Mozambique Livelihood Baseline Profile, Zone 13a

Zambézia Coastal Livelihood Zone August 20081

Zone Description The Zambézia Coastal Livelihood Zone (LZ13) covers administrative posts of the coastal districts of Zambézia Province, from Pebane on the border with Province, to Inhassunge, on the north of the River Zambezi delta. It includes posts in the districts of Pebane Nicoadala, Namacurra, and Maganja da Costa and Inhassunge. The “Livelihood Zones of ” (MADER/FEWS, 2004i) gives an overall zone that incorporates urban centers, including the city of Quelimane. The urban economy of Quelimane city has little in common with rural and fishing economies of the rest of the coast, so it is not covered by this profile. The 2004 map also uses administrative boundaries to define the zone, and in some areas Zone 13 extends many kilometers Fig.1. Livelihood Zone 13 inland (see Fig.1.). This profile describes the household economy of the population living close to the coast, i.e. the fishing/agricultural economy, although a formal exercise to redefine the boundaries of this zone has not yet been conducted. We provisionally refer to this zone as 13a; the urban economy of Quelimane city could become Livelihood Zone 13b. The inland parts of the original LZ13 would probably be incorporated into the neighboring Livelihood Zone 12 (Central Zambézia Plain).The field research was conducted in the districts of Pebane and Maganja da Costa, but the profile should be relevant for the entire zone, with the qualifications mentioned above. The zone covers the coastal lowlands with a varied terrain that includes fertile agricultural plain, coastal dunes, and mangroves. Rainfall is good (1,000-1,400 mm), falling in a single season from November to March. A number of rivers of local importance for riverbank agriculture flow through the zone (Licungo, Mabala, Muniga, Molocue) They are also exploited for fishing, especially the River Licungo, although the main fishing in the zone is along the coast. Although high-value fish and seafood (prawns, peixe pedra) are available, most fish traded are of small, lower-value, because of marketing problems (see below). Fish catches are reportedly declining, which is attributed to too many people fishing. During high season, there is a seasonal influx of people from outside the area who return after a few months. Another reported reason for the decline in fishing is that fishing continues throughout the year, even in breeding grounds, and using illegal nets. (Officially, there are restrictions on the kind of fishing allowed during the off-season, from November to March 15, although some forms of fishing are permitted. However, these rules are sparsely enforced and not always respected.) Fishing is carried out with a variety of nets, but all can be classed as being in the ‘artisanal sector’. The population density is relatively high for Mozambique and varies widely across the zone. Pebane and Maganja da Costa, the districts on which this profile is based, have 17 to 37 people per km2 and comprise half of the rural population. The districts of Inhassunge, Nicoadala, and Namacurra, the hinterland of Quelimane, are more densely populated (Inhassunge has 163 people per km2), a further indication of the need to re-evaluate the zone boundaries. Population figures can only be estimated, but total about 700,000, of which 400,000 live in the lower-density areas. People make their living from fishing and agriculture. Coconuts are an important cash crop, and the zone contains Africa’s largest coconut plantation (160,000 ha). Several companies (Madal, Boraror Agricola, Cª da Zambézia) own or have concessions on large plantations, which offer some seasonal employment opportunities, but also limit the availability of land for agriculture by the smallholder sector in some areas. In terms of the local economy, income from the plantations is small. Some households send people for about 30 days work, up to twice a year, but this benefits a minority

1Field work was undertaken in July 2008. The information refers to mid-March 2006 to mid-March 2007, a fairly good year for food security by local standards. Provided there are no fundamental and rapid shifts in the economy, this profile should remain valid for about five years (i.e. until 2013).

of households. In some administrative posts, land is so scarce that some households have to find land to cultivate outside the post. In the past decade, these plantations have been progressively affected by coconut lethal yellowing-type disease (LYD). The disease continues to spread, and it is estimated that more than 50 percent of palms will be killed by 2015.ii The smallholder sector has been harder-hit than the large plantations. Unless a remedy is implemented on a massive scale in the immediate future, it is likely that coconut production will soon become economically insignificant for many. As yet, no remedies on the scale necessary have been offered to the rural population, either in terms of disease free/resistant planting material or from alternative income sources. There are a number of cashew trees in the zone, but households own only a few — rarely more than 20. Trees are not usually sprayed (because of previous marketing problems, see below Markets). As a result, they do not yield highly, and income is low. The role of livestock in the economy is minimal. Even the better-off rarely own goats. Poultry are kept in small numbers, with no management; one reason is lack of grazing land. Although land in general is not in short supply, and land ownership patterns or tenure systems are not an important determinant of household income, in some areas private companies have long concessions on huge coconut palm plantations, leaving little land free for grazing. This ownership pattern is a legacy of the colonial era. Nonetheless, because livestock are so limited across the zone, this land shortage is probably not the only factor, even in areas where it does exist. Field cultivation is almost entirely by hand-hoe. The main crops are cassava and rice. Rice is grown separately, but other crops are intercropped — a mixture of beans, groundnuts, maize, and sweet potatoes among the cassava. Because of the constant loss of crops to wild animals (monkeys, wild pigs), much cassava production is now of ‘bitter’ varieties, which have to be processed and dried before consumption. Hippos also cause considerable damage in some areas. Control measures for wild animals are largely limited to the occasional killing of an individual animal by the police. Animal traction is not practiced, and few tractors are available for hire. No inputs are used in agriculture. Apart from one scheme that covers 800 ha, there is no irrigation infrastructure in the zone. The only irrigation practiced is hand- watering using water from rivers or streams on a small scale. Despite this, agriculture is reasonably productive, and the zone is marginally a net surplus area for food in a good year — selling rice, coconuts, and groundnuts. There is some purchase into the zone of maize, particularly in years of poor harvests. Financial services are not available; there are no private moneylenders. The only source of credit reported is a state scheme, the Local Initiative Fund, which made available 7 million MT a year to each district in 2006-2007 (now increased to 9 million MT).2 In practice, only the best-off have any hope of accessing these funds, which are given at low interest (5-10 percent).

Markets There are important problems with the marketing of all the main income sources in the zone — field crops, coconuts, cashew, and fish. Marketing agricultural produce is a serious problem. Few traders come to the zone to buy; they say it is too far, although the road is accessible, even to lorries at harvest time. Fish traders find the road accessible, so the problem is related to the perceived profitability of trade. The high-value crop — rice — finds a reasonable market locally, because quantities are small (rarely more than 250 kg for a household). The main commodity farmers want to sell is cassava — of low value and produced in surplus in the more accessible areas of Moma in (see profile for LZ7A). Households report that they are limiting their farming because they know there will be no market for surpluses. Groundnuts, also a high-value crop, have a better market, and usually reach . Limitations in coconut marketing are proving expensive for smallholders. When possible, they sell fresh coconuts to traders from Nampula city. However, these traders appear only sporadically and cannot be relied on. Instead, farmers have to sell copra to the main companies, which have permanent buying points in every localidade. A household in need of immediate money can even go with as little as 1 kg of copra any day. However, this not only means extra time in processing the coconuts to make copra, but also much reduced income. (Fresh coconuts are sold for 0.5-1 MT, but are only worth 0.3-0.4 MT as copra. This can cost the poor around 500 MT a year, or 10-15 percent of their total annual income.) There have been problems related to the commercialization of cashew nuts. There has been an effective monopoly in cashew buying by one company. When it failed to buy, farmers had no outlet for their crop and have been discouraged from investing again in spraying the trees — without which yields are low. Prices are also low — just 5 MT/kg, compared with a peak of 10-11 MT/kg just further north in (see LZ7a). Fishermen are able to sell their low-value fish without too many difficulties. Small traders come directly to the area

2 $1 = approximately 25 MZN. 2 Zambézia Coastal Livelihood Zone Profile (LZ13)

from Mocuba, Gurue, Alto Molocue, Quelimane (Zambézia Province), and Nampula. However, the lack of electricity or ice means all fish have to be sold, even at low prices. Fish are then dried by traders themselves. Only if a fishermen fails to find a market for fish at the end of the day will he dry his own. Fresh fish are sold for about 6 MT/kg. Although this is adequate for trade in small fish, it causes serious loss of income on higher-value species, such as prawns and large fish (e.g. pedra). Fishermen may only receive 10-15 MT/kg for large fish, which are worth more than 50 MT/kg in the retail market in Quelimane, just two hours away by road. The potential for large quantities of such fish is there. In areas where traders go, fishermen with good equipment can earn good money (more than $100/day) from high-value fish in the peak season. Seasonal Calendar The economic seasonal Legend: harvest land prep planting calendar is determined by the agricultural (food) and March April May June July Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Jan Feb fishing (cash) seasons. Rainy Season Some fishing occurs Cassava Fresh& Land Prep Dry throughout the year, but the Maiz e highest catches are in Green Maize August-October. Many Beans Sw eet Potatoes Season 1 people fish continuously Sw eet Potatoes Season 2 from April, from when Ric e fishing is permitted, Sesame Groundnuts although catches are not as Coconut high. Much of the Ganho-ganho GG Fishing GG Fishing & Land GG LP harvesting during April and Fishing Some fishing High Season Ban Ban Fish Price May can be done by Highest Prices women; fishing is only Consumption Cassava dried, coconut and fish done by men. Formally, Hunger Season High Prices there are restrictions on fishing from November to Fig. 2. Seasonal Calendar for LZ13a the end of March, although these are not always enforced or observed. However, fishing at this time competes with farming, so usually men fish while women farm. Men can earn more fishing (about 70 MT/day) even when selling their labor as hired fishing hands, than they could as agricultural laborers. The diversion of labor to fishing is one factor limiting the investment in farming (by the better-off) and thus in the areas planted. Maize is planted with the first rain, usually in November. Other intercrops — groundnuts, cowpeas — may be planted later, sometimes up to December. The first harvests are in March — of green maize and fresh cowpeas. The main harvests for almost all crops run from April until June. Cassava is harvested from the end of the rains until toward the end of the dry season (August-September), when the rest is harvested for drying and storing. Replanting is done at this time. In some areas, it is possible to have a second, dry-season crop after rice in wetlands or on the banks of rivers. Because this season is dedicated to fishing, it is usually used for sweet potatoes, which maximize food production for limited labor. A few vegetables are also grown, but on a small scale. Sweet potatoes are harvested continuously as needed, until the rainy season. There is also some small-scale consumption of vegetables. The hungry season for the poorer groups intensifies gradually from December-January until the next harvests. Income possibilities are limited — there is a fishing ban, and the demand for agricultural labor is not strong. Once food stocks of the poorer groups run out at household level, needs are met on a day-to-day basis. (The calendar for middle and better-off households is different because they have more food stocks for the rainy season and are better able to buy what they need.) Coconut palms can yield four times a year, and although production is highest from April to July, they should give some income throughout the year. However, production has been reduced by LYD — in Maganja da Costa District, it was reported that household copra sales had fallen by half since 2000 because of the disease. The disease means, households are harvesting coconuts prematurely, resulting in lower copra yields. Fig. 2 shows the absence of any other reliable source of food or income for the critical months during the rainy season, thus how important the loss of even a small income from coconuts has been. The cyclone season in the western Indian Ocean is from November to April.

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Wealth Breakdown3

Wealth Group Information % of Land area Coconut Palms Fis hing Equipment Population Cultivated (ha) Very Poor 15-25% 0.25 - 0.75 5-15 None owned

Poor 35-45% 0.5 - 1 10-20 None owned

0-1 canoe Middle 25 - 35% 1-2 20-30 0-1 net 1-2 canoes/boats Better-Off 5 - 15% 1.25-2 25-100 1-2 nets

Fig. 3. Economic Differentiation of the Population of the Zambézia Coastal Zone Note: the names of the groups are relative to the zone only and do not refer to any poverty thresholds. The use of the same names in different livelihood zones does not necessarily indicate any similarity in their standard of living.

There are three main economic classes in the zone, here called poor, middle, and better-off. It is possible, though, to understand the poor group better by dividing it into two, to make four groups. Differences between these lowest two groups, here called very poor and poor, are small, and need to be understood at an individual rather than a population level. The main determinant of income in the zone is the type of fishing equipment owned. A few of the very richest have long seine nets of up to 300 m. The investment cost of this is high (about 60,000 MT, or more than $2,000), but the income they bring in is considerable. The longest nets are operated by more than 20 people, and the catch is divided such that the equipment owner receives half, with the rest shared among the 20-25 crew. Shorter seven-person nets of 40-50 m can cost 40,000 MT (including boats and other essentials). Owners of these expensive nets can buy motorcycles and invest in solar panels for their houses. The more typical better-off group comprises 5-15 percent of the population and could own cheaper nets costing 3,000-4,000 MT, together with one or two canoes costing 3,000-4,000 MT each. These are enough to bring in a reasonable income (see below). The middle group cannot afford expensive nets, and their capital can be invested for fishing, buying smaller nets or lines and hooks, or invested in small trade. Some of the middle group prefer to invest their small capital and their time in trade, and do not fish at all. The poor and very poor have no fishing equipment of their own and work using the nets of the better-off for a share in the catch. A second differentiating factor is the area of land cultivated. In most parts of the zone, this is not determined by factors relating to land ownership, but by the ability to cultivate the land. (The existence of local land shortages, caused by private coconut plantations, was discussed above, Zone Description.) At the lower end, this depends on physical ability and the labor power in the household, by determination and by the ability to invest in farming, rather than work for immediate returns as hired labor. The labor power in the household determines how much the household farms and how much it can earn from fishing (assuming there is equal access for all to work using the equipment of the better-off). This is seen below (Sources of Income), where the very poor tend to farm less and earn less from crop sales, and also earn less from fishing and other labor activities. At the higher end, the economic ability to pay extra labor determines how much land can be farmed. However, even the better-off do not cultivate large areas, preferring to invest their resources in fishing, where returns are higher. Most better-off households also enjoy previous investments made in planting coconut palms. However, ownership of the trees is varied, and because they actually provide a small percentage of household income, they are not a main factor in determining wealth status. Livestock are not a determining factor in distinguishing the groups, because livestock holdings are small. Asset holdings are not permanently fixed for each household. It is necessary therefore to understand the wealth breakdown as a dynamic structure or to understand what prevents households from acquiring more assets. In particular, given that a small net costs 3,500 MT and can more than pay for itself within one year, what prevents poor households from saving to buy nets, possibly pooling their resources? This study did not find economic factors that can fully explain this. Further study is needed of non-economic causes relating to social organization, individual knowledge or ambition, or other socio-cultural factors.

3 Each livelihood zone has a population that is not economically independent, made up of the elderly, chronically sick, and others who survive thanks to the support of others in the community. Such families are not included in this profile. 4 Zambézia Coastal Livelihood Zone Profile (LZ13)

Usually a few individual households within a village are much wealthier than others and control major trade. The description of the better-off wealth group in this profile refers to the definition as above, the top 10-15 percent of the population, and not to these few individuals. Sources of Food in a ‘Good’ Year (2006-2007) The division of economic activities in the zone, between fishing as 120% source of cash and agriculture for subsistence food, is clear from Figs 100% 4 and 5. Fig. 4 shows how most fi shing households get the majority of 80% their food from their own farming. purchase non-staple Even the very poor get 50-70 purchase staples 60% percent of their food from farming. own coconuts Staple foods (maize, cassava) are own crops only purchased for three to four 40% months in the year during the hungry season. Food production Annual% needscalorie 20% varies little from the poor to the better-off, because even with just 0% 0.75 hectares of farming, a Very Poor Middle Better- household can produce most of the Poor Off food it needs. Purchases are mainly confined to products they cannot Fig. 4. Sources of Food in Zone 13a, by Wealth Group grow. Although most middle and Note: Calorie needs are taken as a population average of 2,100 Kcal/day. better-off households buy some staples, they sell more. The purchases compensate for sales made after harvest, either because of a need for cash at the time or to avoid having to store food for too long. They therefore choose to sell dry cassava to buy maize flour during the rainy season. The main food crops grown are cassava and rice — in similar proportions for all wealth groups — usually two to three times as much cassava as rice, with maize grown as a minor crop, especially in areas where rice cultivation is limited by the availability of suitable land. Maize cannot be grown in all soil. (The high dependence on cassava is a cultural dietary preference. Because it is a crop with a relatively low labor requirement, this cultural preference may have arisen from a farming system designed to provide as much food [calories] as possible, while keeping as much labor as possible free for fishing. Cassava, rice, and maize are all non-native crops.) The second season (sweet potatoes) is of minor importance. Many villages do not have possibilities for a second season, and those that do obtain 5-10 percent of their food (1-5 percent for the very poor) in this season. Although coconut production has been progressively hit by LYD, there is still sufficient for family consumption. Coconut plays an important role in the diet as a source of lipids — it contributes 5-10 percent of the calories even of the very poor, and eliminates the need to buy cooking oil. Fish is almost the only source of protein. Most households fish at some time during the year and keep some for food. At other times of the year, they may buy fresh or dried fish. Those who don’t fish purchase much more. There is almost no animal protein in the diet. Pulse consumption is also low, apart from of groundnuts. Cowpeas or pigeon peas are grown in small quantities, and contribute only 1-2 percent of the food for the poorer groups, 3-4 percent for the middle and better-off. Purchases are even smaller — the very poor usually don’t buy any pulses, and the other wealth groups buy just 10-15 kg a year.

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Income Sources in a ‘Good’ Year (2006-2007) It was seen above (Sources of Food) how subsistence is 50,000 based on farming. Fig. 5 shows the dominance of fishing 45,000 fishing (&trade) in the cash economy — even though the main fishing 40,000 season runs for about four months, somewhat shorter 35,000 agricultural labor than the agricultural season. There are some crop sales 30,000 chicken sales by all wealth groups — the poorer groups sell mainly 25,000 groundnuts (and coconut), the middle and better-off sell 20,000 coconuts groundnuts, rice, and coconuts. However, these sales, 15,000 crop sales (exc including coconuts, are of secondary importance for 10,000 t) income and only of any importance for the poor who 5,000 have very little fishing income. Even the poor depend

MT income, household Annual 0 Very Poor Middle Better- more on fishing than crops for their cash needs. The

Poor Off comparison between the different economic groups shows vividly the potential that fishing has to transform

a household’s economy; it is the main source of income Fig.5. Sources of Cash Income, by Wealth Group (2006-2007) The middle wealth group are divided between those who fish and for most households of all wealth groups. Income from those who engage in trade. the sale of labor other than for fishing is also marginal Note: ‘Self employment’ refers to a range of activities such as selling — 1,000-2,000 MT for the very poor and less than 1,000 firewood or making charcoal and bricks, making and selling handcrafts, etc. The distinction between self-employment and trade MT for the poor. This reflects the better opportunities is not always clearly drawn. fishing provides and the lack of other labor Income from farming is given gross, and production costs included as opportunities. The plantations offer limited labor to a expenditure (see below). However, trade income is given as net profit. minority of the very poor households. Opportunities Table 1. Value of Cash Income (MT), by Wealth Group (2006- within the village are also limited. With little investment 2007) in farming by the better-off, labor opportunities are few, Better- Very Poor Poor Middle and there is limited trade in forest products — almost the Off only forest resources in the zone are mangroves. Annual 10,000 - 35,000 - In the peak season, a long (300 m) seine net used off the Cash 4,000-6,000 6,000-8,000 20,000 55,000 beach can catch 10-20 caixas (of 35 kg) of fish per day, Income each fetching 200 MT, or a daily return of about 3,000 MT. This is shared between the net and boat owner (1,500 MT) and the 20-25-person crew (or 50-100 MT per day each). In the low season, fewer people fish. The same net may only catch 3 to 4 caixas, but at a price of 350 MT, this brings in 600 MT for the owner and 30 MT/day for the workforce — roughly equivalent to the value of a day’s work in agriculture. At 20 days a month, for a three-month high season and a three-month low season, this gives a possible income of 6,000 MT. Income would be slightly higher for a smaller (45 m) seine net used in the estuary. Using other, smaller nets and a two- to three-person person crew may bring in somewhat less — 30 MT/day in the off season and 50 MT in the high season, for an annual income of 5,000 MT (made in six months) using a fairly conservative 20 working days in a month. Net and boat owners earn as much as the whole crew — it should be possible to earn more than 150,000 MT in a year with a 300 m net, assuming the net and boats work six days a week. Even taking into consideration costs of maintenance, this is still a return of 200 percent in the year. A 45 m estuary net could earn 40,000-60,000 MT in a year. The only exception is that some middle households choose not to fish, but invest their time and capital in trade instead. They earn 7,500-12,500 MT a year from small trade, broadly similar to the amount earned from fishing by the other middle households (i.e. those with a similar level of capital).

6 Zambézia Coastal Livelihood Zone Profile (LZ13)

Expenditure Patterns in a ‘Good’ Year (2006-2007)

Typical consumption patterns of the 55,000 wealth groups for 2007-2008 are shown 50,000 in Fig. 6 and Fig. 6b. Even in a good 45,000 year, the very poor spent most of their other income (3,000-4,000 MT) on food. 40,000 gifts Staple foods took up 500-1,500 MT of 35,000 tax this. Food purchases by the poor were a water little less, because they farmed more. 30,000 clothes Because their incomes are considerably 25,000 social serv higher, food only took up 40 percent of investment 20,000 their expenditure, with non-staple foods HH items being more important. This indicates 15,000 non-staple food Annual HHAnnual expenditure (MT) choice and a slightly better quality of diet 10,000 staple food — though such purchases were limited to 1kg of pulses a month, a little cooking 5,000 oil, and sugar. The middle and better-off 0 spent little on staple foods (see above, Very Poor Poor Middle Better-Off Sources of Food), because they were self-sufficient in crops — buying maize Fig. 6. Annual Household Expenditure Patterns, by Wealth Group (2007-2008) flour out of preference where it could not Note: ‘Staple food’ includes only cheapest carbohydrate sources, such as maize and be grown. The traders in the middle cassava. group could spend 3,000-4,000 MT on Investment costs in farming are included, but working capital for trade is not. fish, which fishermen did not need to. Food purchases are for ‘middle’ households who engage in trade and do not fish. Otherwise, it is surprising how little discretionary expenditure on non-staple foods differs across the wealth groups. Purchases of meat or pulses were rare for all groups, and the only real difference 100 was that the better-off bought more cooking oil and sugar. Generalizations about spending on basic 80 other services (health, education) are hardest to gifts make, because these depend upon tax individual circumstances and chance; 60 water health needs, especially, vary from year clothes to year. Spending on secondary education social serv can exceed 3,000 MT, but this is rare, 40 investment even for the better-off. Indeed, reported HH items spending on education varied little, non-staple food 20 staple food typically 0-350 MT for the poor groups Relative annual HH expenditure(MT) and 350-550 MT for the middle and better-off. Spending on conventional 0 (state) health services varied little across Very Poor Poor Middle Better-Off the groups — rarely more than 100 MT.

Spending on traditional medicine was much greater, 100-300 MT for the poor Fig. 6b. Annual Household Expenditure as a Percentage of Income groups and up to 500 MT for the other groups. The striking difference between the better-off and the other groups is their spending on investment — chiefly on boats and nets, with some spending (up to 5,000 MT) on hiring labor for farming. Some spent up to another 5,000 MT on

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transport for marketing their produce (also classified as investment expenditure). A set of boats and nets could cost 15,000 MT, and they could all need renewing every four years. Additionally, annual repairs and maintenance could cost 6,000 MT. The return on this investment is clear: those with this capital saw annual income from fishing jump from 10,000 MT to 40,0000 MT. The better-off have half of their income for discretionary purchases. Some of the best-off use this to pay for secondary schools, motor-bikes, and solar power for their houses. Most of the better-off do not have enough to move into this bracket. In economic terms, if more of this income could be harnessed for investment (e.g. increasing the area farmed, buying more boats and nets), then overall incomes for all groups could rise. This is constrained by a lack of financial services, which can move capital from those who have it to those who want to use it. There is a major need for a better understanding of other, non-economic factors limiting investment. Hazards The three main hazards in the zone are cyclones, poor rains, and high food prices. One administrative post in the zone (Nante) is also susceptible to flooding. Cyclones and storms. The level of damage can vary enormously, and at its worst can destroy almost an entire harvest. Damage may be restricted to only part of the livelihood zone. Although the storm season is during the agricultural season, it also has an impact on the subsequent fishing season, though not to the extent that it has on agriculture. Good early-warning systems mean loss of life is largely avoided, but there is no way to prevent damage to crops. Because most of the population relies on farming for most of its food, a cyclone can have a serious impact. Those most vulnerable are those with fewest opportunities to earn money to buy food to replace the harvest — obviously, the poor groups. Poor rains. A full drought is rare, but poor rains sometimes lead to reduced harvests. There is no fixed frequency, but the probability of this happening in any year is about one third. Poor rains have a strong impact on fishing yields from rivers, but sea fishing in this zone is more important than river fishing. This is also affected by poor rains, but to a lesser extent. The same comments on vulnerability therefore apply to poor rains as to cyclones. Vulnerability is less a function of how much people farm, because all depend on it for food, but much more on people’s alternative income potential to replace lost crops. Additionally, where poor rains are general across a wide area, they are likely to have an impact on food prices (unlike cyclones). These consequences can be even more severe than the direct crop loss. High food prices. A rise in food prices will not affect most households too seriously, if it occurs during a year of good harvest. Some hardship will be caused to the very poor, who always depend on the market for a quarter of their food, but even the poor have a limited exposure to market risk (5-15 percent of food intake). However, if price rises accompany poor production, then this could be the most serious hazard, because cash income to pay for food is limited for the poor groups. Response Strategies The main strategies in the Zambézia Coastal Zone for coping with a hazard affecting food security vary according to wealth group, as follows. Middle and better-off households have enough discretionary expenditure to be able to maintain essential consumption while reducing expenditure on non-essentials. It is often possible to defer expenditure even on fishing investment for one year — repairing a boat and nets to make them last, rather than replacing them. Because fishing labor is paid out of a daily catch, this will not be hit by a need to reduce expenditure. However, agricultural labor is an up-front investment, and so may be reduced if cash is short. Some poor households depend on agricultural labor for survival and may suffer, but it is not of major importance as an income source at population level. The poor are limited in their ability to reduce expenditure, and rely instead on increasing their income. They will work more days fishing and in agricultural labor (if available). Additionally, they will look for wild foods during the hungry period. It is estimated that wild roots can provide 5 percent — or in more extreme circumstances as much as 10 percent – of their food needs for the year.

8 Zambézia Coastal Livelihood Zone Profile (LZ13)

The successful completion of and findings from this activity are thanks to the dedicated efforts of many people and institutions that FEWS NET would like to acknowledge publicly. It is thus fair to acknowledge the strong contribution of the technicians from SETSAN at both Maputo and Provincial level in Nampula and Zambézia, the provincial Directorates of Health (Nampula), Agriculture (Nampula and Zambézia), and Industry and Commerce (Zambézia and Maputo), and the National Institute of Disaster Management (INGC) in the provinces of Nampula and Maputo. Likewise, we would like to acknowledge and thank IRD, Save the Children, and World Vision for their effective commitment in all phases of this process.

We would like also to thank everyone, including the households interviewed, with the hope that the findings now produced are of use in helping institutions plan and take decisions on priority interventions to improve resiliency and reduce the risk of food insecurity in rural communities. Finally, we would like to say many thanks to our consultants, for their technical support.

i FEWSNET and Ministério de Agricultura e Desenvolvimento Rural, Zonas De Economias Alimentares De Moçambique, 2002. ii An Assessment of Coconut Lethal Yellowing-Type Disease (LYD) in Mozambique, FEG Consulting, November 2006.

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