The Case of Botswana

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The Case of Botswana International IDEA The International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance Challenges in delivering services to the citizens and providing avenues for development and democratic accountability in a diverse environment: The case of Botswana www.idea.int This page was inTenTionally lefT blank Challenges in delivering services to the citizens and providing avenues for development and democratic accountability in a diverse environment: The case of Botswana Paper presented at International IDEA’s Panel on Local Democracy, ‘Public Administration and Governance: Tradition and Transformation’ International Conference, The University of Philippines National College of Public Administration and Governance Manila, 27–29 June 2012 Professor Zibani Maundeni © International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 2012 International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. This publication is available under a Creative Commons Licence (CCl) – Creative Commons Attribute-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 Licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical license. For more information on this CCl, see: <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/> International IDEA Publications Office Strömsborg SE – 103 34 Stockholm Sweden Abstract This paper examines Botswana’s regions and how they decentralization in which dispersed populations were have addressed issues of governance and leadership, relocated (through encouragement, compulsion and service delivery, development and democratic example) into regional capitals, where services were accountability. It focuses on the historical kingdoms provided. There were also administrative links between that were converted into chiefdoms during the colonial the regional capitals and the main capital. This paper era and later into districts after Botswana’s independence will show that the modernization of pre-colonial states in 1966. It argues that the Tswana practised centralized was done cautiously and in a less disruptive manner— administration by creating capitals in which human therefore it attracted the support of (rather than populations were concentrated and from which services resistance from) the chieftaincies they replaced. were provided. They also practised a form of regional 1 Local democracy, governance, decentralization and service delivery in Botswana Pre-colonial and colonial Botswana consisted of numerous hereditary succession into merit-based appointments or autonomous kingdoms that occupied a huge territory. elected officials, Botswana established separate merit- Schapera (1970) notes that the Bakwena, Bangwaketse based institutions in which established bureaucratic and Bangwato chiefdoms are commonly held to be the practices could be enforced. offshoots of what was originally one kingdom—the senior branch of which is represented by the Bahurutshe— But first, the question of how communities and while the Batawana chieftaincy is known to have individuals accessed services in large chiefdoms was separated from the Bangwato at the end of the 18th answered in different ways. The choice of sites for century. The local democracy workshops found that capitals and other large human settlements depended different groups gave different reasons for these break- on the discovery of reliable sources of water such as ups. For instance, the Bakwena reported that their rivers and pans (in the desert) and the availability of separation from the Bangwato and Bangwaketse was farming land and wildlife. For instance, the Bangwato amicable, as they gradually drifted away from each chiefdom established its capital at Serowe because that other while they were looking for space. In contrast, the area had a high water table. The elders of Serowe, led by Bangwato reported that the separation was full of tension, Shaw Mokgadi of Goo Rammala ward, observed that largely due to a dispute over displaced succession: the name Serowe refers to a place that has plenty of Ngwato (their founder), who was the later offspring of water (serowa sa metsi). It was reported that water-rich the king’s first wife, provoked his half-brothers (who Serowe was initially a cattle post for the Khama family were born before him, but to the king’s second and (Bangwato rulers), and later became the main capital of third wives) to want to kill him. His apparent escape the Bangwato. Serowe was settled by Bangwato on led his mother (Mmangwato) to also break away with different occasions (they were displaced by wars of that her own followers, who were initially named after her, era as the flat land surrounding Serowe was not easy to and later after her son (Ngwato). Du Toit (1995: 21) defend) and was finally made their permanent home in adds that ‘the institution of kingship (bogosi) was the 1901. This suggests that the community that settled pivot of the political structure and a focal point of there was displaced by pre-colonial wars. political, religious, legal, economic and symbolic authority and practice’. It should be acknowledged that the The capital of the chiefdom of Bakwena, Molepolole, system was based on hereditary succession rather than was characterized by an abundance of water resources. republican appointments or elections. Their settlement of the area was also disrupted by pre- colonial wars. It was reported that the Molepolole area With the establishment of a protectorate by Great was previously populated by the Bakgalagadi (named Britain in 1885, these Tswana kingdoms were down- after the Kalahari Desert) people, who were either graded to chiefdoms. This meant that their kings came displaced by pre-colonial wars or joined the Bakwena to be regarded as chiefs, and the people were to chiefdom. In another instance, the Bakwena chiefdom recognize only the queen or king of England. This was settled a refugee population of the Basetedi (Coloured politically and administratively important because it or mixed blood) people, who practised blacksmithing implied that crucial decisions were now transferred to and gardening (both of which required an abundance Great Britain. However the boundaries of what became of water). The Basetedi had been denied residence by the Tswana chiefdoms, and their capitals and regional the Bangwaketse, who could not meet their needs, and capitals, were preserved during the protectorate era settled on the perennial Kolobeng River in the Bakwena (1885–1966). Rather than modernizing and evolving chiefdom. Letlhakeng—a sub-capital of the Bakwena 2 chiefdom that was populated by Bakgalagadi people— to these questions determined whether some groups was characterized by beautiful scenery (because of the were excluded, marginalized and oppressed, or whether presence of dry valleys) and had abundant underground they were incorporated on more equal and humane water. Thus, the desert was characterized by pans that terms that marked their acceptance and mutual co- held water. In another case, the village of Artesia is existence, and their participation in the governance of historically known for its spring waters, which made the capital. the area very good for cattle rearing and attracted Bakgatla chiefs. The Bakgatla chieftaincy survived Among the Bangwato (and this was typical of the others numerous droughts due to the presence of those waters. as well), the capital Serowe was divided into a few main The spring waters were also responsible for the Bakgatla- administrative and political wards. The four wards that Bakwena wars in the 18th century, which led to the founded Serowe in 1902 were arranged hierarchically, expulsion of the latter. with Maaloso ward for the chief. Interestingly, all ‘foreign’ people (refugees, immigrants and those Instances of forceful relocation of indigenous commu- compelled to move to the capital—such as Batalaote, nities were reported in the regions, but not in the capi- Bapedi, Bakaa and Bakalanga) were also housed in the tals. Relocations were reported in the Boteti, Tswapong Maaloso ward, which meant they were politically and and Tonota regions of the Bangwato chiefdom, where administratively superior to all other wards. The word water resources or naturally rich agricultural regions ‘foreign’ is misleading in this context, because the exchanged hands in favour of the Bangwato at the main Bangwato royals married from these ethnic groups, capital, and local residents were relocated elsewhere. gave their own daughters for marriage into those ethnic In one instance, residents of the Bobirwa region, with groups and forged mutual bonds with them. It is used its high concentration of rivers, were relocated. The here to distinguish the Bangwato clan from those it Limpopo River forms the boundary between Botswana incorporated into its chiefdom. Marriages were used to in the Bobirwa region and South Africa. It meets the help cement strong bonds between the Phuting clan Shashe River at a point called shalimpo in the Tuli farms. and others that collectively regarded themselves as The Limpopo meets the Tuli River in the Tuli Block. The Bangwato. The hereditary senior headman of the Bangwato gave this land to the British Government as Maaloso ward is Mathodi Mathodi, whose totem is the payment for protecting them.
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