ich paid darirm wurde sterben. Darumb sey 30 e.f.g. mit mir nur unverwarren, dann ich mocht dem stift Kiembse kains weys vorsein, weder lang noch kurz, noch ad fideles mantis auf ain zeit armemen noch verwesen. Ich mag nynderthin raysen, weder

above, no. 10, at 267.14-16. above, fn. 108. About St. Rupert see above, fn. 10. Note that ministry in the church of Salzburg was regarded as service to the patron saint, St. Rupert. i !

270

geen noch reytten noch furen. Ich bin ain gantzer lig im betten worden^i^ und aller weld unnutz. [foi. 235*] 35 Als mir e.f.g. bevilht, meinen getrewen rat zegeben, wie sich e.f.g. hierinn halten iind darein schikhen solt etc., also kan ich ditsmals nichts bessers raten, dann e.f.g. nemme fur ain person aws irem capitel Oder raten oder aws irer gesa[m]bten frxintschaft^^^ aigentlich ainen frommen, geistlichen, gelerten und christenlichen tapfern man, 40 denselben awfs poldist erwole, confirmier imd in das bisthumb Kiembse einsetz, ee daim summus pontifex cum provisione apostolica furkome Oder Kaiser Karl oder Konig Ferdinandus ainen eindring mit gwaltigem gepet, das villeicht e.f.g. vacante sede Kiembse fuglich nit mocht versagen noch umbgeen, sonder[n] muesst aws not das bisthumb ainen 45 verleihen, der e.f.g. imd dem stift Salzburg nit gelegen ware. Soferr aber e.f.g. nit fueglich ist, alspald mit ainen erwelten zum bisthumb Kiembse zebefuderen und zehandeln, alsdarm ist mein rat, daz e.f.g. fiir sich vonstundan sollicitier und zu Rom impetrier [ commendam vel reservat[ionem] ecclesiae Chiemensis^^^ auf etliche jar I 50 oder ander zeit. Causas narrandi mag man wol finden. In derselben zeit r t kan sich e.f.g. wol beraten und deliberiren, wie mit Kiembse weiter sey i zeverfaren. Dazwischen muesst ain weichbischof zu Salzburg, gehalten I werden, den bringt man leicht zewegen. [ Solichs hab ich kurtzlich zuesichreiben wellen e.f.g. als m.g.h., i 55 deme ich bevilh mich und das ellend^^^ bisthumb Kiembsee, das mir 5 warlich fasst lieb ist. Darm von ime ist mir fasst wol beschehen und [ noch, des ich Got nymmermer verdankhen mag. Datum in Salfelden i an der mitichen nacht post exaltationis sacrae crucis [= 15 September], I anno domini 1535. F 60 E.F.G. Demutiger Caplan Bertoldus

lig im betten warden = bedridden. ^^^gesa[m]bten fruntschaft = not only friends but also relatives. ^^®See above, fri. 111. ^^^unglucklich 271

No. 12: PCRSTINGER to LANG (Saalfelden, 3 October 1535) Location: HHStA, OA Salzburg, fax. 132, fol. 219^ - 221®. Literature: SALLABERGER, "PUrstinger," 479 toith fn. 249. Description: PUrstinger autograph, one folded folio paper sheet (Bogen) toith seal, later 5 pencil foliation, toith dorsal address: "Dem hochvnrdigisten fiirsten und herren herren Matheiosen Cardinal und Erzbischoven zu Salzburg etc., meinen gnadigen Herren." Abstract: Advice to Lang about: 1) tohether cathedral clergy from Salzburg have a right as they claim (according to the ius spolii) to the valuable vestments of the recently deceased bishop of Chiemsee; and 2) tohether the cathedral clergy from Chiemsee 10 should make a gift to the Salzburg coffers (oblaium) if they tvant the deceased bishop to be buried in the Salzburg cathedral.

Hochwirdigsten f^st, gnadigister heir, mein schvildig dinst und ganze gehorsam sein e.f.g. alzeit bevor. Gnadigister herr, als mir e.f.g. in irem schreiben, so mir hewt zuebracht ist,^^° bevilht, underricht 15 zegeben, ob der abgestorben bischoven von Kiembse^^i verlassene klaider den herren vom capitel zu Saltzburg, wie sy sich beruemen nach recht^22 und gwonhait, zuegehoren und under sy awszetailen sein. Darauf thue ich disen bericht, alsvil ich ingedenkh bin, daz weder nach recht noch nach loblichem allten gebrawch billich ist, daz die 20 thuembherren von den bischoven zu Chiembse weder klaider noch anders geerbt. Wol haben dieselben thuembherren, dieweil sy in religione gewesen, wie ich albeg gehort, nach abgang der herrn erzbischofen zu Saltzburg als membra ecclesiae archiepiscopalis derselben erzbischofen klaider eingenomen imd von hof awsgetragen. 25 Aber bey den bischofen von Kiembse ist solichs vor allten zeiten nye recht noch gebrawchig gewesen, noch erhort worden bis erst nach

abgang bischofs Gorgen Alltorffer.^23 Derselb hat vil kostlicher klaider hinder sein gelassen, nach denen desselbenmals die herren vom capitel Salzburg gierig gewesen sein, deshalb dieselben klaider das capitel in 30 abwesen des herren von Salzburg inventieren und versperren hat lassen., ee dann successor in die possefi komen ist, benentlich bischof

^^Letter not found. ^^^Aegidius Rem (t 9 September 1535); see above, nos. 10 and 11. ^^About the ius spolii (or rapite capitel) see HDRG, 4, s.v. "Spolienrecht." 123Georg II Altdorfer, bishop of Chiemsee (reg. 1477-1495). Cf. BURGER, Rupertigau, Chiemgau, 39-44; WALLNER, Bistum Chiemsee, 114-116. 272

Ludwig.^24 Derselb ist nach abgang bischof Gorgen durch erzbischof Sigmunden Hollneker^^^ zu Wiirms ad ecclesiam Chiemensam furgenomen xmd daselbs confinniert. Nachmals ist derselb erzbischof 35 Sigmimd am haimzug awfm weg mit tod abgangen, [tind] nach ime ertzbischof Leonhart erwellt.^^^ Derselb hat auf strenges anhallten der herren vom capitel zwichen denselben herren und bischof Ludwigen, der bestimbten klaiderhalb durch bischof Gorgen verlassen, ain vergleichung gemacht. Wie, ist mir abgefallen. Do bemelter bischof 40 Ludwig das bisthumb Kiembse iibergeben und nach ime Doctor Cristof Mandl bischof zu Chiembse worden,^^? haben ine die herren vom capitel umb die klaider, so bischof Ludwig im Kiembsehof [foi. 2i9''i gelassen, angesprochen. Darauf sich bischof Cristoff mit inen vortragen und fiir ir ansprach oder sonst aws frewntschaft hundert gulden gegeben 45 hat, ob aber dieselb summ in gelt oder in werdt an klaidem bezallt, ist mir nit wissand. Do ich zvun stift BCiembse kommen bin, hab ich mich aws bevelh m.g.h., weilent erzbischofs Leonhart, die layischen klaider meines negsten vornoder bischof Cristofs lassen muessen den herren vom capitel, awsgenomen die bessten drew klaider hab ich daraws

50 behallten mogen, zusambt allem bischofflichem gwand als roketen,^28 rocke, prelatischen mantel und ander geistliche klaider.

Darumb bin ich bewegt gewest vor meiner iibergab und abtzug,^29 alle meine gute klaider zu mefigwandt und zu anderr Gotsere zeverschneiden und die allten slechten klaider zu mir zenemen, auf das 55 die herren vom capitel zu meinen klaidem kainen zuespruch suechten.

^^"^Ludwig n Ebner, see fti. 65. ^^^Sigmund 11 von Hollenegg, archbishop of Salzburg (reg. 1494-1495). Cf. DOE'SCH / HOFFMANN, Stadt Salzburg, 214f. Sigmund H appointed Ludwig H as bishop of Chiemsee on 4 May 1495, only two days after the death of Georg. At the time, Sigmund and Ludwig were on their way to the Reichstag in Worms, not already in Worms (ru Worms) as Purstinger suggests. The appointment took place in Bruck, near Furstenfeld (today Fiirstenfeldbruck, east of Munich). See WALLNER, Chiemsee, 117. 126Leonhard von Keutschach, archbishop of Salzburg (reg. 1495-1519). See Heinz DOPSCH, "Salzburg im 15. Jahrhundert," in GS I/l, 487-593, at 567-584. Archbishop Sigmund died in Miihldorf. ^^'Christoph I Mendel von Steinfels, bishop of Chiemsee (reg. 1501-1508). Cf. FORST, "Chiemseebischofe," 242; BURGER, Rupertigau, 46f; WALLNER, Chiemsee, 117f. ^^^rochettum = Chorhemd der Bischofe. ^290n 6 May 1526 (cf. above, no. 3,247-250). 273

Ich sterb, wann ich welle; werden meine zerissene klaider wol on ansprach beleiben. Awf das ander fragstukh — ob bey dem thuembstift gebrawchig Oder von allter herkomen sey, wann ain abgestorbener bischof zu Chiemsee inn thuemb oder ander lewt inn kreyzgang begraben werden, daz von wegen solher begrebniifi in die oblay^^o thuemstifts ain gotsdinst gestift oder sonst ain ergetziing beschech etc. — hieriiber kan ich kainen bericht geben, nachdem ich bisher von solhen begrebnussn nit vil gehort, alain von wegen der begrebnufi meines vorvodern bischof Cristofs hab ich denselben in der thuemkirch drejnnal besingen lassen, nemlich ziim ersten, sibenden und dreissigisten.^^"^ Deshalb den herren von capitel in ir oblay bezallt funfzehen gulden Reinisch und sonst nichts. Gleich wol mochten etUch bischof von kiembse, die in thuemb ligen,^32 oder ander lewt, die in kreyzgang begraben seien, aws freyem willen Oder aws andacht ettwas in die oblay gestifft haben, aber villeicht nit aws gerechtikait noch aws schuldiger not. Dann man pfligt all consecriert bischof und sonst nyemands on verwilligung der [thuemb] herren von Salzburg [foi. 22n in den thuemb zebegraben. Dann die thuembkirch als ain sponiS ist aines erzbischofs zu Salzburg als ires herren oder preytgan imd ist nit der thuembherren. Dieselben seien nur diener der kirch. Aber im kreyzgang oder in des capitels capellen oder awfm freythof haben die herren des thuembstifts merern gwalt dann in der thumbkirch. Uber oberurt sachen kan ich kainen rat noch gutbedunkhen entdekhen, anders dann wie oben angezogen ist. Mogen hierauf die

^^^oblaium = gift or sacrifice, here in the sense of funds given to the cathedral clergy (beyond their normal benefice) as a gift for saying masses for the dead. The fund {oblaium) was administered by the Oblajar (in Salzburg always a canon). See WAGNER / KLEIN, "Domherren," 9. About the liturgy itself, and the importance of the 1st, 7th, and 30th day in saying masses for the dead (obsequies), see TRE, 5, s.v. "Bestattung," esp. 744-46. ^^^f the 27 bishops of Chiemsee (to 1535), only five were buried in the Salzburg cathedral. About Adeilbert I (tl244), Konrad I (tl292), Konrad II (tl354) and Ulrich II (tl467) see MO?, "Chiemsee," 23. For Christoph Mendel (tl508) see PAGITZ, Quellenkundliches, 114. 274

herren vom capitel glawblich anzaigen, daz inen die klaider, durch bischof Egidien s^gen verlassen, rechtlich oder zimlich zuegehoren, vind umb sein begrebnuC im thuemb denselben herren vom capitel ain 85 vergnugung oder ain stiftimg beschehen solle, alsdenn welle sich e.f.g. hierinn unverweislich hallten zwischen inen und ainem kunftigen bischof zu Kiembse oder erben benantes bischofs Egidi. Dermafi wirt die anvordrtmg der herren vom capitel geschoben ab e.f.g., denen ich mich imdert^klich thue bevelhen als m.g.h. Geben zu Salfelden, amm 90 dritten tag Octobris, anno domini 1535. E.F.G. Diemiitiger Caplan Bertold Bischof etwarm zu Chiembse 275

No. 13: PURSHNGER to LANG (Saalfelden, 22 October 1535)

Location: HHStA, OA Salzburg, fasc. 132, fol. 268'' - 270^ (= original); SLA, GA XII, Bistum Chiemsee 9, fol. 85-86 (= Latin translation) Literature: WALLNER, Bistum Chiemsee, 118, fn. 917; idem "Geschichte," 82f; 5 SALLABERGER, "Purstinger," 479. Description: Piirstinger autograph; two folded folio paper sheets (Bogen). Abstract: Piirstinger advises Lang: 1) about the administration of the diocese of Chiemsee; 2) about how many and what kind of servants should be retained; 3) about the economics of the Chiemsee court; 4) arui about his "regress" (return) to Chiemsee. He 10 repeats his earlier statement that he is too old to be bishop again.

Hochwirdigister fiirst, gnadigister herr, mein andachtig pete, geflissen und diemutig dinst allzeit bevor. Als mir e.f.g. in irem schreiben,i33 das mir an gestern zuebracht ist, bevilht, daz ich iiber vier artikel meinen bericht und gutbedunkhen gebe, erstlich {stante 15 commenda'^^^) wie man sich in die administration des klainen stifts Kiembse schikhen soUe etc., daraiaf mein underricht: Ain bischof zu Kiembse hat under ime kain trefliche kirch noch capitel, weder land noch lewt, noch ander herschafft, noch grolS handel oder sachen zevorsehen. Deshalb ist sein stand leicht zeverwesen. Alain ainem 20 [dom]herren von Salzbtirg pflegen die bischof von ICiembsee dienstlich zesein und anzehangen. Voraus inn landschafften, so ain [dom]herr von Salzburg von ainer landschafft ettwas begert. Dorinn bisweil etlich widerspan[st]ig erscheinen. Dargegen ain bischof von Chiembse als erste stym in der landschaft ainen [dom]herren von Salzburg wol erspriessen 25 mag. Aws solhen und anderen ursachen erwelen die [theumbjherren von Salzburg ainen bischof zu BCiembse nit gem aufm capitel Saltzburg, auf das derselb von BCiembse das ore nit hennge mer auf das capitel dann auf ainen landsfiirsten. Sonst hat episcopus BCiemse zu Salzburg nit vil zethun, noch 30 ainicher lay geschafft awszerichten awsserhalb seines bisthumbs Kiemse,

nach lawt der fundation desselben bisthumbs. Alain chrysma^^s hat er

^^Letter not found. ^34see above, fns. Ill and 118. ^^^Chrisma is anointing oil for the sacrament of confirmation and baptism as well as the consecration of churches, altars, chalices and bells. See TTh 61,3. 276

zeconsecrieren in die coenae domini^^^ Deshalb ist die pfarr

Sekirchen^37 (jem bisthumb Kiembse vorzeiten incorporiert gewesen. Dieselb pfarr ist davon komen, aber chrysmatis consecratio ist noch 35 dabey beliben. (foi. 2681 Wiewol Kiemenses im erzbisthumb Salzburg weihen briester, kirchen, altar und anders, auch kinder firmen, item in sanctionis festis, fiir ainen herren von Salzburg in der thumbkirch singen und andere bischofliche ambt awsrichten, beschiecht doch solichs nur aws 40 vergonstung der herren von Saltzburg, nit aws schuldiger pflicht. Daim etlich bischof von BCiembse, die ir residenz nit zu Saltzburg, sonder[n] zu

Bischofhof Oder anderswo gehabt,^38 haben nye oder sellten officia episcopalia pro dominis reverendissimis awsgericht In mai2 darm mein nagster vorvoder Bischof Christof^^g ^ye gesungen, noch geweicht, noch 45 ainicherlay bischoflich ambt weder zu Saltzburg oder anderswo hat gehandelt. In solhem fal hat ain herr von Saltzburg ad expedienda pontificalia gehabt ainen weichbischof als amm iungsten den von Hypon.^'^0 Vorzeiten gedenkh ich aines weichbischofs von Baruth."''^^ Dergleichen weichbischof mocht e.f.g. awfnemmen, auch brawchen im

die coem domini = Maundy Thursday, Grundonnerstag. 137seekirchen (NE of Salzburg), part of the Chiemsee episcopal mensa (cf. WALLNER, Bistum Chiemsee, 60, 63 with fn. 446; MAIMER, Bistum Chiemsee, 5). About the Seekirchen parish see K. HEDERER and H. IX)PSCH, "Die Geschichte der Pfarre Seekirchen," in DOPSCH / DOPSCH (eds.), 1300 fahre Seeicirchen, esp. 361-63. ^^®About Chiemsee bishops resident in Bischofshofen and Fischhom see WALLNER, Bistum Chiemsee, 55-58, esp. 56. 139see above, fh. 127. ^'^^Nikolaus Kaps (+1512), Weihbischof of Gurk and Passau, and, as here, titular bishop of Hippo. Kaps was also father-confessor to emperor Frederick HI (+1493), and was present at Piirstinger's consecration as bishop. Cf. OBERSTEINER, Bischofe, 261 f, 286- 88; and SALLABERGER, "Purstinger," 440f. ^"^^Kaspar, titvilar bishop of Beirut (+ earliest 1481). Conrad Eubel does not list any titular bishop of Beirut by the name Kaspar, but does mention, in cm appendix dedicated to auxiliary bishops, a certain Caspar Baruttensis (Berythensis) for the dioceses of Brixen (1465-71) and Constance (1475-80). EUBEL, U, 278,280. See also GATZ (ed.), Bischofe ... Lexikon, s.v. "Caspar," 94, which gives the dates 1470-1481 for Kaspar as "Weihbischof in Konstanz." He is not mentioned at in GELMI, Die Brixner Bischofe. Yet it is clear, not only from Purstinger but from elsewhere, that Kaspar worked also as Weihbischof von Salzburg. See SINNACHER, Beytrage, VI, 178f, 666, 668, 676, 683; but also Helvetia sacra, 1/2, 513; GREINZ, Die fiirsterzbischofliche Kiirie, 55; and WIDMANN, Geschichte, U, 297, fn. 4. 177

50 rate und inn landschafften als ainen rat, nit als ainen landman. Er ware dann ain prelat im land. In abwesen der bischof von ICiembse haben die thumbprobst oder ander prelaten pro reverendissimis dominis Salzburgensis gesungen die hochambt awftn chor. [foi. 269n 55 Der ander e.f.g. bevelh ist, daz ich sol anzaigen, wievil und welich person zehallten seien etc. Ich vermain, dieweil ditsmals kain bischof zu Kiembse vorhanden, daz awsserhalb ains weichbischofs nit vil personen not sey, noch [be]sondere hawswirtschaft zehallten. Awsgenomen ainen anwald muefi man haben, zu einbringen zinfi vind

60 r^t dem stift Kiembse zugehorig.^^i Derselb anwald sol verwesen das gericht und ambt in der Kopel,^'^^ auch andere g^t^'^^ umb Saltzburg gelegen, zusambt dem mayrhof im Weyer.^^s Bemelter anwald sol auch in die stift Ziehen, zinfi und zehent einbringen, alienthalben aws den ambten als zu Bischofhof, Vischom, Stuelfelden^"^ und anderen orten. 65 Zu Bischofhof ist ain fleissiger frummer castner, genant

Augustin,^47 desgleichs zu Vischom ain getreuer fleissiger pfleger und nutzer ambtman, genant Veit.^'^® Dieselben zwen kormen ire ambt wol verwesen.

l^Matthaus Lang appointed Paul Altmann as Anwalt of Chiemsee (1536). See above, fn. 70; and SALLABERGER, Tiirstinger," 440f. ^^^Hofmark KoppI (East of Salzburg), part of the Chiemsee episcopal mensa (cf. WALLNER, Bisfwm Chiemsee, 60). is usucilly Rente or Einkiinfte (cf. above, 278.71), but here means Hofe. About the Chiemsee Weiherhof — a small castle and piece of land on the way to Hedlein belonging to the bishop of Chiemsee — see L. HOBNER, Beschreibung ... Residenzstadt, I, 442f. The "Schossl auf dem Weyer" also appears in several inventories; see OSTERMANN (ed.), Chiemseehof, 20, 22, 24, 26. ^^^Bischofshofen, Fischhom and Stuhlfelden (in the Pongau and Pinzgau); all part of the Chiemsee episcopal mensa (cf. WALLNER, Bistum Chiemsee, 60-64; NAIMER, Bis turn Chiemsee, 83-87). Augustine, Kastner of Bischofshofen (nothing foimd). 148veit Aman von Judendorf and Saal, mentioned as Pfleger of Fischhom (1535- 36), and as Pflegsverwalter of Taxenbach (1560-61), married Elsbeth (before 1528), the daughter of Georg Hackl, Pfleger of Fischhom (t before 1529). Cf. MARTIN, Salzburger Familien, 285, no. 86. 278

Von gibt der pfleger daselbs, genant Stadler,^^^ dem von Kiembse ainen gesezten zinfi benentlich 300 gulden. Die guilt im Zilerstal^^^ ist 73 gulden; hat nur vor zeiten ain hofschreiber jarlich einbracht. Der zehent im Jochperg^^^ nymbt ein der pfarrer im Lewkental und verraitt denselben gen Kiembse. Der zehent zu Waging,^53 gg newlich zum stift Kiembse erkawfft ist, mag ettwem zu trewer hand zevechsnen bevolhen werden. Derselb zehent ist mir reserviert,^^^ aber hieher ungelegen. Deshalb hab ich solhen zehent weilent meinem herrn bischof Egidien^^^ verlassen umb 100 gulden. Er mocht villeicht mer tragen und ist gen BCiembse wol gelegen. Furan wil ich e.f.g. pitten, daz mir fiir denselben Waginger

zehent werde gelassen ain zehent zu Stulfelden und Bramberg,^56 nur gelt dient und mir hieher gelegen ware. [foi. 269^1 Das ambt Salfelden ist mein reservat gewesen.^^^ Ich habs aber benantem bischof Egidien abgetreten. Auf das dasselb ambt und kirchen zu Salfelden in sorg der holden und pfarrlewt destbas wurde erhallten

^^^Schloli Raab and Schlofi Ort (in Bavaria, today Upper Austria, SSE of Passau), with the two Hofmarks and all rights and jurisdictions joined thereto, were acquired for Chienisee in 1500 from duke Georg of Bavaria (tl503). About Raab and Ort as part of the Chiemsee episcopal mensa see MAIMER, Bistum Chiemsee, 84-86, with fns. 577 and 596f. In 1502, after Ludwig Ebner resigned as bishop of Chiemsee (see above, 249, fii. 65]), the income from Raab and Ort were reserved for him as long as he lived. Quellen zur Ceschichte der Stadt Wien, 1/3, nos. 2452, 2453. ^5®Hanns Stadler, Pfleger von Raab und Ort (tl544). His red marble gravestone on a pillar in the parish churA of Raab reads: "Hie ligt der edl und ehrenvest Hanns Stadler, Pfleger zu Rab und (Drt, so am 28. April 1544 gestorben ist." ^^^Zillertal (the western part of the Erzstift). The Chiemsee Crundbesitz in Zillertal included property in the parishes Reith, Fugen and Zell am Ziller. Cf. WALLNER, Bistum Chiemsee, 60-62, with fn. 443; and JAGER, Ceschichte, I, 297 with fn. 3. ^^^Jochberg (between Kitzbuhel and Pafi Thum), filial church of St. Johcinn in Leukental (today St. Johann in Tirol). Cf. WALLNER, Bistum Chiemsee, 50f. 153Waging (NW of Salzburg), market town in the so-called Rupertiwinkel (today Bavaria). ^54see above, no. 3, at 249.65-69. 155Aegidius Rem, bishop of Chiemsee (reg. 1526-1535); see above, fn. 108. l^^Bramberg (in the Upper Pinzgau) part of the Chiemsee episcopal mensa (cf. MAIMER, Bistum Chiemsee, 84). 157see above, no. 3, at 248.55 - 249.65. The Amt and Pfarre (here at 279.91) in Saalfelden are different. 279

iind mit besserm fueg regiert. Er hat mir aber solich ambt herwider gelassen fiir 100 gulden, die er mir, so ich des Salfelden abtrit, jarlich geben solt, nach lawt meines reservats. Also ist unser beder handel gegeneinander aws und eingangen, daz ainer dem andem nichts geben 90 hat, awsgenomen den obberurten zehent zu Waging. Die pfarr Salfelden zusambt dem ambt mocht villeicht yetz etwas iiber 100 gulden tragen. Ich hets aber dem vorigen pfarrer mayster Erasmus® nur umb 100 gulden absentz lodert. Weiter ist neben dem obbestimbtem anwald awfzenemen ain 95 gegenschreiber, als Blasy ist,!^^ der all einnemen des anwalds awfschreib, auch bey alien stiff ten imd merklichen handlungen sey. Desgleichs under den holden schreib imd verferttig die notdurfftigen brief. Sovil dieselben brief gnmd vmd poden betreffen, sol autem reverendissimus tamquam commendator versigellen. Aber ander slecht brief mag ain 100 anwald sigellieren. Anwald sol raittung thun. Und das eingenomen gelt sol verlossen und behalten werden auf notdurft des stifts oder aines kunftigen Bischofs zu Kiembse. [foi. 270'"] Zumm dribten, wie die hawswirtschaft im Kiembsehof zestellen 105 sey etc., kan ich nit anders rate, dann es werde kain wirtschaft gehallten noch yemands geliifert, dann nit not thut ainicherlay kuchel oder keler awfzerichten, wo kain herr gegenburtig ist, sonder[n] welich diener aws notdurft awfgenomen werden. Dieselben seien mit gelt zebelonen. Doch sol inn Kiembsehof gesetzt werden ain wierdt, der das haws 110 verhuette, mit awf und zuesperren, auch mit dach beware und sonst uberal zuesehe. Demselben wiert oder ainen anderen ist zelassen die mul zu Kiembse, damit sy nit 1^ stee.^^°

^^®Ereismus Antonii (tl546); university of Vienna (1496), humanist and parish priest in Saeilfelden. See above, 113, fn. 85. ^^^Blasius Reichlin, secretary and Gegenschreiber of the Chiemsee Stift. See SLA, "Erzstift Salzburgisches Repertorium," DC, Geistliche Abteilung, 131 (register of Urkunken at the HHStA). ^^•^The Kaiarm (or Kapitel Arm) of the Aim canal ran through Chiemseehof; and the Kumpfmiihle on Pfeifergasse belonged to the bishop of Chiemsee. Cf. Heinz DOPSCH, "Die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung," in GS, 1/2, 757-835, at 798f. with fn. 290. 280

Zum vierden — des regrefihalb — gib ich dise undenicht, daz ich kainen regrefi hab anders dann, daz mir e.f.g. vacantem ecclesiam 115 Kiemensam zeverleihen, hat gnadiklich antragen, des ich e.f.g. zebedankhen ewiklich schuldig bin. Darauf mocht gleich wol verwanet vmd vergebens verstanden, oder simuliert werden, als hiet ich einen regrefi gehapt. Auf das man vermueten mocht, die kirch Kiembse vader nit gar, oder sy stee yetzund nit ganz lar, sonder[n] als hiet ich 120 noch darzue ain gerechtikait, so ich dieselb wolt suechen. Thuet nit not zuerzelen, ob solher regrefi sey fulcient auctoritate apostolica oder metropolitica. E.f.g. mag wol oder nit wartten [foi. 270*] awf mein verwilligung, alslang es e.f.g. freyer will und gevallen ist. Wiewol mein thuen nichts gillt, noch ich hierinn etwas annym. 125 Vor newn jaren hab ich e.f.g. das bisthumb Kiembse iibergeben von wegen meines alters [und] auch aws mangel meiner unschicklikait.^61 Dabey lafi ichs noch hewt beleiben. Dann solich mein m^gel haben sich nur gemert, nit gemjmdert, imd werden n5anermer awfhoren, dieweil ich leb. Wann ich aber im pad des junkbrunn 130 widerumb jung und wol geschikt wurde, alsderm mocht nur e.f.g., so sy wolt, die kirch Kiembse widerumb lassen und ich dieselb annemen. (Davor uns got behiiette). Dieweil sol aber dieselb kirch Kiembse, (me decrepito et valetudinarie vivente), commendiert werden e.f.g. als dem stifter und 135 vogt, auch als dem lehenherren und verhuetter der kirch Kiembse. Die obverschriben underricht hab ich auf e.f.g. bevelh in den bevurten vier artikeln wellen hiemit zuestellen, demselben e.f.g. als meinen gnadigisten herren, deme ich mich allzait thue diemutiklich bevelhen. Geben zu Salfelden, am 22. tag Octobris, anno domini 1535. 140 E.F.G. Diemutiger Caplan, Bertold Bischof ettwann zu Kiembse

6 May 1526 (see above, no. 3,247-250). 281

GLOSSARY

ersprtessen: frommen (13.24) (12.38 = text no. 12, line 38) etlich: einig (236) A G abfalien: entfallen (12.39) geschdffetn: Anordnungen (2390) ainfaltig: einfach, arglos (8.8) guilt: Einkunfte (13.71); Hofe (13.61) albeg: inuner (9J30) ansprach: Forderung (12.44) ansprechen: fordem (12.43) H aufrichten: einfuhren (230) handstreich: Handschlag (9.37) ausreitten: aussieben (2221) hiet: hatte (4.24) ausreiittem: vemichten (2.238) ausrichten: diirchfuhren, voUbringen (9.60) aussazung: Festsetzung (2320) I impetriren: durchsetzen (1031) ausspurzten: ausspucken (2.271) inndert. irgendwo (7.15) auswendig: nach aufien (2.185) inwendig. nach innen (2.185) awfs poldest. so bald wie moglich (10.24) awstragen: gehalten (9.64) L B leinbath: Leinwand (2.136) liederlich: leicht, leichtfertig (11.19) begaben: ausstatten (9.47) locieren: verpachten (13.93) bekantnufS: Zeugnis (9.22) beruemen: prahlen (12.16) betrueben: verdunkelen (Z47) M beschurmen: verteidigen (2.184) march: Grenze (2.249) besorgen: befurchten (2.144) menig. viel (2.148) bewaren: schiitzen (13.110) mufiglaub: Unglaub (2398) bewegen: entschlielSen (12.52) musslich: zweifelhaft, ubel (2.121) billigkait. Gemafiheit (9.111) N c nachent: nahe (2.17) cruzlich: kiirzlich (2.183) nachfechten: nachkampfen (2372) nynderthin: nirgendwohin (11.32) D deliberiren: iiberlgen (11.51) P durfftigkeit: Armut (2.151) potich: Bottich (2.48) preytgan: Brautgam (12.76) E procoss: Prozessionen (2355) puefi: Bufie (2.157) ee: eher (10.24) ellend: unglucklich (1135) ergetzung. Vergiitung (12.62) R erlodiger. Befreier, Erloser (2.73) regrefi: Anspruch (13.114) 282 s schdlckh: ungetreu, heimtuckisch (2273) schlag: Weg, Spur (2.83) sollicitieren: anhalten (11.48) sponfi: Braut (12.75) spotlich: verachtlich (9.107) stuckhen: Teilen (2.243) T thuembrobst. Dompropst (9.27) treflich: entsprechend (13.17) tuglich: tuchtig, tauglich (11.28) u underricht. Anweisung (13.113) ungefueg: Unfug (2.363) ungeschickti ungebuhrlich (9.107) ungespartz reichlich, ungesaumt (8.7) unrat. Not, Unheil (9.121) ursachen: veranlassen, entstehen (2.43) V vacier. eriedigt oder dienstlos sein (13.119) vechsnen: in Dienst nehmen (13.76) vergnugung: Bezahlung (12:85) vergonstung: Erlaubnis (13.40) verhuetten: behiiten, bewahren (2.37) verhuetter. Hiiter (13.135) verderbung: Schaden (2.37) vershinen: vergangenen (2.155) w widerkherung: Bekehnmg (2.157) widerwaertigz kontrar (4.37) widerwertigkeit. Feindseligkeit (2.185) wissand: offenbar (12:46) vninn: Wonne (2.162) wiiz: Verstand, FQugheit (2.133) z zierlichkheiten: Geprange (2.382) zimmlich: gebiihrend (2.73) zuer. Zier (2.94) 283

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