Diplomacy Power

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Diplomacy Power DIPLOMACY of POWER Soviet Armed Forces as a Political Instrument t STEPHEN S. KAPLAN with MICHEL TATU THOMAS W. ROBINSON WILLIAM ZIMMERMAN DONALD S. ZAGORIA and JANET D. ZAGORIA PAUL JABBER and ROMAN KOLKOWICZ ALVIN Z. RUBINSTEIN DAVID K. HALL COLIN LEGUM THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION Washington, D.C. :j,; ;::,t',: ~ ~ URiS LiBRARY \ \" ~ .' :, *.. Ctn'di!A·~":;i'·~'~13.'. a:I=R 11 1982 Copyright© 1981 by TO MY FAMILY THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION 1775 Massachusetts Avenue. N.W.• Washington. D.C. 20036 Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data: Kaplan, Stephen S Diplomacy of power. Bibliography: p, Includes index. I. tRussia-Armed Forces-History-20lh century. 2. Russia-Foreign relations--1945- 3. Russia­ Military policy. 4. World politics-1945­ I. Title. UA770.K28 327.1'17'0947 80-25006 ISBN 0-8157-4824-8 ISBN 0-81 57-4823-X (pbk.) 9 8 7 6 543 2 1 '\\) , ..... i , ,! :" :' U' ~-, .J' .' " 11• Ji : ,1t, 1;,.i1U"· 1. V II ':'\ 1ASl"1{ru! :',1 ,,,.,tollA ~"71111•.. ~L;!~~.· \. Diplomacy of Power THE SINO-SOVIET BORDER CONFLICT 273 rever, was the decision to station strong military units on maneuvers in particular caused the Chinese to transfer additional, though )iI, a deployment begun sometime after the signing of the still marginal, troops and equipment to Inner Mongolia and Manchuria. iefense pact in January 1966 and shifted into high gear in Last, increased patrolling by both sides and the exigencies of the Cultural vember 1967 several divisions, armed with tanks and mis­ Revolution caused rising tension all along the border. Although by early :cupying permanent bases in Mongolia. 1969 the impending end of the Cultural.Revolution promised to subtract mer of 1968 the Russians held their first large maneuvers in a disruptive and potentially dangerous element, the Soviet buildup more :I completed a rail line between Chita, a major Soviet mili­ than offset that possibility and probably made the Chinese fear the future. d Choibalsan, Mongolia's second largest city, where a new ~as established. Soviet strength inside Mongolia was esti­ iivisions, including one tank division. The magnitude of this The March 1969 Military Clashes on the Ussurill t the balance of power between the two states' forces. The heir best to redeploy their own forces in response. After the The many incidents along the border after early 1969 may be divided )Uan maneuvers, several Chinese divisions were redeployed into the very small-but important-group whose immediate cause prob­ Mongolian border and significant numbers of artillery pieces ably can be traced to Chinese military initiatives and the much larger ~ed from the Fukien region. Finally, with the Cultural Revo­ group that available evidence indicates were due to Soviet a'ction. There g to a close, the Chinese began a..gain to stress the importance are little data on most of those incidents after the first two in March 1969, ::1:ion and Construction Corps. tn all, the Chinese increased which is unfortunate, since there is a fundamental difference between ty in the northeast and in Inner Mongolia by four or five those two and most of the subsequent occurrences. Whereas the March 2 king the total forty in both areas, as against the thirty-five or incident seems, on balance, to have been perpetrated by the Chinese and .Si08S in the traditional orientation. The Chinese also tight­ the March 15 incident by the Soviet army to punish the Chinese for the rder security in response to similar Soviet moves. 10 earlier "transgression," almost all subsequent actions were Soviet-initiated lusions emerge from this analysis of comparative border activities designed to support concurrent diplomatic initiatives, to test )re 1969. First, for long periods a rough balance of forces Chinese military reaction, or to pin the Chinese back during the period military regions on the Sino-Soviet border, trading Chinese of Soviet military buildup. These later incidents have been relatively nu­ leriority for Soviet equipment and mobility advantages, and merous and show the character of deliberate Soviet use of force. Yet since nese troop concentrations in Manchuria with Soviet defense the data necessary to draw firm conclusions about the nature of those Ie Arnur and in Central Asia. Second, the balance changed incidents is lacking, I shall concentrate on only the first two Sino-Soviet when the Soviet Union began to improve the quality and, clashes, presuming that they have enough in common with the rest to t, the quantity of its forces. Third, the balance seems to have permit extrapolation. I will also examine the imbalance and the uneven y upset by the movement after 1966 of Soviet troops and pace of the respective Soviet and Chinese military buildups and related o Mongolia and close to the Sino-Mongolian border. Soviet foreign policy activities to judge the wider effects of the Soviet use of rk Times, December 11,1966; Washington Post, December 11, 1966; force after March 1969. a, January 11, February 15, and March 10, 1967; New York Times, On March 2 a skirmish took place at Damansky Island between Soviet 7; Krasnaya Zvez.da, July 31,1968; Dal'n;y Vostok, no. 1, 1968; arti­ and Chinese frontier formations. More than thirty Soviet border guards 1 Salisbury, New York Times, January 3, 1969; Novosti Mongoli, and an unknown number of Chinese soldiers were killed or wounded. 967; Los Angeles Times, july 10, 1969; New York Times, May 24, -SM, "Military Affairs of Communist China, 1968," Tsu Kuo, no. 59 Tension all along the border rose quickly and both armies increased their ,pp. 20-36, which quotes Sing-tao Jih-pao, August 3 (p. 2), October . state of readiness. On March 15 at the same location there was a second, ~mber 9 (p. 3), 1968; Communist China 1967 (Kowloon: Union res), pp. 230-31; Japan Times (Tokyo), March 9,1967; The Econo­ 11. This section is based on Robinson, ''The Sino-Soviet Border Dispute," pp. 1969; and Le Monde, April 14, 1969. 1187-90. 274 Diplomacy 01 Power THE SINO-SOVIET BORDER CONFLICT 275 larger clash with greater loss of life. Whereas the first battle had lasted south and the other just north of the island. The southern post had the two hours, the second took nine hours. Both sides used heavy weapons. disadvantage that its line of sight did not include the island itself (al­ The Chinese reportedly lost several hundred men, the Russians an un­ though the river-arm and the Chinese bank could be seen) and thus on­ specified number. Sino-Soviet relations entered a new and dangerous the-spot,patrolling was necessary to determine Chinese presence on the stage. Incidents, if not actual military clashes, began to be reported all island. The Chinese border post, named Kung-szu after the local Chinese along the border and lasted until the famous September meeting at the settlement, was located on a hillock directly across from the island. Peking airport between Premiers Chou En-Iai and Aleksei Kosygin. On the night of March 1-2, a mixed group of about three hundred Damansky Island is in the Ussuri River, which forms the boundary Chinese frontier guards and regular soldiers dressed in white camouflage between the Soviet Union and China, about 180 miles southwest of crossed the ice from the Chinese bank to Damansky Island, dug foxholes Khabarovsk. The Chinese claim the island was once a part of the Chinese in a wooded area overlooking the southernmost extremity, laid telephone bank, became separated by erosion of the river, and during low water in wire to the command post on the Chinese bank, and lay down for the late summer can be reached on foot from the Chinese shore. The main night on straw mats. Sometime early in the morning, the duty man at the channel of the Ussuri passes to the east of the island. The river at this Soviet outpost south of the island reported activity on the Chinese bank. point is wide and the river-arm (as the Chinese call it) or the channel Around 11 :00 a.m. a group of twenty or thirty armed Chinese were seen (the Soviet term) appears to be nearly as wide, and may be as deep at moving toward the island, shouting Maoist slogans as they went. The high water, as tye channel on the east. From the location of navigation Soviet outpost commander, Strelnikov, and an undetermined number of markers on the two shores and the curvature of the river, ships appear to his subordinates set off for the southern extremity of the island in two traverse the eastern channel. The island itself is uninhabited, although armored personnel carriers, a truck, and a command car. Arriving on the Chinese fishermen used it for drying their nets and both nations have done island (or perhaps remaining on the ice covering the river-arm west of some logging on it. About one mile in length and one-third mile wide, it is the island) a few minutes later, Strelnikov and seven or eight others dis­ flooded during the spring thaw. The island is largely wooded, with some mounted and moved out to warn the oncoming Chinese, as they had open areas, and rises to twenty feet above the water. There is extensive several times previously. Following a procedure developed for such occa­ marshland on the Soviet side of the river, which in winter forces Russian sions, the Russians strapped their automatic rifles to their chests (reports vehicles to detour about two miles before they can move onto the ice differ: some say they left their weapons behind) and linked arms to pre­ toward the island. In March 1969 the river was frozen nearly solid, and ~nt the Chinese from passing.
Recommended publications
  • Why the European Union Promotes Democracy Through Membership Conditionality Ryan Phillips
    Why the European Union Promotes Democracy through Membership Conditionality Ryan Phillips Government & International Relations Department, Connecticut College, 270 Mohegan Avenue, New London, CT 06320, USA, E-mail: [email protected] Prepared for 2017 EUSA Conference – Miami, FL DO NOT CITE OR CIRCULATE Abstract Explanations of why the European Union promotes democracy through membership conditionality provide different accounts of its normative rationale. Constructivists argue that the EU’s membership policy reflects a norm-driven commitment to democracy as fundamental to political legitimacy. Alternatively, rationalists argue that membership conditionality is a way for member states to advance their economic and security interests in the near abroad. The existing research, however, has only a weak empirical basis. A systematic consideration of evidence leads to a novel understanding of EU membership conditionality. The main empirical finding is that whereas the constructivist argument holds true when de facto membership criteria were first established in the 1960s, the rationalist argument more closely aligns with the evidence at the end of the Cold War when accession requirements were formally codified as part of the Copenhagen Criteria (1993). Keywords: democracy promotion, political conditionality, enlargement, European Union, membership Word Count: 7177 1 Introduction On October 12, 2012 in the Norwegian capital of Oslo, Thorbjørn Jagland declared, ‘The Norwegian Nobel Committee has decided that the Nobel Peace Prize for 2012 is to be awarded to the European Union. The Union and its forerunners have for over six decades contributed to the advancement of peace and reconciliation, democracy and human rights in Europe’ (Jagland 2012). In awarding the EU the Nobel Peace Prize, the former prime minister voiced a common view of the organization as well as its predecessors, namely that it has been a major force for the advancement of democracy throughout Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • Diplomatic Negotiations and the Portrayal of Détente in Pravda, 1972-75
    A Personal Affair : Diplomatic Negotiations and the Portrayal of Détente in Pravda, 1972-75 Michael V. Paulauskas A thesis submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2006 Approved by Advisor: Donald J. Raleigh Reader: David Griffiths Reader: Chad Bryant ABSTRACT MICHAEL V. PAULAUSKAS: A Personal Affair: Diplomatic Negotiations and the Portrayal of Détente in Pravda, 1972-75 (Under the direction of Donald J. Raleigh) This thesis explores how diplomatic relations between the US and the USSR changed during détente , specifically concentrating on the period between the 1972 Moscow Summit and the enactment of the Jackson-Vanik Amendment to the 1974 Trade Bill . I employ transcripts of diplomatic negotiations to investigate the ways that Soviet and American leaders used new personal relationships with their adversaries to achieve thei r foreign policy goals. In order to gain further understanding of the Soviet leadership’s attitudes toward détente, I also examine how the Soviet government, through Pravda, communicated this new, increasingly complex diplomatic relationship to the Soviet public in a nuanced fashion, with multilayered presentations of American foreign policy that included portrayals of individual actors and not simply impersonal groups . ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction………………………………………..…………………………………………. 1 A Cautious Beginning: Soviet -American Relations before the Moscow Summit ..…………...9 The Lifting of the Veil: The 1972 Moscow Summit …………………………..…………….16 The High -Water Mark of Détente: The 1973 US Summit …..………………………….……30 “Nixon’s Last Friend”: The Watergate Scandal …………………………………………..…37 Détente in Crisis: The Jackson-Vanik Amendment ……………..…………………………..45 Conclusion…………………………………………………..……………………………….53 Appendices ……………………………………………..……………………………………57 Bibliography …………………………………………..……………………………………..65 iii Introduction Soviet Ambassador to the United States Anatoly Dobrynin greeted the news of Richard M.
    [Show full text]
  • Reform and Human Rights the Gorbachev Record
    100TH-CONGRESS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES [ 1023 REFORM AND HUMAN RIGHTS THE GORBACHEV RECORD REPORT SUBMITTED TO THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES BY THE COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE MAY 1988 Printed for the use of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON: 1988 84-979 = For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Congressional Sales Office U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, DC 20402 COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE STENY H. HOYER, Maryland, Chairman DENNIS DeCONCINI, Arizona, Cochairman DANTE B. FASCELL, Florida FRANK LAUTENBERG, New Jersey EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts TIMOTHY WIRTH, Colorado BILL RICHARDSON, New Mexico WYCHE FOWLER, Georgia EDWARD FEIGHAN, Ohio HARRY REED, Nevada DON RITTER, Pennslyvania ALFONSE M. D'AMATO, New York CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey JOHN HEINZ, Pennsylvania JACK F. KEMP, New York JAMES McCLURE, Idaho JOHN EDWARD PORTER, Illinois MALCOLM WALLOP, Wyoming EXECUTIvR BRANCH HON. RICHARD SCHIFIER, Department of State Vacancy, Department of Defense Vacancy, Department of Commerce Samuel G. Wise, Staff Director Mary Sue Hafner, Deputy Staff Director and General Counsel Jane S. Fisher, Senior Staff Consultant Michael Amitay, Staff Assistant Catherine Cosman, Staff Assistant Orest Deychakiwsky, Staff Assistant Josh Dorosin, Staff Assistant John Finerty, Staff Assistant Robert Hand, Staff Assistant Gina M. Harner, Administrative Assistant Judy Ingram, Staff Assistant Jesse L. Jacobs, Staff Assistant Judi Kerns, Ofrice Manager Ronald McNamara, Staff Assistant Michael Ochs, Staff Assistant Spencer Oliver, Consultant Erika B. Schlager, Staff Assistant Thomas Warner, Pinting Clerk (11) CONTENTS Page Summary Letter of Transmittal .................... V........................................V Reform and Human Rights: The Gorbachev Record ................................................
    [Show full text]
  • THE LAND WARFARE PAPERS Perestroika and Soviet Military
    THE LAND WARFARE PAPERS No.5 OCTOBER 1990 Perestroika and Soviet Military Personnel By Robert B. Davis A National Security Affairs Paper Published on Occasion by THE INSTITUTE OF LAND WARFARE ASSOCIATION OF THE UNITED STATES ARMY Arlington, Virginia PERESTROIKA AND SOVIET MILITARY PERSONNEL by Robert B. Davis THE INSTITUTE OF LAND WARFARE ASSOCIATION OF THE UNITED STATES ARMY AN AUSA INSTITUTE OF LAND WARFARE PAPER In 1988 the Association of the United States Army (AUSA) established within its existing organization a new entity known as the Institute of Land Warfare. Its purpose is to extend the educational work of AUSA by sponsoring scholarly publications, to include books, monographs and essays on key defense issues, as well as workshops and symposia. A work selected for publication as a Land Warfare Paper represents research by the author which, in the opinion of the editorial board, will contribute to a better understanding of a particular defense or national security issue. Publication as an AUSA Institute of Land Warfare Paper does not indicate that the Association of the United States Army agrees with everything in the paper, but does suggest that AUSA believes the paper will stimulate the thinking of AUSA members and others concerned about important defense issues. LAND WARFARE PAPER NO. S, OCTOBER 1990 Perestroika and Soviet Military Personnel by Robert B. Davis Mr. Robert B. Davis is a research psychologist with the U.S. Army Foreign Science and Technology Center in Charlottesville, Virginia. Mr. Davis received his undergraduate degree from Arkansas College and his advanced degree from Troy State University, Alabama.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 1 the Meaning of Detente
    Notes CHAPTER 1 THE MEANING OF DETENTE I. Arthur M. Schlesinger,Jr., 'Detente: an American Perspective', in Detente in Historical Perspective, edited by G. Schwab and H. Friedlander (NY: Ciro Press, 1975) p. 125. From Hamlet, Act III, Scene 2. 2. Gustav Pollak Lecture at Harvard, 14 April 1976; reprinted in James Schlesinger, 'The Evolution of American Policy Towards the Soviet Union', International Security; Summer 1976, vol. I, no. I, pp. 46-7 . 3. Theodore Draper, 'Appeasement and Detente', Commentary, Feb . 1976, vol. 61, no. 8, p. 32. 4. Coral Bell, in her book, TheDiplomacy ofDitente (London: Martin Robertson, 1977), has written an extensive analysis of the triangular relationship but points out that, as of yet, no third side to the triangle - the detente between China and the USSR - exists, p. 5. 5. Seyom Brown, 'A Cooling-Off Period for U.S.-Soviet Relations', Foreign Policy , Fall 1977, no. 28, p. 12. See also 1. Aleksandrov, 'Peking: a Course Aimed at Disrupting International Detente Under Cover of Anti­ Sovietism', Pravda , 14 May 1977- translated in Current DigestofSovietPress . Hereafter, only the Soviet publication will be named. 6. Vladimir Petrov , U.S.-Soviet Detente: Past and Future (Wash ington D.C .: American Enterprise Institute for Publi c Policy Research, 1975) p. 2. 7. N. Kapcheko, 'Socialist Foreign Policy and the Reconstruction of Inter­ national Relations', International Affairs (Moscow), no. 4, Apr . 1975, p. 8. 8. L. Brezhnev, Report ofthe Tioenty-Fiftn Congress ofthe Communist Parry ofthe Soviet Union, 24 Feb. 1976. 9. Marshall Shulman, 'Toward a Western Philosophy of Coexistence',Foreign Affairs, vol.
    [Show full text]
  • The Kgb's Image-Building Under
    SPREADING THE WORD: THE KGB’S IMAGE-BUILDING UNDER GORBACHEV by Jeff Trimble The Joan Shorenstein Center PRESS ■ POLI TICS Discussion Paper D-24 February 1997 ■ PUBLIC POLICY ■ Harvard University John F. Kennedy School of Government INTRODUCTION The KGB, under many different sets of graduate student at the Pushkin Russian Lan- initials, evokes frightening memories of the guage Institute in Moscow during the 1979-80 Soviet period of Russian history. A garrison academic year, later as Moscow correspondent state within a state, it provided the terror that for U.S. News & World Report from 1986 to glued the Soviet Union into a unitary force for 1991, Trimble observed the changes not just in evil. Few bucked the system, and dissent was the old KGB but in the old Soviet Union and, in limited, for the most part, to whispers over this paper, based on his own research, he ex- dinner or under the sheets. Millions were herded plains their significance. At a time in American into the communist version of concentration life when we seem to be largely indifferent to the camps, or transported to Siberia, or simply rest of the world, we are indebted to Trimble for executed for crimes no more serious than having his reminder that the past is not too far removed the wrong economic or ideological pedigree. from the present. The KGB, by its brutal behavior, came to be The question lurking between the lines is identified throughout the world with the Soviet whether the changes in image are in fact system of government. When the system, with changes in substance as well.
    [Show full text]
  • TEN International Communist Politics the Border Crisis Was an Inherently Volatile and Unstable Condi
    TEN International Communist Politics The border crisis was an inherently volatile and unstable condi­ tion; that is to say, it was symptomatic of the underlying changes taking place in the wake of Czechoslovakia, and either a new pat­ tern of equilibrium evolved to resolve these acute symptoms or an uncontrollable disaster threatened to erupt. Indeed, that perilous prospect was the gravamen of Moscow's urgent appeal to the inter­ national community conveyed in the weighty Pravda editorial arti­ cle of 28 August. Pravda had appealed to other countries "to realize their responsibility to mankind" in order to avoid the "terrible calamity" threatened by the border confrontation. As it happened, it was within the Communist movement itself that this responsi­ bility was effectively taken up. And, ironically, it was Hanoi, whose reaction to Czechoslovakia had so provoked the Chinese, which provided the setting in which this sense of responsibility was communicated to the parties concerned. The occasion was the death of Ho Chi Minh, an event occurring exactly a year and a day after Chou En-lai had sternly (and forebodingly) lectured the North Vietnamese on the harsh imperatives of Peking's anti-Soviet animus in the wake of Czechoslovakia. Those imperatives were by no means to abate now; rather, they were to take a new direction which would lead to a realignment of global relationships that the North Vietnamese-and here another ironic twist-were to find bit­ terly distasteful. As a catalytic agent in international Communist 194 International Communist Politics politics, Hanoi found itself promoting trends having adverse ef­ fects on its own interests.
    [Show full text]
  • Perestroika in History : the First Stage
    NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EASTEUROPEANRESEARC H TITLE : PERESTROIKA IN HISTORY : THE FIRST STAGE AUTHOR : Aleksandr M. Nekrich CONTRACTOR : Harvard University PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : Adam Ulam/ Aleksandr Nekrich COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 803-0 6 DATE : February 199 0 The work leading to this report was supported by funds provided b y the National Council for Soviet and East European Research . Th e analysis and interpretations contained in the report are those o f the author . PERESTROIKA IN HISTORY : THE FIRST STAG E Perestroika in History Those historians who did not shame the Marxist view were removed fro m : The First teaching, or accused of anti-state activity . Asa result they were forced to Stage emigrate, or were exiled, or arrested, or shot, and their works went out o f circulation. The advent of Stalinism destroyed "Pokrovsky ' s school" a s well, and this took place through the efforts of its own pupils, not for th e Aleksandr M . Nekrich* first time in history . Later many Soviet social scientists of the new generatio n were liquidated as well . As long as anger and argument rage , The need under Stalinism for a new, politically useful, interpretation o f and wonder lives, then history lives . history led in 1934—6 to a series of Party decisions about the teaching o f S . S. Averintsev history, and inspired the "comments" by Stalin, Kirov and Zhdanov on a . The result was the Short Course in th e Wizen talking of history, we do no t new textbook history of the USSR History of the Communist Party, 1918, which formed the new basis of Sovie t wish to exalt or debase individuals , .
    [Show full text]
  • “Pionerskaia Pravda” Newspaper in the 1920S − Early 1930S As a New Soviet Childhood Constructor 117
    “Pionerskaia pravda” newspaper in the 1920s − early 1930s as a new soviet childhood constructor 117 “PionerskAiA pravdA” newSpAper iN ThE 1920S − early 1930S as A new Soviet Childhood ConstructoR “PionerskAiA PravdA” periódiCo en lA décadA dE 1920 - pRincipioS dE 1930 CoMo un nuevo ConstructoR dE lA iNfanciA SoviéTica ABSTRACT The relevance of this problem lies in the necessity of deep, consistent and comprehensive study of the history of the Soviet childhood as an integral and almost the main part of an ambitious Soviet project to construct a “new Soviet man”. The object of our study is the newspaper “Pionerskaia Pravda” (“The Pioneer Truth”) (1925-1991), which began to form purposefully the image of an “ideal” Soviet child – young pioneer as an adherent and translator of a new Soviet ideology already from the first years of its existence. The applied research methods have been the method of hermeneutic reading and comprehensive analysis of various genres of the newspaper texts and the method of their comparative analysis. The results of study are the characteristics of the information opportunities of such an unexplored type of the historical sources, as the Soviet children’s periodicals. It is proved that the requirements for an “ideal” Soviet child was little different from the requirements for older generations that led eventually to the loss and neglect of children’s “childishness”. The article may be used for teaching socio-cultural history of Russia, history of childhood and school in the USSR, history of everyday life, and in the source studies of the media, particularly periodicals. KEYWORDS: history, childhood, Soviet children’s / youth periodicals, “Pionerskaia Pravda” / “The Pioneer Truth”, young pioneers, USSR, the 1920s − early 1930s.
    [Show full text]
  • Ho Chi Minh Confronts Woodrow Wilson
    -1- There is very little concrete information about the birth, family or childhood of Ho Chi Minh. One must rely on the recollections of his friends and political foes. One foe was Paul Arnoux, who spent 20 years trying to subdue Ho1s activities. He-was in charge of keeping official watch on Vietnamese immigrants in Paris. Page 12 "When I first went to. • o O o O o O o O O O O 0 Ho's father was no ordinary ma~, and his qualities in many ways foreshadow.those of his remarkable son. The a 11 111woman of second status , he tended a farm be• fore marrying his employer1s daugh dowry d of a tiny The official date of Ho's birthday is said to be May 19, 1890. The father passed the exam in Chinese literature, earning a minor doctoral degree. He taught in Hue, and was ultimately appointed secretary at the ceremonials office of the ImpeBial Palace in Hue in 1905, shortly after the death of his wife and youngest child. 11 But, he loathed the nature of his work. "Being a mandarin , he used to remark, "is the ultimate form of slavery". He became a deputy prefect but showed such contempt for the duties involved that he was dismissed by the French authorities. From then on, he lived the life of a wanderer. While his son roved about the world in the vanguard of revolution, the father eked out a living by setting bones, telling stories and working as a scribe. He wandered for over twenty years, poor and respected--a free man.
    [Show full text]
  • Glasnost, Perestroika and the Soviet Media Communication and Society General Editor: James Curran
    Glasnost, Perestroika and the Soviet Media Communication and Society General editor: James Curran Social Work, the Media and Public Relations Bob Franklin and Dave Murphy What News? The Market, Politics and the Local Press Bob Franklin and Dave Murphy Images of the Enemy: Reporting the New Cold War Brian McNair Pluralism, Politics and the Marketplace: The Regulation of German Broadcasting Vincent Porter and Suzanne Hasselbach Potboilers: Methods, Concepts and Case Studies in Popular Fiction Jerry Palmer Glasnost, Perestroika and the Soviet Media Brian McNair London and New York First published 1991 by Routledge 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2006. “ To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s collection of thousands of eBooks please go to http://www.ebookstore.tandf.co.uk/.” Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge a division of Routledge, Chapman and Hall, Inc. 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001 © 1991 Brian McNair All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data McNair, Brian Glasnost, perestroika and the Soviet media. – (Communication and scoiety). 1. Soviet Union. Mass media I. Title II. Series 302.230947 Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data McNair, Brian Glasnost, perestroika and the Soviet media / Brian McNair.
    [Show full text]
  • Gin Message 13 *** Serial=Ld0201055691 Udn=W(680) Class=Unclas 3Z Fbis 006Jan02
    C00207042 UNCLAS 3Z *** BEGIN MESSAGE 13 *** SERIAL=LD0201055691 UDN=W(680) CLASS=UNCLAS 3Z FBIS 006JAN02 UNCLAS 3 Z . .r..'" d USSR: TASS REVIEWS PRAVDA FOR 2 JAN LD0201055691 MOSCOW TASS IN ENGLISH 0524 GMT 2 DEC 90 "PRAVDA -- REVIEW" -- TASS HEADLINE TEXT MOSCOW JANUARY 2 TASS -- TODAY'S PRAVDA FRONTPAGES PRESIDENT MIKHAIL GORBACHEV'S NEW YEAR GREETINGS TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. "MOST OF THE HOPE-RAISING EVENTS THAT TOOK PLACE IN THE WORLD OVER RECENT YEARS AND IN THE LAST YEAR ARE ASSOCIATED WITH THE IMPROVEMENT OF SOVIET-U.S. RELATIONS," GORBACHEV STRESSES. THE MESSAGE POINTS OUT THAT "PROGRESS AND SECURITY FOR ALL CAN BE ACHIEVED ONLY BY JOINT EFFORTS, ONLY THROUGH COOPERATION AND MINDFULNESS OF THE INTERDEPENDENCE OF INTERESTS." PRAVDA REPORTS ABOUT THE TELEPHONE TALK BETWEEN SOVIET AND U.S. PRESIDENTS. ON THE FIRST DAY OF THE NEW YEAR, BUSH CALLED GORBACHEV BY TELEPHONE. AFTER EXCHANGING NEW YEAR GREETINGS, THE PRESIDENTS TALKED ABOUT MATTERS TO BE HANDLED SOON AND IN THE LONGER TERM. "TOWARDS COMMUNISM ••• ABOARD AN UNIDENTIFIED FLYING OBJECT" IS THE * TITLE OF AN ARTICLE BY NATALYA MOROZOVA, IN WHICH SHE TRIES TO PROVE THAr COMMUNISM COULD NOT "COLLAPSE" BECAUSE IT NEVER EXISTED. THERE WAS, INSTEAD, AN ENDLESS, GRANDIOSE AND ALL-PERVAIDING TALK ABOUT COMMUNISM. THE AUTHOR OF THE ARTICLE WRITES THAT "ACTUALLY, THE PARTY - LEADERSHIP CARRIED ON THE STALINIST TRADITION lIP TO THEYEARi.985: . BY EXPLOITING POPULAR ENTHUSIASM, IT COVERED UP ITS INCOMPETENCE IN GOVERNING THE COUNTRY. NO END QUOTATION MARKS AS RECEIVED SHE EMPHASISES THAT "THOSE WHO ACTED AS TRUE ANTI-COMMUNISTS WERE OUR IDEOLOGISTS." ANATOLIY KOMIN, FIRST DEPUTY CHAIRMAN OF THE USSR STATE COMMITTEE eN PRICES, ANSWERED QUESTIONS FROM PRAVDA'S CORRESPONDENT ABOUT THE PROPOSED "SIGNIFICANT RISE IN PRICES ON MOST OF THE CONSUMER GOODS AND FOOD" IN THE FIRST SIX MONTHS OF 1991.
    [Show full text]