Archaeofauna 13 (2004): 155-172

Adding Flesth to Bones: Using Zooarchaeology Research to Answer the Big-Picture Questions

WENDY G. TEETER1 & ARLEN F. CHASE2 (1) Curator of Archaeology. UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History (2) Department of Anthropology. University of Central Florida

ABSTRACT: Faunal analysis can give clues to the quality of life for the elite and the general pop- ulation. Many studies have discussed how a general Maya diet was affected by population pres- sure, but few have looked directly at the archaeological dietary remains. This paper looks at the adaptive responses to the increasing requirements for animal resources at Caracol, Belize, such as importation of animal products, specialization of animal use strategies, and animal management.

KEYWORDS: MAYA, COMPLEX SOCIETY, ZOOARCHAEOLOGICAL METHODS, SUB- SISTENCE INTENSIFICATION, POPULATION PRESSURE, ANIMAL USE

RESUMEN: Los análisis faunísticos pueden proporcionar pautas diferenciales acerca de la cali- dad de vida entre las élites y sus súbditos. Muchos estudios han contemplado los modos por los cuales la dieta-patrón maya pudo haberse visto afectada por la presión demográfica aunque pocos de estos estudios han analizado directamente los restos de estas dietas en el registro arqueológico. Este trabajo considera las respuestas adaptativas al incremento de la demanda de recursos animales en el yacimiento de Caracol, Belize, dentro de los cuales podemos incluir la importación de productos animales, la especialización de las estrategias de uso y la gestión de los recursos animales.

PALABRAS CLAVE: MAYA, SOCIEDADES COMPLEJAS, METODOLOGêA ZOOAR- QUEOLÓGICA, INTENSIFICACIÓN, SUBSISTENCIA, PRESIÓN DEMOGRÁFICA, GESTIÓN ANIMAL

INTRODUCTION practices, but also to give clues to the quality of life for both the general population and the elite. Faunal analysis was not a priority of early site However, although the use of faunal analysis in excavations in the Maya area. When included in Maya studies has been recognized for the last 25 site reports, it generally consisted only of lists of years, even today these analyses often are not inte- identified taxa (including Woodbury & Trik, 1953; grated into larger archaeological project interpre- Pollock & Ray, 1957; Olsen, 1972, 1978). Not tations and conclusions. until excavations undertaken in the late 1970s and One way to change this trend is to test larger early 1980s at Cuello (Wing & Scudder, 1991), theoretical questions with our own faunal data. Cerros (Carr, 1985), Cozumel Island (Hamblin, Like ceramics, lithics, and other data sets, faunal 1984), Kichpanha (Shaw & Gibson, 1986) and material provides information ranging from the Colha (Shaw, 1985, 1991) was faunal analysis mundane to the ritual. And because animal pro- used for archaeological interpretation. These ducts were so necessary to daily life, zooarchaeo- works demonstrated that zooarchaeology could be logical remains offer insights into the specifics of used not only to understand Maya subsistence daily societal decision making. To demonstrate the 156 WENDY G. TEETER & ARLEN F. CHASE possibilities of this process of approaching broader vidual experience and knowledge will be factors in theoretical questions with zooarchaeological data, that choice. the faunal analysis that has been undertaken at Pyburn’s caution reminds us that we must con- Caracol, Belize (Teeter, 2001) is used here to look sider other adaptive responses to population pres- at social adaptive responses to human population sure, such as shifts in social organization. As part pressures. of the balance between the biological and physical environment, a developing city needs an efficient centralized authority and leadership to handle the ADAPTIVE STRATEGIES pressure relating to the needed resources for its inhabitants. Some responses to increasing popula- tion pressure in terms of social organization can How might a city provide animal resources include the creation of a non-subsistence sector during times of transition from lesser to greater (specialization) and/or the importation of goods societal complexity and population sizes? If we (increased interaction in trade alliances) (Brumfiel follow a cultural ecological approach, a limited & Earle, 1987: 2). Specialization with regard to number of responses can be predicted for humans animal resources can take on many forms, from adapting to any given environment. Th ese respon- meat distribution to animal management to the ses can include any or all of technological innova- production of finished bone products. tions, changes in social organization, and/or sub- sistence intensification (Sanders & Price, 1968; Another part of greater social organization is the Ford, 1986; Pyburn, 1996). increased role of leadership in a regional economy, including centralized control over the importation Technological innovation and subsistence of subsistence goods and exotic items. These impor- intensification can be more clearly applied to fau- ted goods may allow the continuance of a favored nal data using models such as optimal foraging diet or the development of new tastes (at least for theory as suggested by Ford (1986). In her rese- part of the economy). Control over and access to arch Ford (1986) put forth three options for sub- trade goods and resources give power (Service, sistence strategies a society can use to adapt to 1975; D’Altroy & Earle, 1985). In ancient Maya population pressure. One is to move into unoccu- states, not only did elite families compete internally pied areas. Another is to intensify production by for control over resources, but also similar sized using already established resources. A third option cities clashed with each other for control over sma- is to utilize previously unused or underused ller sized cities and for regional control (Webster, resources. Of course, the likelihood is that some 1977; Chase & Chase, 1989, 1998b). combination of these three responses was used depending on need. Following Ford’s options for Therefore, in looking at the effect of complex adapting to the increased need for animal resour- society on animal resources, it is necessary to ces, a society could have: (1) increased hunting recognize technological innovations, subsistence distances into unused areas; (2) developed met- intensification, and changes in social organization hods of domestication and/or taming, as well as as possible adaptive responses to population pres- targeted and managed hunting; or (3) used other sure. These responses can also be used as a model previously underutilized fauna. for better understanding the zooarchaeological dis- tribution patterns revealed within the Caracol fau- As a caution to these postulates, however, nal assemblage. Pyburn (1996) notes that conquest and alliance through politics or trade should be included in the possible adaptive strategies. Following Sanders & Price (1968), Pyburn (1996) warns that “culture Ð THE SETTING beliefs, knowledge, experience, history Ð determi- nes whether any particular resource will be made available, used, traded, worshipped, transformed Located within the eastern foothills of the Maya by domestication, made extinct, or simply ignored, Mountains on the Vaca Plateau, Caracol (so named regardless of its biological potential.” This is an because of the winding road that traversed the important reminder that a culture’s choice cannot hilly terrain into the site) is approximately 500 m be predicted or explained solely on the basis of above sea level (Figure 1). The epicenter is situa- ecological or biological availability, because indi- ted on a high plateau that falls away into a deep ADDING FLESH TO BONES: USING ZOOARCHAEOLOGY RESEARCH... 157

FIGURE 1 Map showing the location of Caracol and other nearby Classic Period sites (from Chase & Chase, 1987: Figure 1). valley to the northwest and rises into hills to the “Veracruz” was first occupied at about 600 BC. southeast (Chase & Chase, 1987: 1). The environ- Life continued in these independent villages rela- ment today is moist subtropical forest within the tively unchanged through the Early Classic Period Petén Biotic Province and has changed little since (AD 250 - 600). Within Caracol (Figure 2), by AD the Late Pleistocene (Miller & Miller, 1994: 18). 70 much of the ceremonial plaza (Group A) and The nearest permanent body of water to the epi- many other elite residences were built (Chase & center is the Macal River, located 15 km away. To Chase, 1995). Caana (Maya for “Sky House”), a overcome the lack of permanent water in the massive platform with temples, palaces, and other region, the Caracol Maya constructed many reser- buildings, was first erected to a height of almost 30 voirs that took advantage of the large amount of m during the second century (Chase & Chase, yearly rainfall (Chase & Chase, 1987). 1994: 2). The Vaca Plateau was home to many similarly While large architecture and monuments, sized villages during the Middle Preclassic (1000 - which require an ability to support specialists and 400 BC). The earliest known habitation in the cen- mobilize people, attest to a prominent city with a ter of Caracol is at 300 BC at a structure known as powerful ruler, indications are that the city was A6, while, farther away, a plaza group nicknamed subservient to Tikal, paying tribute during the 158 WENDY G. TEETER & ARLEN F. CHASE

FIGURE 2 Caracol epicentral area causeways (courtesy of Caracol Archaeological Project).

Early Classic Period. Lord Water (Yahaw Te K’i- people to move more easily, but also brought the nich), an Early Classic ruler who took the throne in majority of people through the epicenter, where AD 553, instigated several “events” to gain Cara- leaders could have maintained control over the col’s independence. In AD 562 a “Star Wars” event distribution of goods and resources. As the city was successful, ushering in a florescence at Cara- continued to grow outward from the center, smaller col, while ending Tikal’s domination of the region independent villages found themselves subsumed for at least a hundred years (Chase, 1991). and incorporated into the greater Caracol metropo- After Caracol’s success, inhabitants from outl- litan area (Chase & Chase, 1996). They became ying regions (based on the material culture) floc- suburban administrative centers where outlying ked into the city possibly looking to share in the citizens likely paid their tribute. Caracol continued center’s prosperity. The city doubled in size within to grow and prosper, reaching its height of power th a few decades, and leaders developed a plan to during the 7 century. The city was approximately 2 integrate agricultural terraces around housemound 177 km and had a population of more than plazas, and built 11 causeways that radiated out of 115,000 people (Chase & Chase, 1994: 5). the epicenter to link all parts of the city (Figure 3; Burned floors and artifacts throughout the epi- Chase & Chase, 1998). The city’s layout allowed center suggest an abrupt abandonment in AD 895 ADDING FLESH TO BONES: USING ZOOARCHAEOLOGY RESEARCH... 159 of the city center (Chase & Chase, 2000). Several (Chase & Chase, 1994: 6; Miller & Miller, 1994: proposals link this abandonment to ecological and 12; Lee, 1996: 413). Another proposal is that a subsistence causes. For instance, some hypothesi- period of drought engulfed the lowlands at the end ze that the depletion of primary forest growth of the 9th century, meaning that the larger centers would eventually have caused large wild game to could no longer supply enough food to their citi- migrate to areas where food was more readily zens (Rosenmeier et al., 2002). In any event, even available, and that people would have followed with the center empty, perhaps 25% of the plaza

FIGURE 3 Map showing greater Caracol with causeways (courtesy of Caracol Archaeological Project). 160 WENDY G. TEETER & ARLEN F. CHASE groups in the core continued to be occupied, pos- sists of a trash deposit almost a meter thick inclu- sibly for another half century (Chase & Chase, ding burnt rabbit, deer, and other mammal remains; 2004). Within the epicenter, only the A Group con- however the bone considered here is from only the tinued to be visited, likely as a ritual pilgrimage basal 15 cm to the floor, a reasonable assignment site with short-term camping extending into the of primary floor debris. In the second part of this Early Postclassic (AD 1000-1250) or until around deposit are the remains of a large number of small AD 1050 (Chase & Chase, 2000). animals, including rodents, shrews, bats, lizards, and frogs. The skeletal part representation (nearly complete skeletons) and age structure (a high per- METHODS centage of juveniles) suggest that their presence is likely the result of owl roosting, not human acti- vity in the building. The data for this zooarchaeological analysis To answer questions concerning the socio-eco- come from excavations conducted from 1985 nomic use of animals, the faunal assemblage is through 1998. These 13 field seasons under the divided between the epicenter (the central locus of direction of Arlen and Diane Chase of the Univer- administrative and ceremonial activities), the core sity of Central Florida provide data from 596 uni- (residential in nature and outside of the adminis- que excavations (including test pits, trenches, and trative and royal structural complexes), and the horizontal clearings) from the city’s epicenter to termini areas at the end of the causeways (large household complexes 6 km away from the site’s administrative plazas). Causeway termini, appro- epicenter. During these excavations Caracol yiel- ximately 6 km to 8 km away from the epicenter, ded 84,763 pieces of animal bone from trowel are not residential in function, but probably served excavations, and matrices were screened using as regional administrative centers for the area 1/4-inch mesh, or a finer 1/8-inch mesh when spe- (Chase & Chase, 1996). On the basis of architec- cial deposits were identified. The faunal material tural investment alone, the epicenter and the cau- also reflects a variety of behaviors, as it has been seway termini can be classified as elite, possibly recovered from burials, caches, floors, garbage royal, whereas the core contains households of all scatters, and construction fill. Identifications by socio-economic strata and will be more difficult to Teeter are based on comparisons with specimens discuss in broad trends of socio-economic activity. from the UCLA Cotsen Institute of Archaeology Zooarchaeology Laboratory, UCLA Dickey Table 2 highlights the fact that most of the fau- Collection, and the Florida Museum of Natural nal remains were recovered from the epicenter. History (see Table 1 for a list of identified taxa). This is significant since, although only 26% of the Calculations are presented as number of identified total 147 discrete excavation areas or operations specimens (NISP) although elements have been were located in the epicenter, bone from the epi- refitted where possible. center represents 88% of the total site faunal assemblage. In contrast, although over 90 core Such a large quantity of bone allows particular residential groups have been excavated to various consideration to be given to context. Therefore, the degrees, only 37 groups produced evidence of fau- results can be well grounded both temporally and nal material, and that material makes up only 10 spatially. Bones with secondary provenance (fill, percent of the total assemblage. It is therefore unli- collapse, and surface contexts) are excluded from kely that excavation strategies are responsible for this analysis (N = 17,498 specimens; weight = the discrepancy in quantities recovered. It is more 5,070.24 g), except when the bone is modified or likely that the differences are due to socio-econo- identified as fish. These two exceptions are based mic access or variability in preservational condi- on the necessity for human intervention for their tions in the recovery contexts. disposition into the archaeological record. One other context was removed from the data analysis: excavations into trash deposited on the room flo- ors of Structure A6 (N = 59,167 specimens; weight CARACOL FAUNAL DATA = 4,039.68 g). This context dates to after AD 890 with a build- A general overview of findings from Caracol is up of faunal remains and trash due to owl and in order before delving into specifics. Tables 3 and human contributions. The human component con- 4 (a and b) provide a corrected distribution (wit- ADDING FLESH TO BONES: USING ZOOARCHAEOLOGY RESEARCH... 161 162 WENDY G. TEETER & ARLEN F. CHASE

TABLE 1 List of identified vertebrate species from Caracol, Belize. ADDING FLESH TO BONES: USING ZOOARCHAEOLOGY RESEARCH... 163

TABLE 2 Distribution of bone by site area and context. hout the secondary and A6 material) of the Cara- imply that marine products may have been availa- col faunal assemblage counts (NISP) and weights ble even earlier. by dated contexts. The quantity and diversity of The overall trends of faunal remains from dated represented animals indicate that Caracol residents contexts (Figure 4) at Caracol present interesting were able to acquire meat for households throug- results as they are compared with population hout the city and import products such as marine growth and reduction at the site. While recovered fish by as early as the Late Preclassic Period. Simi- bones do not correlate with the vast quantity of lar findings at nearby cities dating to the Middle meat that may have been consumed through Cara- Preclassic, such as Cahal Pech (Powis et al., 1999) col’s history, we hope that a general reflection of

Time Period Count (NISP) Weight (g) Late Preclassic 1479(18.2%) 451.51 Early Classic 888(11.0%) 338.95 Late Classic 3471(42.9%) 841.56 Terminal Classic 2260(27.9%) 1759.05 SITE TOTAL 8098(100%) 3391.07

FIGURE 4 Corrected distribution of caracol fauna by dated contexts. 164 WENDY G. TEETER & ARLEN F. CHASE how animal resources were utilized can be discus- well-constructed stone structures covered with sed. For example, the lower quantities of bone in stucco and plaster coats; a similar architectural Early Classic deposits offer several possible expla- situation is also found in some of Caracol’s cause- nations: a decline in the use of meat, the use of the way termini. These lime coatings, even when they bone after meat consumption, or a bias of the data have fallen off the buildings and covered on-floor sample. For instance, if more structures are exca- deposits, effectively prevent some water percola- vated from the Late Preclassic than from the Early tion and vegetation growth, meaning that there is Classic, then the dataset could reflect this in the better preservation in such buildings. Buildings in total amount of bone recovered. Or if the disposed the residential core were not as well constructed animal remains from the Early Classic were re- nor as well coated. Thus bone in such areas gene- used as fill in the many Late Classic constructions rally is unprotected from environmental degrada- at Caracol, then it would be difficult to correctly tion, except when it occurs inside protected archi- date this material, meaning that the overall tempo- tectural spaces such as plaster-capped or covered ral patterning at the site would be skewed. Howe- burials, caches, and fill. ver, data from other cultural materials and archae- These architectural differences do not prevent ological contexts can be used to help determine the conclusions from being drawn from the data, most logical explanation. In this instance, only a however, especially once the possible contextual few Early Classic structures have been excavated biases are recognized. For instance, it is interesting at Caracol, limiting our knowledge and the data that, while Caracol’s epicenter follows the larger sample for this time period. trend of faunal use through time, a more even dis- The spike from Early to Late Classic is logical tribution is found in the residential core. In fact a given the increase in population levels by this larger percentage of bone is recovered from core point. The hieroglyphically recorded defeat of contexts dated to the Early Classic than to the Late Tikal initiated a florescence at Caracol that saw the Preclassic (Table 3). Possibly this pattern results construction of most of the residential groups, cau- from the occupation of the epicenter before the seways, and terraces throughout the city (Chase & growth of the core of the city. Clearly, by the Early Chase, 1989, 1998a). The increase in all faunal Classic Period people had begun to inhabit more material shows the continuance of Caracol’s abi- parts of the city, moving into unoccupied areas. lity to acquire both terrestrial large game and imports from the sea. An apparent increase during the Terminal Classic reflects the large amount of sheet trash recovered from the last occupants lea- ANIMAL USE: RESPONSES TO POPULATION ving the city. PRESSURE The Caracol faunal assemblage counts can also be used to provide information on the relative dis- So what does the Caracol faunal assemblage tribution of animal remains across the site. Tables suggest concerning strategies for coping with 2 and 3 provide an overview of the distribution of stresses on environmental resources? faunal remains by site area. The results show more bone in the epicenter, where the site’s elite lived. However, more than twice as many excavations Subsistence Intensification have been conducted in the outlying core of Cara- col than in its epicenter. Although differential Landa said that the Maya called the Yucatan the access to meat may explain this distributional pat- land of turkey and deer (cited in Wing, 1981: 26). tern, Christine White’s stable isotope analysis on Caracol was certainly a land of deer; the excavated Caracol human remains showed that the percenta- assemblage shows deer to be the largest contribu- ge of meat in the diet was not significantly diffe- tor of meat. In fact, deer increases in use propor- rent across socio-economic groups (Chase et al., tionally with human occupation over time (Teeter, 1998). It is likely that bone preservation between 2001). Research at cities such as Seibal, Zacaleu, the Caracol epicenter and the outlying residential Mayapan, Altar de Sacrificios, Dzibilchaltun, core settlement may be a contributing cause. Lubaantun, Tikal, and Macanche has also reported Differential preservation is likely due to diffe- deer as the most important animal in food and rences in architecture between the epicenter and ceremony (Woodbury & Trik, 1953; Pollock & residential core. Epicentral buildings are usually Ray, 1957; Olsen, 1972; Wing, 1975; Olsen, 1978; ADDING FLESH TO BONES: USING ZOOARCHAEOLOGY RESEARCH... 165

TABLE 3 Corrected distribution of Caracol fauna by site area.

TABLE 4a Dated contexts associated with fish, amphibian, and reptiles.

TABLE 4b Dated contexts associated with birds and mammals.

Wing & Steadman, 1980; Pohl, 1989: 7; Moholy- tually the deer ran out of cover and food, forcing Nagy, 1997: 7; Emery, 1999). Exceptions, howe- the Maya to diversify their diet and manage the ver, include Cozumel Island, Cerros, Colha, Kich- remaining deer (Thompson, 1969: 223; Pohl, panha, Lamanai, and Laguna de On, where coastal 1976: 9; Shaw, 1985: 8; Sharer, 1994: 440). The and riverine habitats provided the main source of Maya may have developed management strate- food during different time periods (Hamblin, 1984: gies that included herding and taming the deer 138; Shaw, 1985: 3; Carr, 1986: 7; Shaw & Gibson, (Carr, 1996). Sex and age distribution profiles 1986: 6; Masson, 1995: 2; Emery, 1999). Pohl can show human selection processes (Klein & (1989: 168) hypothesized that residents of inland Cruz-Uribe, 1984). Although it was impossible in sites may have prepared deer carcasses to trade the Caracol assemblage to determine the sex of with the coastal cities, most likely for marine pro- deer specimens, of the 15% that could be assig- ducts. This idea is supported by the fact that deer ned an age, 84% (N = 131) were subadult. Whet- are restricted primarily to elite contexts at many of her this finding was the result of hunting or her- the coastal cities just mentioned. As well, Carr ding selection cannot be determined with (1985) has suggested that Late Preclassic specia- confidence on such a small portion of the overall lists at Cerros were preparing fish for trade inland. sample, but it is interesting that there was a gene- Some researchers believe that, as human ral increase in the representation of subadult deer population sizes climbed and spread out, even- remains through time (Table 5). 166 WENDY G. TEETER & ARLEN F. CHASE

Motul dictionary, which has a term to describe a little deer raised in a house: ah may (Pohl & Feld- man, 1982: 305). Emery et al. (2000) did stable isotope tests on recovered deer remains from the Petexbatun region, but although results showed that corn was included in the diet of deer, the amount of corn in deer diets did not change over time. Thus either deer were constantly fed corn from the very earliest occupation (which Emery TABLE 5 believes is doubtful) or they were opportunisti- Distribution of subadult deer through time. cally browsing in cornfields. Certainly the extent Some evidence for taming does come from the of the agricultural terraces at Caracol would have been attractive to deer, and the size of the human population would have kept their animal predators to a minimum. Some management of meat distri- bution seems to have been carried out at Caracol, with mammals such as rabbit, dog, and deer being TABLE 6 generally restricted to the epicenter (Table 6). Distribution of certain mammals by site area. Access to a diversity of animal resources conti- nued and even increased from the Late Preclassic through the final occupation of Caracol during the Terminal Classic (Table 7; Teeter, 2001). Far from being squatting refugees in the ruins of a once great city, the final Caracol residents imported snapper and other marine fish, as well as river tur- tle; they also had ready access to animals such as peccary, dog, turkey, and deer (Figure 5). Many of TABLE 7 the animals could have been imported from farther Identification of taxa and bone counts through time. lands as the city of Caracol grew; however, since

FIGURE 5 Distribution of large mammals from dated contexts. ADDING FLESH TO BONES: USING ZOOARCHAEOLOGY RESEARCH... 167 the resources exploited remained largely the same for its importation and wielding increased power animals that Caracol residents had always enjoyed, over trade routes. A significant drop is seen in the it is hard to know their place of origin. It is always presence of fish in Caracol during the Terminal possible that hunting specialists arose to provide Classic Period, although fish was still available to meat for the city. Caracol did not rely on commen- the site’s epicentral elite. sal animals, although many, such as dog and tur- Other imported items were brought into cities key, contributed to the diet. Reef fish provided the as raw material and then were worked into finis- only meat that can be definitively characterized as hed products by specialists for further export and an import, and while its presence did slightly local consumption (Chase & Chase, 1996). For increase over time, stable isotopic research shows example, at Caracol marine shell was imported that there was not an increase in dietary contribu- from the Belizean coast and made into finished tion for this product (Chase et al., 1998). goods at workshops for local and export consump- tion (Cobos, 1994). It is through specialization that Trade social organization was involved in subsistence intensification.

During the Preclassic, Belizean coastal sites Specialization such as Cerros, Colha, and Kichpanha exploited a diversity of fish that mirrors Caracol’s (Carr, 1985; Shaw, 1985, 1986). Reef fish were most frequently Robert Sharer (1994: 510), along with many utilized at these sites, even though the sites are at others (see Chase & Chase, 1992), believes that, as least 20 km away from the reefs. Places such as the Maya became more complex, many different Ambergris Caye provided initiation trade points to socio-economic groups developed. The increase in the coast, at least during the Late and Terminal specialization put a large middle class between the Classic (Guderjan & Garber, 1995: 186). In return, “haves” and the “have-nots.” These included occu- the island and coastal cities received more inland pational groups, such as scribes, craftsmen in bone, goods and terrestrial animals. For instance, on shell, or stone, and agriculturists, as well as Ambergris Caye Guatemalan obsidian was recove- warriors, servants, bureaucrats, merchants, bearers, red (Guderjan & Garber, 1995). architects, and artists, and other administrative and elite supporting groups (Sharer, 1994: 510). Fish use at Caracol provides a good example of Demonstrating the exact differences among these specific environmental exploitation. For example, socio-economic groups is difficult archaeologically. while the Macal River lies 15 Km away from the At Caracol, “elite” material markers, such as tombs, city epicenter (Figure 1) and would have provided inlaid teeth, jadeite, and shell ornaments, are found an abundance of fish, no river fish have yet been throughout the city in places that would appear to recovered from excavations at Caracol. However, be otherwise unremarkable (Chase, 1992). evidence for the importation of fish from the Beli- zean coast has been modest but intriguing. Most of Archaeological and hieroglyphic evidence has these fish derived from coral reef areas, and their shown a complex Maya society that developed a importation would have required logistical plan- long list of socio-economic groupings for its peo- ning. Since their presence at Caracol begins in the ple. Access to exotic products and resources furt- Late Preclassic, a well-developed trade network her divided segments of society and even cities must have been in place by this point. Other inland from one another. While shell and lithic works- cities benefited from this trade in the Middle Pre- hops have been identified, faunal research at Cara- classic, such as Cerros (Carr, 1985), and in Late col (Teeter, 2001) has identified animal and meat Preclassic, Tikal (Pohl, 1985:110). Although only distribution and management, as well as the opti- a few fish remains were recovered in Caracol, their mization of the production of animal by-product presence is not incidental; the stable isotope analy- goods (tools, ornaments, and musical instruments sis on human remains shows the presence of fish for example), thus demonstrating the more effi- in the diet of elite residents (Chase et al., 1998). cient use of available resources. The largest presence of fish remains dates to the Through the distribution of different types of Late Classic, not surprisingly, given that period as artifacts and debitage, a series of bone-working the apex of Caracol’s power, when the larger popu- areas or workshops at Caracol have been distin- lation would more likely be providing the demand guished. Identification of workshop areas requires 168 WENDY G. TEETER & ARLEN F. CHASE

TABLE 8 Types of modified bone in workshop areas. that a variety of manufacturing evidence be pre- amount of unworked fragmentary bone was found sent, depending on the formalization of the pro- as well as a relatively large number of complete duction process. Artifacts that are likely to be pre- and fragmentary bone objects. The recovered debi- sent at any workshop include “raw materials, tage further designates these areas as workshops. partially finished artifacts, mistakes” and “debris, The specialized tools that were used in making the and any special tools or facilities needed for pro- bone artifacts are difficult to isolate in the archae- duction” (Sharer & Ashmore, 1987: 411). ological record. String saws with sand abrasives The most readily visible evidence of manufac- are possible tools, but, unfortunately, would not turing at Caracol is the debitage from bone wor- likely reach the archaeological record in the tropi- king. Although it might seem that bone would be a cal environment. Chert and obsidian blades could readily available material that could be processed have been used to score the bone for breakage, but and manufactured within each household, archae- they are too abundant at Caracol to separate bone ological evidence recovered from the city has not working from the other activities these types of supported this idea. It is always possible that hou- artifacts served. Future ethnoarchaeological stu- sehold manufacturing took place, but the evidence dies may help to elucidate information on a bone- has not survived the archaeological record. Howe- working tool kit. ver, it is also likely that, as specialization and com- Caracol’s bone artifacts show socio-economic plexity increased at Caracol, production in bone preferences and trends through time, as well as also was specialized into a few areas of the city. Of hinting at cultural practices. The distribution of all the bone recovered at Caracol, only 37 frag- finished goods, such as jewellery and other misce- ments show signs of the manufacturing process llaneous non-tool bone objects, indicates that the (Teeter, 2001), a very tiny fraction (5%) of the bulk of consumption of worked bone was by the worked bone and an even smaller portion of the upper middle class (Teeter, 2001). Since the majo- entire bone sample recovered from the city. Nine rity (28.6%) of recovered worked bone dates to the clusters of manufacturing debris have been found, Late Classic era, it is likely that the specialization of which all but three are in the northeast area of of bone working coincided with the rise in com- the city’s center. plexity and population after Caracol’s successful In the northeast part of Caracol’s epicenter, war campaigns. The variety and quality of bone there is significant evidence to support bone- artifacts attest both to the skill of the workers and workshop activities (Table 8). An abundant to the importance of bone as a raw material at ADDING FLESH TO BONES: USING ZOOARCHAEOLOGY RESEARCH... 169

Caracol. Bone would provide a steady and availa- of animal imports, differentiation in animal dis- ble resource for the increasing populations that tribution, and specialization of bone working. entered Caracol. However, clear lines seem to The faunal remains from Caracol affirm a high have existed between socio-economic groups, as level of social organization from the Late Pre- evidenced in the distribution of both finished and classic through the Terminal Classic era, as well unfinished bone. as the continued existence of a trade network that fully articulated with Belizean coastal sites. These remains also highlight the adaptive mecha- CONCLUSIONS nisms that were put into place in order for animal resources to be provided to a fast-growing and vibrant community during the Late Classic. Responses to growing populations and increa- Finally, the analysis of Caracol’s faunal remains sing societal complexity within a city can be attests to the availability of resources and imports recognized archaeologically through the appearan- during the Terminal Classic era, when the Low- ce of adaptive mechanisms related to social orga- land Maya are often portrayed as being in extre- nization. These focus on technological innovation, me societal decline. subsistence intensification, and/or increased socio- economic differentiation. More complex social organization arises from the need to better manage and utilize stressed resources with increased popu- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS lation levels (Gall & Saxe, 1977; Price, 1977; Has- san, 1981: 250-251; Ford, 1986: 11; Zeder, 1991). The foundation of this paper was presented at From such a situation, a powerful centralized lea- the Society for American Archaeology Annual dership usually emerges to effectively manage the Meeting in Milwaukee. However, the final product specialization and exchange within the economy is a transformation made possible by editing and (Brumfiel & Earle, 1987: 2; Schwartz, 1994). Spe- helpful comments by Diane Chase, Kitty Emery, cialization with regard to animal resources can Leslie Shaw, Arturo Morales, and an anonymous take on many forms, from meat distribution to ani- reviewer. Support for original research discussed mal management to the production of finished in this paper was made possible through generous bone products. Specialization is a common solu- support from the Caracol Archaeological Project, tion when natural resources are unevenly distribu- UCLA Friends of Archaeology, UCLA Depart- ted or when the production process involves some ment of Anthropology, and J. F. Wilken. I must gradually acquired skills or is embedded in signi- thank Rory, Venice, and Daniel Teeter, and the ficant economies of scale (Brumfiel & Earle, Belize Institute of Archaeology. Any omissions or 1987: 5). Specialization optimizes these services errors are my own. while preserving the skill needed to fulfill these roles (Zeder, 1991). Clearly, bone workshops with specialist workers arose by the Late Classic, sug- gesting that, for the general populace, the time REFERENCES needed to make bone tools and jewellery was bet- ter spent on other tasks. Given the human population levels known for BRUMFIEL, E. M. & EARLE, T. K. (Eds.) 1987: Speciali- Caracol, some form of management had to take zation, Exchange, and Complex Societies. Cambrid- place. The evidence from this research that Cara- ge University Press, Cambridge. col’s political and economic systems were suffi- CARR, H. S. 1985: Subsistence and Ceremony: Faunal ciently complex to achieve some form of stasis Utilization in a Late Preclassic Community at Cerros, with the environment Ð so that animal resources Belize. In: Pohl, M. (Ed.): Prehistoric Lowland Maya Environment and Subsistence Economy. Papers of could be provided to Caracol residents and so that the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology trade networks could be maintained with the Beli- 77: 115-132. zean coast Ð testifies to the site’s efficient manage- CARR, H. S. 1986: Approaches to Ascertaining the Rela- ment and social organization through time. tive Importance of Various Animals Among the What is recognizable in the analysis of the Maya. Unpublished Paper given at the 51st Annual Caracol faunal material is the increased presence Meeting of the SAA, New Orleans. 170 WENDY G. TEETER & ARLEN F. CHASE

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