Due Process Protections in the War on Terrorism: a Comparative Analysis of Security-Based Preventive Detention in the United States and the United Kingdom
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Guantanamo: Detainee Accounts Table of Contents I. Transfer to Guantanamo.......................................................................................................... 1 II. Living conditions ..................................................................................................................... 5 III. Interrogation........................................................................................................................... 9 IV. Humilation and Degradation.............................................................................................. 13 V. Punishment............................................................................................................................. 15 VI. Beatings and other inappropriate use of force................................................................. 18 VII. Suicide Attempts................................................................................................................. 22 VIII. Release ................................................................................................................................ 22 IX. After-effects .......................................................................................................................... 23 Introduction The following is a compilation by Human Rights Watch of accounts by thirty-three former detainees at Guantanamo of their experiences there. Human Rights Watch interviewed sixteen of the detainees, reviewed press reports containing statements by former detainees interviewed -
Discretion and the Reserve Powers of the Crown
Discretion and the Reserve Powers of the Crown Peter H. Russell The decision of Governor General Michaëlle Jean to grant prorogation when requested by Prime Minister Harper in 2008 and 2009 led to considerable debate among students of Parliament as to the discretionary power of a governor general to reject advice of a prime minister. This article agrees with those who believe that Mme Jean did not err in acting on those specific requests but rejects the idea that it would violate constitutional convention for a governor general to ever refuse such a request from a prime minister. It further argues that in the Westminster system the monarch or her representative, in exercising any of the Crown’s legal powers in relation to Parliament, retains the right to reject a prime minister’s advice if following that advice would be highly detrimental to parliamentary democracy. That rationale applies equally to prorogation and to dissolution. recent article by Nicholas MacDonald and scholars, that “in this democratic age, the head of state James Bowden1 quite rightly stressed that or her representative should reject a prime minister’s Ain the democratic age the reserve powers advice only when doing so is necessary to protect of the Crown should be rarely used. They say that parliamentary democracy.” Those words of mine are “most scholars” agree that it is only under the “most quoted, with what I take to be approval, by MacDonald exceptional circumstances” that the governor general and Bowden in their article. The justification for the may reject the prime minister’s advice. -
Anti-Terrorism Pre-Crime Measures and International Human Rights Law
GW Law Faculty Publications & Other Works Faculty Scholarship 2020 The Price of Prevention: Anti-Terrorism Pre-Crime Measures and International Human Rights Law, Arturo J. Carrillo George Washington University Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.gwu.edu/faculty_publications Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Arturo J. Carrillo, The Price of Prevention: Anti-Terrorism Pre-Crime Measures and International Human Rights Law, 60 Va. J. Int’l L. 571 (2020) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in GW Law Faculty Publications & Other Works by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ARTICLE The Price of Prevention: Anti-Terrorism Pre-Crime Measures and International Human Rights Law ARTURO J. CARRILLO* How far can law go to prevent violent acts of terrorism from happening? This Article examines the response by a number of Western democratic States to that question. These States have enacted special legal mechanisms that can be called ‘anti-terrorist pre-crime measures.’ Anti-terrorist pre-crime measures, or ATPCMs for short, are conditions or restrictions imposed on a person by law enforcement authorities as the outcome of a legal process set up to identify and neutralize potential sources of terrorist activity before it occurs. The issue is whether the ATCPMs regimes in existence today comply with the corresponding States’ international obligations under human rights law because, by virtue of their preventative mission, these regimes operate outside, or on the fringes of, the ordinary criminal justice systems in the democratic societies that deploy them. -
The Intermittent Sovereign
THE INTERMITTENT SOVEREIGN I MAX RADIN It is impossible to escape from Austin, or rather from Aristotle, for the whole history of Western civilization is saturated with the concept of the state or community as composed of one part which gives commands and another which obeys them. Few people have held that all states were in fact so organized or that the existing states were developed in order to effectuate this concept. But most of those who have seriously thought about state organization have thought about it in these terms and a good deal of our state machinery has been formed under the influence of people who were trained to think so. And again since Aristotle, a favorite way of classifying states has been on a quantitative basis in respect of those who issued commands. This power might be wielded by one person or a few persons or a great many persons and the state was in con- sequence a monarchy, an oligarchy, or a democracy. Plainly that is not the only way in which classification might be made. Instead of how many wielded this power, we might first of all ask what kind of persons, where they came from, and how they were selected. Or we might have in mind the purposes for which the power was exercised. All these classifications have in fact been used to some extent at different times. But however classified, the prevailing idea has nearly always been that the state is based on authority, that .its essential characteristic is the fact that, somewhere, some place, there are people who give orders and others who obey them. -
The Decline of Dualism: the Relationship Between International Human Rights Treaties and the United Kingdom's Domestic Counter-Terror Laws
The Decline of Dualism: The Relationship Between International Human Rights Treaties and the United Kingdom's Domestic Counter-terror Laws by Craig William Alec Webber Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Laws at the University of South Africa Promoter: Professor Neville Botha November 2012 DECLARATION I declare that ‘The Decline of Dualism: The Relationship Between International Human Rights Treaties and the United Kingdom's Domestic Counter-terror Laws’ is my own work and that all the sources that I have used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my promoter, Professor Neville Botha for his exceptionally instructive and meticulous supervision. I have learned a great deal under his careful direction. I would also like to thank my parents and family and especially my Mother for her support, both practical and financial. I also wish to acknowledge Paul Tosio, who was regularly called upon to apply his considerable intellect to matters which fall well outside his many areas of interest. I dedicate this thesis in memory of my grandfather William Currin, who so enjoyed attending his grandchildren’s graduation ceremonies. Craig Webber Cape Town: November 2012 iii SUMMARY In the first half of the 20th Century, the United Kingdom’s counter-terror laws were couched extremely broadly. Consequently, they bestowed upon the executive extraordinarily wide powers with which it could address perceived threats of terrorism. In that period of time, the internal affairs of any state were considered sacrosanct and beyond the reach of international law. -
Anti-Terrorism Control Orders in Australia and the United Kingdom: a Comparison
Parliament of Australia Department of Parliamentary Services Parliamentary Library Information, analysis and advice for the Parliament RESEARCH PAPER www.aph.gov.au/library 29 April 2008, no. 28, 2007–08, ISSN 1834-9854 Anti-terrorism control orders in Australia and the United Kingdom: a comparison Bronwen Jaggers Law and Bills Digests Section Executive summary • Control orders have been part of Australian anti-terrorism legislation since December 2005. A control order is issued by a court (at the request of the Australian Federal Police) to allow obligations, prohibitions and restrictions to be imposed on a person, for the purpose of protecting the public from a terrorist act. The types of obligations, prohibitions and restrictions may include a curfew at a particular address, wearing of an electronic monitoring tag, restrictions on use of telecommunications, regular reporting to police, and a range of other measures. Two control orders have been issued in Australia to date, those applying to Jack Thomas and David Hicks. • Australia’s control order scheme is in part based upon the United Kingdom model, however there are significant differences. • Criticisms of the Australian control order regime include concerns about the ex-parte nature of court hearings for interim control orders, reporting and accountability mechanisms, and questions surrounding whether the restrictions which may be imposed by control orders are sufficiently balanced with human rights protections. Contents Executive summary ..................................................... 1 Introduction ........................................................ 1 The Australian legislation .............................................. 1 Obtaining a control order ............................................. 2 Urgent interim control orders .......................................... 3 Ex-parte court proceedings and provision of documents ...................... 4 Terms of a control order ............................................. 5 Reviews/sunset clause .............................................. -
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Volume 59, Issue 5 Page 1395 Stanford Law Review KEEPING CONTROL OF TERRORISTS WITHOUT LOSING CONTROL OF CONSTITUTIONALISM Clive Walker © 2007 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University, from the Stanford Law Review at 59 STAN. L. REV. 1395 (2007). For information visit http://lawreview.stanford.edu. KEEPING CONTROL OF TERRORISTS WITHOUT LOSING CONTROL OF CONSTITUTIONALISM Clive Walker* INTRODUCTION: THE DYNAMICS OF COUNTER-TERRORISM POLICIES AND LAWS................................................................................................ 1395 I. CONTROL ORDERS ..................................................................................... 1403 A. Background to the Enactment of Control Orders............................... 1403 B. The Replacement System..................................................................... 1408 1. Control orders—outline................................................................ 1408 2. Control orders—contents and issuance........................................ 1411 3. Non-derogating control orders..................................................... 1416 4. Derogating control orders............................................................ 1424 5. Criminal prosecution.................................................................... 1429 6. Ancillary issues............................................................................. 1433 7. Review by Parliament and the Executive...................................... 1443 C. Judicial Review.................................................................................. -
Guantánamo and Illegal Detentions the Center for Constitutional Rights
Guantánamo and Illegal Detentions The Center for Constitutional Rights The Center for Constitutional Rights is dedicated to advancing and protecting the rights guaranteed by the United States Constitution and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Founded in 1966 by attorneys who represented civil rights movements in the South, CCR is a non-profit legal and educational organization committed to the creative use of law as a positive force for social change. CCR uses litigation proactively to empower poor communities and communities of color; to guarantee the rights of those with the fewest protections and least access to legal resources; and to train the next generation of civil and human rights attorneys. Formed in order to work hand in hand with people’s movements, CCR has lent its expertise and support to a wide range of movements for social justice. We are dedicated to defending the right to political dissent, combating the mass incarceration of both citizens and immigrants, and fighting government abuse of power. We strive to complete the unfinished civil rights movement through targeting racial profiling and other modern-day manifestations of racial and economic oppression and through combating discrimination that is based on gender or sexuality. For decades, CCR has pushed U.S. courts to recognize international human rights and humanitarian protections – and we have had groundbreaking victories that established the principle of universal jurisdiction in this country and extended human rights standards to abuses committed by corporations and other non-government groups. Rescue the Constitution: Restore Habeas Corpus The ancient right of habeas corpus requires that anyone who is arrested must be brought before a judge, charged with a crime and have evidence brought forward against them. -
The English Constitution: Walter Bagehot
The English Constitution: Walter Bagehot MILES TAYLOR Editor OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS ’ THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION W B was born in Langport, Somerset, in , the son of a banker. After taking BA and MA degrees from University College London he studied for the bar, and was called in . However, he decided to return home and join his father’s bank, devoting his leisure to contributing literary, historical and political reviews to the leading periodicals of the s. In he returned to London, succeeding his father-in-law as editor and director of the Economist. Three books ensured Bagehot’s reputation as one of the most distinguished and influential Victorian men-of-letters: The English Constitution (), published at the height of the debate over parliamentary reform; Physics and Politics (), his application of Darwinian ideas to political science; and Lombard Street (), a study of the City of London. Walter Bagehot died in . M T is a Lecturer in Modern History at King’s College, London. He is the author of The Decline of British Radicalism, – (Clarendon Press, ) and is currently completing a biography of the last Chartist leader, Ernest Jones. ’ For almost years Oxford World’s Classics have brought readers closer to the world’s great literature. Now with over titles–– from the ,-year-old myths of Mesopotamia to the twentieth century’s greatest novels–– the series makes available lesser-known as well as celebrated writing. The pocket-sized hardbacks of the early years contained introductions by Virginia Woolf, T. S. Eliot, Graham Greene, and other literary figures which enriched the experience of reading. -
Sonic, Infrasonic, and Ultrasonic Frequencies
SONIC, INFRASONIC, AND ULTRASONIC FREQUENCIES: The Utilisation of Waveforms as Weapons, Apparatus for Psychological Manipulation, and as Instruments of Physiological Influence by Industrial, Entertainment, and Military Organisations. TOBY HEYS A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of Liverpool John Moores University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy March 2011 1 ABSTRACT This study is a trans-disciplinary and trans-historical investigation into civilian and battlefield contexts in which speaker systems have been utilised by the military-industrial and military-entertainment complexes to apply pressure to mass social groupings and the individuated body. Drawing on authors such as historian/sociologist Michel Foucault, economist Jacques Attali, philosopher Michel Serres, political geographer/urban planner Edward Soja, musician/sonic theorist Steve Goodman, and cultural theorist/urbanist Paul Virilio, this study engages a wide range of texts to orchestrate its arguments. Conducting new strains of viral theory that resonate with architectural, neurological, and political significance, this research provides new and original analysis about the composition of waveformed geography. Ultimately, this study listens to the ways in which the past and current utilisation of sonic, infrasonic, and ultrasonic frequencies as weapons, apparatus for psychological manipulation, and instruments of physiological influence, by industrial, civilian, entertainment, and military organisations, predict future techniques of socio spatialised organisation. In chapter one it is argued that since the inception of wired radio speaker systems into U.S. industrial factories in 1922, the development of sonic strategies based primarily on the scoring of architectonic spatiality, cycles of repetition, and the enveloping dynamics of surround sound can be traced to the sonic torture occurring in Guantanamo Bay during the first decade of the twenty-first century. -
1 the Right to Refuse Cabinet Advice As a Democratic Reform1 Tyler
1 The Right to Refuse Cabinet Advice as a Democratic Reform1 Tyler Chamberlain Trinity Western University, Langley BC [email protected] Prepared for delivery at the 2018 Canadian Political Science Association Conference in Regina, SK This is a draft. Please do not cite without permission of the author. 1 Note: This is a slightly different title than that in the 2018 CPSA program. 2 Abstract Recent years have seen a rise in interest and concern over the centralization of power in the Canadian Prime Minister’s Office. Politicians, journalists, and academics alike have decried the “elected” or “friendly” dictatorship into which the office of First Minister has transformed. This paper will review several of the solutions on offer before proposing and defending an alternative solution, namely strengthening the Crown’s right to refuse advice of First Ministers, under particular circumstances. This solution will be presented via the Constitutional Traditionalism of Eugene Forsey and John Farthing, two Canadian political thinkers whose arguments have been, I suggest, vindicated by recent experience. The final section will reflect on, and hopefully clarify, the tension between strengthening the power of unelected Governors General and the project of democratic reform. It will do this by reviewing some of the relevant literature on the potential conflict between the logic of electoral competition and the logic of good governance, including, but not limited to the work of Fukuyama (2014), Zakaria (1997, 2007), and Achen & Bartels (2016). I will conclude by suggesting that a proper conception of democratic reform in a Westminster system must not be reduced to merely increasing voter input, but must balance responsiveness to voters with the ability of the House of Commons to hold the Prime Minister and Cabinet to account. -
Volume 14 Federalism-E
Volume 14 Federalism-e Canada’s Constitutional Monarchy VERONIKA REICHERT Canadian institution.”2 Does the monarchy play University of Alberta an important, positive role in Canada today? Those who would answer “no” to its importance or its being positive have argued Anytime a royal makes an appearance at that we should abolish the Crown in Canada. an event, great public interest in royalty is However, by looking at the constitutional generated, and with that the monarchy as an structures of Canadian institutions, the design institution is brought to the attention of of our federalist democracy, and aspects of the Canadians and the Commonwealth. There is a Canadian identity, I will show that the popular opinion that the monarchy no longer monarchy does play an important, and positive, plays, and should no longer play, an important role in contemporary Canada. Further, the role in contemporary Canada, and with that a criticisms of the monarchy would be better view that the monarchy is a useless addressed through reform of the role of the appropriation of tradition, or even a harmful Crown, in terms of preserving the important symbol of oppression, the latter view taken by function the monarchy plays as well as being a Marc Chevrier who writes that “the Canadian much more accomplishable task. neomonarchy feeds illusions of false grandeur that have no meaning in America and distract One argument against the monarchy is the people from thinking that they can be that it is viewed as an archaic institution, and sovereign.”1 Others, however, see the thus it should have no place in today’s world, monarchy as an important part of modern and especially not in a federalist democracy.