China Politics Update – November 2014
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Hong Kong SAR
China Data Supplement November 2006 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries 47 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations 50 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR 54 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR 61 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan 65 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Affairs Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 November 2006 The Main National Leadership of the PRC LIU Jen-Kai Abbreviations and Explanatory Notes CCP CC Chinese Communist Party Central Committee CCa Central Committee, alternate member CCm Central Committee, member CCSm Central Committee Secretariat, member PBa Politburo, alternate member PBm Politburo, member Cdr. Commander Chp. Chairperson CPPCC Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference CYL Communist Youth League Dep. P.C. Deputy Political Commissar Dir. Director exec. executive f female Gen.Man. General Manager Gen.Sec. General Secretary Hon.Chp. Honorary Chairperson H.V.-Chp. Honorary Vice-Chairperson MPC Municipal People’s Congress NPC National People’s Congress PCC Political Consultative Conference PLA People’s Liberation Army Pol.Com. -
Xi Jinping's War on Corruption
University of Mississippi eGrove Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors Theses Honors College) 2015 The Chinese Inquisition: Xi Jinping's War on Corruption Harriet E. Fisher University of Mississippi. Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College Follow this and additional works at: https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Fisher, Harriet E., "The Chinese Inquisition: Xi Jinping's War on Corruption" (2015). Honors Theses. 375. https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis/375 This Undergraduate Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College) at eGrove. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of eGrove. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Chinese Inquisition: Xi Jinping’s War on Corruption By Harriet E. Fisher A thesis presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for completion Of the Bachelor of Arts degree in International Studies at the Croft Institute for International Studies and the Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College The University of Mississippi University, Mississippi May 2015 Approved by: ______________________________ Advisor: Dr. Gang Guo ______________________________ Reader: Dr. Kees Gispen ______________________________ Reader: Dr. Peter K. Frost i © 2015 Harriet E. Fisher ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii For Mom and Pop, who taught me to learn, and Helen, who taught me to teach. iii Acknowledgements I am indebted to a great many people for the completion of this thesis. First, I would like to thank my advisor, Dr. Gang Guo, for all his guidance during the thesis- writing process. His expertise in China and its endemic political corruption were invaluable, and without him, I would not have had a topic, much less been able to complete a thesis. -
China Turns up Heat on Ex-Security Chief with Crash Probe
CHINA PRIME TARGET: Zhou Yongkang was head of domestic security and a member of the Communist Party Standing Politburo Committee, making him one of the most powerful people in China, until he stepped down in 2012. REUTERS/STRINGER Authorities have begun investigating a crash in 2000 that killed the first wife of Zhou Yongkang, the prime target in China’s biggest corruption scandal, Reuters source says. China turns up heat on ex-security chief with crash probe BY BENJAMIN KANG LIM, CHARLIE ZHU AND DAVID LAGUE SPECIAL REPORT 1 CHINA’S POWER STRUGGLE BEIJING/HONG KONG, SEPTEMBER 12, 2014 ittle is known about the exact circum- stances in which Wang Shuhua was Lkilled. What has been reported, in the Chinese media, is that she died in a road ac- cident sometime in 2000, shortly after she was divorced from her husband. And that at least one vehicle with a military license plate may have been involved in the crash. Fourteen years later, investigators are looking into her death. Their sudden inter- est has nothing to do with Wang herself. It has to do with the identity of her ex-hus- band – once one of China’s most powerful men and now the prime target in President Xi Jinping’s anti-corruption campaign. Investigators are probing the death of the first wife of Zhou Yongkang, China’s HUNTING TIGERS: President Xi Jinping has launched the biggest corruption crackdown since the retired security czar, a source with di- communists came to power in 1949, going after “tigers” or high-ranking officials as well as “flies”. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
China Data Supplement March 2008 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC ......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 31 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 38 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 54 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 56 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR ................................................................................................................ 58 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR ....................................................................................................................... 65 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 69 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 March 2008 The Main National Leadership of the -
Sopa-Scoopzhoutarget
Friday, August 30, 2013 A3 Beam me up LEADING THE NEWS K-pop stars are embracing hologram COMMERCE Oil giants technology to reach a wider audience > L I F E C 7 banned Unwelcome guest Create your dream home Health headache from new Aquino cancels visit to China: Chic, stylish furniture Migraines can cause INVESTMENT TEAMS TO BE REINED IN Beijing says he was never and accessories for permanent brain damage projects invited in the first place discerning buyers and raise risk of strokes Commerce Ministry targets extravagance by delegations sent Foreign direct investment is a Previously, investment jun- key economic indicator used to kets were believed to be immune > LEA D ING T HE N EWS A 3 > 20-PAG E SPE CIA L REP O R T > WORLD A15 to Hong Kong and Macau to seek investment for their regions gauge officials’ performance, and from the campaign against offi- Beijing makes state ................................................ dozens of delegations from local cial extravagance. overstated the number of partici- His remarks followed the flag- governments flock to Hong Kong The The People’s Daily said busi- energy companies pay Daniel Ren pants and the value of deals ship newspaper’s harsh criticism every year to seek such invest- ness delegations stayed in five- [email protected] phenomenon the price for failing to signed during their promotional on Monday of investment dele- ments. star hotels and invited business- activities. gations travelling to Hong Kong. Yao admitted that the delega- reflects a severe men to expensive restaurants, meet pollution targets The Ministry of Commerce has “They were desperate to get This was the first time that a tions played a positive role in level of spending as much as 1,000 yuan pledged to rein in extravagance abig number of foreign business- Communist Party mouthpiece spurring the nation’s economic (HK$1,260) per head for a break- ............................................... -
Crociata Anti-Corruzione E Nuovi Equilibri Di Potere
OrizzonteCina SETTEMBRE 2013 Registrato con presso del il 26/5/2011 n.177 la Sezione Stampa e Informazione del Tribunale di Roma - ISSN 2280-8035 Sin dal 2012 Xi Jinping insiste su una campagna di moralizzazione del Partito che colpisca tanto le “mosche,” quanto le “tigri,” ossia funzionari ad ogni livello. Sebbene interventi di questo tipo siano ricorrenti nella fase iniziale di una nuova leadership in Cina – e abbiano intenti di tipo politico, più che disciplinare – il fenomeno della corruzione ha ormai assunto proporzioni tali da chiamare in causa non solo la volontà, ma la capacità stessa del Pcc di farvi fronte. Crociata anti-corruzione e nuovi equilibri di potere Lotte di potere dietro la crociata anti-corruzione L’agenda di Xi Jinping e la spada di Damocle del debito Cina-Vietnam, la geografia come destino Gli atouts dell’impresa privata in Cina Yìdàlì 意大利 – La via italiana all’e-commerce cinese L’enigma della Cina: revisionista o conservatrice? grafica e impaginazione: www.glamlab.it Mensile di informazione e analisi su politica, relazioni internazionali e dinamiche socio-economiche della Cina contemporanea OrizzonteCina SETTEMBRE 2013 In questo numero Lotte di potere • Lotte di potere dietro la crociata anti-corruzione • L’agenda di Xi Jinping e la spada di Damocle dietro la crociata del debito • Cina-Vietnam, la geografia come destino anti-corruzione • Gli atouts dell’impresa privata in Cina di Giuseppe Gabusi • Yìdàlì 意大利 – La via italiana all’e-commerce cinese el gennaio scorso, in uno dei suoi primi atti politici dopo l’investi- • L’enigma della Cina: revisionista o conservatrice? Ntura quale Segretario generale del Partito comunista cinese (Pcc) da parte del XVIII Congresso del partito, Xi Jinping, davanti alla platea dei membri della Commissione centrale per l’Ispezione della Disciplina, lanciò una vera e propria crociata contro la corruzione all’interno degli apparati del partito e dello stato. -
Xi Jinping's Inner Circle
Xi Jinping’s Inner Circle (Part 1: The Shaanxi Gang) Cheng Li Like successful politicians elsewhere, President Xi Jinping assumed China’s top leadership role with the support of an inner circle. This group has been crucial to Xi’s efforts to consolidate power during his first year in office. Xi’s inner circle of confidants has smoothed the way for him to undertake a bold anti-corruption campaign, manage the Bo Xilai trial, and begin the process of crafting ambitious economic reforms. This series examines various power bases that make up Xi’s inner circle—individuals who serve as his hands, ears, mouth, and brain. This first article focuses on native-place associations, namely the so-called Shaanxi Gang, which includes the “Iron Triangle” grouping in the Politburo Standing Committee. Such discussion can help reveal the future trajectory of politics and policy-making during the Xi administration. The analysis of the positioning and promotion of some of Xi’s longtime friends provides an invaluable assessment of both Xi’s current power and the potential for effective policy implementation. Much of the current discussion about the consolidation of Xi Jinping’s power centers on the top leadership positions that he holds concurrently.1 Xi not only took control of all the supreme institutions in the party, state, and military during the latest political succession, but he also now chairs the newly established National Security Committee and the Central Leading Group on Comprehensive Deepening of Economic Reform—two crucial decision-making bodies in Zhongnanhai. There is now widespread recognition that the party leadership enthusiastically endorsed Xi’s comprehensive market reform agenda at the Third Plenum of the 18th Central Committee held in November 2013.2 These big, bold, and broad policy initiatives ostensibly reflect Xi’s growing power and influence.3 Less noticed, but equally important, is Xi’s substantial reliance on an inner circle of confidants, especially his quick moves to promote longtime associates to key leadership positions. -
China Politics Update – July 2014
China Politics Update – July 2014 Premier Li Keqiang paid his first official visit as Premier to London, 16-19 June for the annual UK-China Summit. Li was received by the Queen and held wide ranging talks with Prime Minister David Cameron covering bilateral, prosperity and global issues. They discussed improvement to UK visa services. There was a discussion of economic cooperation covering Chinese investment in UK infrastructure; a clearing bank in London for the RMB; and the concept of EU/China FTA. On foreign policy they discussed Iraq, Iran and Ukraine and regional security in Asia Pacific. They also covered climate change, cyber issues and Hong Kong. A wide range of agreements were signed during the summit from a £12Bn LNG deal between CNOOC and BP to a £400m joint venture on solar energy. The total commercial value was £14Bn. During his speech at Chatham House, Li said “China will work more closely with the UK in infrastructure, manufacturing, urbanization and other areas to increase two-way trade and investment.” In a joint conference, the Prime Minister acknowledged the commitment with China to ensure the growing economic and political ties of the two countries also contribute to much stronger links between the people. General Secretary Xi Jinping presided over a meeting of the Central Leading Group on Financial and Economic Affairs, urging greater efforts to improve energy technology. Analysts said Xi’s leading role in the body implies he has further consolidated his powers. In recent years the key policy coordinating body has been run by the Premier not Party Secretary. -
The Lions's Share, Act 2. What's Behind China's Anti-Corruption Campaign?
The Lions’s Share, Act 2. What’s Behind China’s Anti-Corruption Campaign? Guilhem Fabre To cite this version: Guilhem Fabre. The Lions’s Share, Act 2. What’s Behind China’s Anti-Corruption Campaign?. 2015. halshs-01143800 HAL Id: halshs-01143800 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01143800 Preprint submitted on 20 Apr 2015 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Séminaire BRICs FMSH - CRBC The Lions’s Share, Act 2. What’s Behind China’s Anti-Corruption Campaign? Guilhem Fabre N°92 | april 2015 As we have seen in a previous working paper ( « The lion’s share : What’s behind China’s economic slowdown ? »), China’s elite have largely benefited from control of state assets and manipulation of the factors market (land, labor and capital) during the first decade of this cen- tury. Along with strong growth and social mobility, the accumulation of wealth has created some of the most flagrant social polarization worldwide, much higher than the official statistics. Instead of taking concrete measures to correct these inequalities, according to the new blueprint of reforms launched by the 3rd Plenum in November 2013, the new direction has focused on a gigantic campaign against corruption. -
Operational Guidance Note
OPERATIONAL GUIDANCE NOTE CHINA OGN v.12 Issued October 2013 – updated 6 December 2014 OPERATIONAL GUIDANCE NOTE CHINA CONTENTS 1. Introduction 1.1 – 1.4 2. Country assessment 2.1 Actors of protection 2.2 Internal relocation 2.3 Country guidance caselaw 2.4 3. Main categories of claims 3.1 – 3.8 Falun Gong/Falun Dafa 3.9 Involvement with pro-Tibetan/pro/independence political organisations 3.10 Involvement with illegal religious organisations 3.11 Involvement with illegal political organisations or perceived political 3.12 opposition Forced abortion/sterilisation under ‘one child policy’ 3.13 Double Jeopardy 3.14 Civil protests and petitioners 3.15 Prison Conditions 3.16 4. Minors claiming in their own right 4.1 – 4.3 5. Medical Treatment 5.1 – 5.5 6. Returns 6.1 – 6.5 Decision makers assessing claims based on Christianity should refer to the Country Information and Guidance on: ► China: Christians, 13 June 2014 1. Introduction 1.1 This document provides Home Office caseworkers with guidance on the nature and handling of the most common types of claims received from nationals/residents of China, including whether claims are or are not likely to justify the granting of asylum, humanitarian protection or Discretionary Leave. Caseworkers must refer to the relevant Asylum Instructions for further details of the policy on these areas. 1.2 Caseworkers must not base decisions on the country of origin information in this guidance; it is included to provide context only and does not purport to be comprehensive. The conclusions in this guidance are based on the totality of the available evidence, not just the brief extracts contained herein, and caseworkers must likewise take into account all available evidence. -
Insights Huining on the Liaison Office
The intriguing appointment of Luo Insights Huining on the Liaison Office In late December 2019, Luo Huining 骆惠宁 was set aside and taken down from his provincial position (Shanxi Party Secretary [2016-2019]) and instead sent, as several 65-year-old Cadres often do before their official retirement, to a commission led by the National People’s Congress (NPC). Luo, a provincial veteran (Anhui Standing Committee [1999-2003], Governor [2010-2013] and Party Secretary of Qinghai [2013-2016]), seemed then to follow in the footsteps of his Qinghai predecessor, Qiang Wei 强卫1. Replaced by Lou Yangsheng 楼阳生 – part of Xi’s Zhejiang “army”, Luo, despite being regarded as competent when it came to the anti-corruption campaign, has never shown any overt signs of siding with Xi. As such, the sudden removal of Wang Zhimin 王志民2 – now ex-director of the Hong Kong Liaison Office for the Central government, which, to be fair, was predictable3, became even more confusing when it became known that he would be replaced by Luo. Some are saying this “new” player could bring a breath of fresh air and bring new perspectives on the current state of affairs; some might see this move as either an ill-advised decision or the result of lengthy negotiations at the top – negotiations that might not have tilted in Xi’s favor. A fall from “grace” in the shadow of Zeng Qinghong Wang Zhimin’s removal, as previously stated, is almost a non-event, as Xi was (and still is) clearly dissatisfied with the way the Hong Kong - Macau affairs system 港澳系统 is dealing with the protests. -
Asia Focus #3
PROGRAMME ASIE QUELLE COMPOSITION DU POLITBURO ET DU COMITÉ CENTRAL CHINOIS APRÈS 2017 ? Par Alex PAYETTE STAGIAIRE POSTDOCTORAL CRSH UNIVERSITÉ DE MONTREAL OCTOBRE 2016 Septembre 2016 ASIA FOCUS #3 l’IRIS ASIA FOCUS #3 - PROGRAMME ASIE / Octobre 2016 lors que 2016 se termine et que la campagne anticorruption agressivement menée par la tristement célèbre « jiwei » [纪委] a pris fin, il ne reste que A quelques mois pour finaliser la sélection interne des cadres qui seront appelés à être élus en novembre au Politburo ainsi qu’au Comité central. Cela dit, depuis la fin de 2015, nous avons pu remarquer un certain durcissement, voire même un « repli » de la part de Xi, tant dans son attitude face au pouvoir (p. ex. retour aux idiomes/symboles maoïstes, méfiance ouverte de l’Occident, attitude de plus en plus inflexible en matière de structures internationales, etc.), que dans son attitude envers certains patriarches du Parti, notamment Jiang Zemin (président de la République populaire entre 1993 et 2003) et Hu Jintao (président de 2003 à 2013), ainsi qu’envers les autres forces en présence sur la scène politique chinoise (par exemple la Ligue des jeunesses communistes [共青团]1, la « faction du pétrole » [石油帮]2, la bande Shanghai [ 上海帮], la bande du Jiangxi [江派], etc.). Ce dernier a également resserré son emprise non seulement sur Beijing – par le biais de son proche collaborateur Wang Xiaohong [王 小洪]3-, mais bien aussi sur le pays en entier. Tandis que le temps d’« abattre les tigres » [打虎] et que les déraillements de la jiwei sont encore perceptibles, en particulier dans la province du Hebei4, fort est de constater que l’impact n’est pas celui escompté, sauf dans les cas de Su Shulin [苏树林]5 et Jiang Jiemin [蒋洁敏]6, et qu’il ne sera pas vraiment possible d’évaluer les dégâts de cette campagne avant la formation du Comité central de 2022.