Climate Change and Culture Change on the Southern Coast of British Columbia 2400-1200 Cal

Society for American Archaeology

Climate Change and Culture Change on the Southern Coast of British Columbia 2400-1200 Cal. B.P.: An Hypothesis Author(s): Dana Lepofsky, Ken Lertzman, Douglas Hallett, Rolf Mathewes Source: American Antiquity, Vol. 70, No. 2 (Apr., 2005), pp. 267-293 Published by: Society for American Archaeology Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40035704 Accessed: 17/03/2010 02:18

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=sam.

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Society for American Archaeology is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Antiquity.

http://www.jstor.org CLIMATE CHANGE AND CULTURE CHANGE ON THE SOUTHERN COAST OF BRITISH COLUMBIA 2400-1200 CAL. B.P.: AN HYPOTHESIS

Dana Lepofsky, Ken Lertzman,Douglas Hallett, and Rolf Mathewes

The Marpole phase of the Gulf of Georgia, SW British Columbia (2400-1200 cal B.P.) is recognized by many archaeologists as a significantperiod of culture change. Concurrentwith this culturalphase is a climatic regime characterizedby a substantial increase in forest fires associated with persistent summerdrought: the Fraser ValleyFire Period (FVFP). Cul- turally,the Marpolephase is characterizedby the widespreadappearance of large houses, standardizedart forms, and elab- orate burials.Interactions among people of this regionintensified and were, as today,economically, socially, and ideologically linked to the lower Fraser River system. Ecologically, the FVFP likely resulted in a regional decline in salmon abundance and/or predictability,especially in small streams and offshore areas, but also more berries and wildlife, and easier overland access via trail networks.The ecological diversity of the lower Fraser region, both terrestrialand riverine, resulted in both more abundantand more predictable resources than surroundingareas during this period of changing climate. We hypothesize that social and economic networks throughoutthe Gulf of Georgia were solidified during the Marpole phase to ensure access to Fraser resources and allow social buffering of resource uncertainty.We suggest that the differential availability of resources also allowed and encouraged individuals who had access to Fraser Valleyresources to gain relatively greater prestige.

La Fase Marpole del Golfo de Georgia (2400-1200 cal a.P.) en el Suroestede British Columbia,Canada, se reconocepor muchosarqueologos como unperiodo de cambio cultural importante.Contempordneo a estafase cultural,hubo un regimen climdticocaracterizado por un incrementosubstancial de incendiosforestales asociados con sequias veraniegaspersistentes: el llamado Periodo de Fuego del ValleFraser (FVFP). Culturalmente,la Fase Marpole se caracterizapor la amplia apari- cion de casas grandes,formas estandarizadasde arte y entierroselaborados. Las interaccionesentre la gente de esta region se intensificarony estuvieron,como hoy dia, economica,social e ideologicamenterelacionadas al sistemadel Bajo Rio Fraser. Ecologicamente,el FVFP pudo ocasionar una disminucionen la abundanciay/o predictibilidaddel salmon, especialmente en arroyospequenos y en areas mar adentro,pew tambienun incrementoen bayas y vida silvestre, asi como un acceso por tierra mdsfdcil a traves de una red de senderos. La diversidadecologica de la region del Bajo Fraser,tanto terrestrecomo ribereha,resulto en una mayorabundancia y predictibilidadde recursosque en areas circunvecinasdurante este periodo de clima cambiante.Tenemos la hipotesis de que las redes sociales y economicas en el Golfo de Georgia se solidificarondurante la Fase Marpolepara asegurar el acceso a los recursosdel Fraser y permitirun amortiguamientosocial ante la incertidum- bre de recursos.Sugerimos que la disponibilidaddiferencial de recursostambien permitio y promovioque los individuosque tenian acceso a los recursosdel valle del Rio Fraser obtuvieranun relativomayor prestigio.

humansocieties are always influ- affordingit a relatively minor explanatoryrole. encedby theirsurrounding natural envi- Environmentallybased models fell out of favorin ronments,understanding the natureand partbecause of the plethoraof deterministicmod- extentof this influenceon past societies has never els thatdid not recognizethe potentialfor ancient been straightforward.In the past few decades, people to choose among a range of responsesto archaeologistshave moved away from castingthe environmentalshifts (Brumfiel1992). The disfa- environmentas a majordriver of social changeto vor was furthercompounded by the fact that the

Dana Lepofsky Departmentof Archaeology,Simon FraserUniversity, Burnaby, B.C. Ken Lertzman School of Resource and EnvironmentalManagement, Simon FraserUniversity, Burnaby, B.C. Douglas Hallett Centerfor EnvironmentalSciences & QuaternarySciences Program,Box 5694, NorthernArizona University,Flagstaff, AZ Rolf Mathewes Biological Sciences, Simon FraserUniversity, Burnaby, B.C.

267 268 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 70, No. 2, 2005

distinctionbetween cause and correlationin rela- durationmay result only in subtle changes to the tions between cultureand climate was often not distributionof resources, which may not have clearlymade. In addition,researchers became frus- promptedchanges in humanbehavior that left an tratedwith the loose fitbetween regional- scale pale- archaeologicalimprint. oenvironmental data and shifts observed in Potentialresponses to increasedenvironmental local-scalearchaeological sequences. Finally, dif- productivityare equally varied. Since actionsunder ferencesin the resolutionof the paleoenvironmen- such circumstancesare not drivenby concernsof tal and archaeologicalchronologies further added immediate survival, there may be a lag time in to the lack of confidencein environmentalchange responses, or people may choose not to change as an explanatoryfactor (e.g., commentsin Jones behaviorat all. Conversely,an upturnin environ- etal. 1999). mentalconditions can providethe contextfor sig- In recent years, environmentallybased expla- nificantsocial changes, such as the emergenceof nationsfor culturechange have seen some resur- social complexity(e.g., Priceand Feinman 1995). gence in the North American archaeological Experimentation,intensification of resourcepro- literature(e.g., deMenocal2001 ; Hauget al. 2003; duction,and increased competition are amongthe Joneset al. 1999;Sandweiss et al. 1999).This is in specificcultural responses which have been linked largepart because of the burgeoningof the various to positive environmentalshifts (Cannon 1996; techniques that allow spatially and temporally Clarkand Blake 1994;Hayden 1995; Prentiss and detailedpaleoecological and paleoclimaticrecon- Chatters2003). structions.Archaeologists have increasingly paired Finally,given that most preindustrial landscapes withexperts in "paleo-disciplines"to developpale- are ecologically complex, climatic shifts likely oenvironmentalsequences that are appropriateto resultedin diverseecological responsesthat were particulararchaeological times and places (e.g., stratifiedover the landscapemosaic. Both positive Hutchinsonand McMillan 1997; Moss et al. 2005). and negativechanges to resourceavailability for Further,as a discipline, we have become more ancientpeoples are likely to be found in different sophisticated in formulating models of culture locations within a single landscape.For instance, changethat mesh the roles of environmentalvari- a warmingand dryingtrend may reducethe pro- abilitywith those of culturalchoices (e.g., Dahlin ductivityof low-elevationstreams at the sametime 2002; McGovern 1994; Rosen 1995; Williams as it makes nearbyhigh-elevation resources more 2002). availableand productive.Teasing out the diverse Making the case for a causal relationship cultural responses requires detailed ecological betweenchanges in environmentand culture is dif- reconstructionscoupled with independent data ficultbecause it requiresdemonstrating why peo- aboutthe relativeimportance of variousresources ple respondedto particularenvironmental shifts. in past social and economic systems. Forinstance, pre-existing cultural practices such as On the NorthwestCoast of NorthAmerica, sev- long-termfood storagecan buffernegative envi- eralresearchers have proposedthat environmental ronmentalshifts that are short-lived, infrequent, or shifts played a majorrole in culturaldevelopment mild in theireffects such thatthere is no apparent at varioustimes in the past. Not surprisingly,the cultural"response" (Testart 1982). Further,minor environmentis a significantcomponent of models culturaladjustments to environmentalshifts, espe- aboutpeopling of the regionin the earlyHolocene cially if they are also short-lived,are less likely to (e.g., Fladmark 1975; Matson and Coupland manifestin the archaeologicalrecord. Long-term, 1995:59-65). For the mid-Holocene, Fladmark sustainedchanges in the environment,particularly (1975) proposedthat stabilization of sea level and if they affect criticalresources detrimentally, are climate,coupled with an expansionof riverineand bothmore likely to engenderimmediate and major littoralresources, were centralto the development culturalresponses and are more easily detectedby of complexNorthwest Coast cultures. The precise archaeologists. Such detrimental effects to timingand ecological details of his modelhave not resourcesare most likely to occurin extremeenvi- held up (Moss et al. 2005), but theredoes appear ronments,such as deserts(e.g., Stine2000). In tem- to be a relationshipbetween mid-Holocene climate perateregions, however, even climatic shifts of long and culturechange (Prentissand Chatters2003). Lepofsky et al] CLIMATECHANGE AND CULTURE CHANGE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 269

Figure 1. Gulf of Georgia region (coarse dashed line) showing two study sites where paleoecological data were collected (FL = Frozen Lakes, MBC = Mount Barr Cirque). The finer dasher line delimits the general location of archaeological sites with confirmed Marpole components (after Clark 2000). Image downloaded from ftp://ftp-geogratis.ccrs. nrcan.gc.ca/.

Of particularimportance was the mid-Holocene phase(Borden 1950, 1951;Carlson 1960) and con- establishmentof westernredcedar, without which siderableattention has been paid to understanding manyaspects of NorthwestCoast culture would not its development.Many researchers equate the Mar- have been possible (Hebdaand Mathewes 1984). pole transitionwith the developmentof complex Finally, pertaining to more recent prehistory, socioeconomicsystems similarto those observed Mitchell(1971:71) suggestedthat a shiftto cooler, among early historic Northwest Coast societies moisterclimate was in partresponsible for the cul- (Burley 1980; Matson and Coupland 1995; tural florescence characteristicof the Marpole Mitchell 1971; cf. Carlson1991). Thoughaspects phase, and Clark(2000) posited that this cultural of socialand economic complexity are found in ear- shift was causedby a majorearthquake. While we lier phases, it is not until the Marpolephase that differwith these latterresearchers in our interpre- there is widespreadevidence of statusascription, tationof the paleoecologicalrecord, we also see a specialization, multifamily houses, and well- link between culture and environmentalchange developedart forms linking the people of the Gulf duringthe Marpolephase, our focus in this paper. of Georgiaregion into a tightly integratedsocial We will explore the relationshipbetween cul- and economic system (Grier2003). ture and climate change in a spatiallyand tempo- Our recent paleoecologicalwork in the lower rally defined area:the Gulf of Georgiaregion in FraserValley, in the easternGulf of Georgiaregion, southwesternBritish Columbia, from 2400-1200 resultedin the identificationof a dry,and possibly cal B.P. (Figure 1). The Gulf of Georgiais one of warmer,climatic period temporally coincident with the best-documented regions in the Northwest the archaeologicallydefined Marpole phase, ca. Coast,and the Marpole phase is probablythe most- 2400-1200 cal B.P.Elsewhere we havenamed this studiedphase in the Gulf of Georgia.Archaeolo- period of climate change the "FraserValley Fire gistshave long recognizedthe distinctiveness of the Period"because of theincreased incidence of wild- 270 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 70, No. 2, 2005

firesduring that time (FVFP;Hallett 2001, Hallett and a generally less well-known archaeological et al. 2003). Here, we hypothesizethat the social recordthere, hamper our abilityto comparethese andeconomic changes associated with the Marpole assemblageswith the core Marpolearea. Though phase are linked to the climaticallydriven envi- we focus our discussionhere on the better-known ronmentalshifts associated with the FVFP.During Straitof GeorgiaMarpole sites, the archaeological this time, we believe forestfires and the sustained datawe do have (Lepofskyet al. 2000) suggestthe summerdroughts associated with them shiftedthe social and economic relationsassociated with the availabilityof manyresources important to thepeo- Marpolephase also encompassedthe peopleof the ple of the Gulf of Georgiaregion. In particular,the mid- andupper-Fraser Valley. ecologically diverselandscapes of the FraserVal- Our currentunderstanding suggests the Mar- ley would have emergedas a source of relatively pole phasedates between 2400 and 1200/1000cal more abundant, accessible, and predictable B.P.Although many archaeologists use the dateof resourcesthan elsewhere in the Gulf of Georgia 2400 radiocarbonyears B.P. for the breakbetween region.We suggestthat the intensification of region- Marpoleand the precedingLocarno Beach phase alized social and economic relations during the (e.g., Matson and Coupland 1995), a recent re- Marpolephase is relatedto peopleelsewhere in the analysis suggests that the breakmay be closer to Gulf of Georgiaregion seekingto strengthentheir 2200 radiocarbonyears B.P. (Clark2000, figure bonds with those who have access to the ecologi- 7.2), or 2400 cal B.P. (Figure2a, 2d). Researchers cally productiveFraser system. place the terminationdate of Marpole between In this paper,we outlinethe componentsof our 1500 and 1000 radiocarbonyears B.P. (e.g., Bur- hypothesislinking culture and climate change dur- ley 1980; Matson and Coupland 1995; Mitchell ing the FVFP and the Marpolephase. First, we 197 1; Thorn 1 995). Thedifficulty in assigninga dis- describebriefly the social and economic charac- tinct end-dateis largelydue to the fact that many teristicsof the Marpolephase. This is followed by of the artifactualtrends observed in Marpole(e.g., a review of othermodels proposedto understand the reductionof chipped stone and the concomi- the developmentof the Marpolephase. We then tantincrease in bonetools) continue without a break describe the FVFP, its associated ecological into the subsequentphase (Matsonand Coupland changes, and our hypothesizedlinkages between 1995:518).The problemsof multipleintercepts in thesechanges and the socialand economic systems 14Ccalibration and large standard deviations on the of theGulf of Georgiapeoples. We end with testable originalradiocarbon determinations further com- predictionsthat allow our model to be evaluated poundthe problem.Our calibration of radiocarbon with archaeologicaland paleoecologicaldata. datesfrom secure Marpole sites (fromClark 2000) suggeststhat the numberof Marpolesites dropoff after1250 cal B.P. 2a, 1000cal B.P, The Marpole Phase (Figure 2d). By distinctlydifferent styles and abundancesof artifacts,and especially burial practices (Thorn 1995), Spatial and TemporalContext are evident. The Marpolephase was a highly localized phe- Context nomenon,centered on the southernStrait of Geor- Ecological gia (southeastVancouver Island, the southernGulf A remarkableportion of the entirerange of eco- Islands,and the lower reachesof the FraserRiver; logical variationof PacificNorthwest ecosystems Figure1 ; Burley1980; Matson and Coupland 1995; is representedalong physiographic and topographic Mitchell 1971). Until recently,sites on the south- gradientswithin the Gulf of Georgia.The combi- ernmosttip of VancouverIsland were also included nationof the Straitof Georgialowlands and the mix in the distribution,but a re-analysisof Marpole- of ecosystemsin theFraser Valley represent a range aged assemblagesdemonstrates that these sites are of ecological diversity and a concentration of distinct from Marpole (Clark 2000). Some resource opportunitiesfor First Nations almost researchersalso includesites throughoutthe Fraser withoutequal on the west coast of NorthAmerica. Valley,but the absence of preservedbone and antler, Within the Gulf of Georgia,the lower Fraser thepresence of differentraw materials (e.g., quartz), watershedstands out for its ecosystemdiversity. In Lepofsky et al] CLIMATECHANGE AND CULTURE CHANGE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 271

Figure 2. Relationship between calibrated radiocarbon ages during the FVFP and the Marpole phase, (a) Middle intercept age and 2-sigma error bar range of confirmed Marpole sites (based on Clark 2000). (b) Middle intercept age and 2- sigma error bar range of soil charcoal ages from Frozen Lakes and Mt. Barr Cirque paleoecological sampling sites (from Hallett et al. 2003). LIA = Little Ice Age, MWP = Medieval Warm Period, FVFP = Fraser Valley Fire Period, and TGA = Tiedemann Glacial Advances. FVFP is highlighted bar connecting figures a and b. (c) Estimated fire incidence from Mt. Barr and Frozen Lakes based on lake sediment charcoal accumulation rates (Hallet et al. 2003). Note high fire incidence during the FVFP. (d) Summed probability (2-sigma range) plots of radiocarbon ages from confirmed Marpole sites superimposed over the paleoecological soil ages from Frozen Lakes and Mt. Barr Cirque. Dashed parallel lines joining figures c and d denote the FVFP. All dates have been calibrated using Calib 4.3 (Stuiver et al. 1998). the Gulf of Georgiaas a whole there are 13 Bio- Unitsfor Vancouver Region). Thus the lower Fraser geoclimaticvariants, representing five Biogeocli- Valleycontains a broadsample of the totalecosys- matic zones (of 14 zones in the Province as a tem diversityof the region as a whole, including ! whole). Elevenof thesevariants occur on themain- significantelements of ecological variationthat, land betweenthe Fraserestuary and the mountain within the region, are uniqueto the FraserValley. ridges of the easternFraser Valley, and eight are The FraserValley is more thantwice as diverseas uniqueto this areawithin the region. Only two vari- southeasternVancouver Island, the next largest ants are found on the Gulf Islands and none are physiographicunit in the region. uniqueto thatpart of the Gulf of Georgia.On the At low elevationsfrom the Southeastcoast of coastallowlands of easternVancouver Island, five VancouverIsland throughthe Gulf Islands, sum- variantsoccur and two occurthere uniquely within merdrought is prominentand ecosystems are sim- the region (BC Ministryof ForestsMap of BEC ilarto thoseto the southin Oregonand Washington, 272 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 70, No. 2, 2005

with fire or drought-tolerant species such as eye runsprior to 1913 were estimatedto be about Douglas-fir,Garry oak, and arbutus being common 100 million fish, and still today,during peak sea- (Meidingerand Pojar 1 99 1). Onthe adjacentmain- son, up to 20 million salmonof variousspecies are land,the FraserRiver Delta and lower FraserVal- presentin theFraser estuary. Faunal diversity is not ley representan ecologically rich, fluvial landscape limitedto fish;the Fraserestuary is also a globally almostentirely dominated in the pastby floodplain significantwintering and staging area for waterfowl dynamicsof theFraser River. Marshes and sloughs and shorebirds. arecommon and, in thepast, substantial areas were CulturalContext floodedseasonally. These ecosystems provided the CoastSalish with a diverserange of importantplant Historically,as today,the Halkomelemspeakers of resourcessuch as wapato, cattail, and bog cran- the Coast Salish of VancouverIsland, the Gulf berries. Islands,and the FraserRiver were linkedthrough The Fraser Valley is bordered by the Coast language,exchange, kinship, ritual, and mythology Mountainsto the northand the CascadeRange to (Carlson2003). For many,access to the abundant the south,with summitsreaching over 2000 m. At resources of the FraserValley, in particularthe low elevations,these mountainsare dominatedby immensesalmon runs and wapato tubers, was a fun- Douglas-firand other species of the seasonalrain- damentalcomponent of the regionaleconomic and forest (Pojarand MacKinnon1994). Because of social system (Barnett1955; Carlson2003; Duff strongorographic precipitation gradients, mid- to 1952:25;MitchellandDonald2001;Suttles 1987a, high-elevationforests on these mountainsexhibit 1987b, 1987c, 1990, 1998). Yearly,hundreds of the true-fir,cedar, and hemlock dominatedrain- people from VancouverIsland with familial con- forestscharacteristic of the cool, wet rainforestsof nectionsto people in the FraserValley traveled to the coastfarther north. At higherelevations, closed the valley to harvestthe diverse resourcesthere canopy subalpineforest grades into a subalpine (Brown 1996; Carlson2003). This uprivermove- parklandwith abundantberry-producing shrubs ment of people is reflectedin the islanddialect of that were importantas both wildlife habitatand Halkomelem,which is a mixtureof the two Fraser food for ancientpeoples (Lepofskyet al. 2005). Valleydialects (Carlson 2003). The Fraseris one of the largestriver systems in Severalscholars have suggestedthat the strong NorthAmerica, draining an areaof roughly250,000 social connections among historic Coast Salish km2.This drainagebasin occupies almost a quar- groups were a means to level out disparitiesin terof theBritish Columbia landmass, and the Fraser regionalresource availability (Carlson 2003; Miller Valley thus reflectsthe hydrologicaland ecologi- 1989;Suttles 1987b, 1987c, 1987d, 1987e).These cal processes of a large portionof Northwestern disparities were both ecologically and socially NorthAmerica. The Fraseris the most productive based. Ecologically,there were significantdiffer- salmonriver in the world, with all five species of ences in temporal and spatial availability of Pacific salmon and many other species, such as resources,with some areasbeing consistently more sturgeon,utilizing it (Northcoteand Larkin 1989). reliable and abundantsources of foods (Carlson The FraserValley sees the passageof an enormous 2003; Suttles 1987d;see also above).Further, dur- numberof fish destinedfor spawninggrounds dis- ing the historicperiod, the most productiveof the persedthrough much of theinterior of theprovince. resource harvesting sites were owned and con- For instance,of the 158 distinctstocks of sockeye trolledby elite who managedthe resources for fam- salmon breeding in the Fraser System, only 14 ilies, settlements,or tribes(Carlson 2003; Suttles spawn in tributariesarising in the FraserValley, 1987c).People with blood or marriagerelations to while the remainderpass throughthe FraserVal- the ownersof these resourcesites were given pref- ley on their way east and north(Schubert 1998). erentialaccess to the resourceswithin, while those These stocks exhibit substantialvariation in run withoutsuch familialconnections were forced to timing, from springto late fall, and thus in their acquire nonlocal foods through trade (Carlson susceptibilityto seasonalfluctuations in waterlev- 1997, 2003). In additionto redistributingunevenly els and temperatures(Hodgson and Quinn2002). distributedresources, the sharing of food both Historicrun sizes were enormous:dominant sock- cementedfamily relations across the Gulfof Geor- Lepofsky et al] CLIMATECHANGE AND CULTURE CHANGE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 273 gia regionand increased the prestigeof household in the productionand control of resourcesby those heads who could produce enough food to meet groups(Ames 1994, 1995; Grier2003). The large these social obligations(Elmendorf 1971; Suttles houses may also mark concomitant changes in 1987b). authorityover household labor associated with the Many researchersassert that variouselements emergenceof ranking(cf. Arnold 1993). of the complex social and economic relations Regional similaritiesbetween artifactassem- observedamong the historicCoast Salish peoples, blagesand the presence of tradedgoods andshared thoughpresent in isolated instancesprior to this symbolsindicate that the socialand economic links time, becamefully developedduring the Marpole between people of parts of southeastVancouver phase(Burley 1980; Grier 2003; Matsonand Cou- Island,the GulfIslands, and the lowerFraser River pland1995; Mitchell 1971; cf. Carlson1991). Dur- may havebecome solidifiedduring Marpole times ing theMarpole phase there is widespreadevidence (Brown 1996; Burley 1981; Duff 1956; Grier of status ascriptionin the burial record (Burley 2003). Some stylistic expressionsof these intra- 1980, 1981;Burley and Knusel 1989;Matson and regionallinkages existed priorto Marpole.Most Coupland 1995; cf. Areas 1999; Carlson 1991; notableare the lip plugs (labrets)and other adorn- Carlsonand Hobler 1993; Curtin1991) and spe- mentsfor the face (fondlyreferred to as "whatzits" cializationin itemssuch as heavy-dutywood work- or "Gulf Island Complex,"Dahm 1994), which ing tools, finely craftedbaskets, and zoomorphic were likely markersof social distinction.During and anthropomorphicstone and antlersculptures Marpole, however, these regional connections (Bernick1998; Duff 1956;Holm 1990).While the became strongerand perhaps more circumscribed precedingLocarno Beach phase (3500-2400 B.R) regionally.This regionalizationis clearlyreflected typicallyhas little evidenceof suchdevelopments, in thesophisticated Marpole art and basketry, which elaborateburials at two ca. 4,000 year-oldGulf of tendsto be standardizedacross the regionand con- Georgia sites (Areas 1999; Carlson and Hobler tainsmany styles unique to theMarpole phase (Ber- 1993 ; Curtin1 99 1) indicatethat the widespread sta- nick 1998; Holm 1990). Some of these objects tus differencesand craft specializationpresent in likely reflectedthe high statusof the owner(Holm Marpolehad its roots in some olderGulf of Geor- 1990)and served to integratethe elite in social,and gia communities.In the Latephase following Mar- perhapspolitical, regional networks (Brown 1996; pole (1200 B.P.-contact), there appearsto be a Grier2003). The strongregional integration of the declinein the numberand kind of elaborategoods Marpolephase is also indicatedby the decline in used as a yardstickto evaluatesocial complexity. the long-distanceexchange of obsidian (Carlson Thisis likelydue in partto shiftsaway from below- 1994) and the concomitantincrease in the lower- groundburials to above-groundinterments, which grade, but locally available Garibaldi obsidian are less likely to survive in the archaeological (Carlson1994; Reimer2003). Grier(2003) posits record.However, such a shift in burialpractices thataccess to andcontrol over Fraser River salmon (which occurs Coast-wide) also likely reflects a by the elite, particularlyof largehouseholds, is an fundamentalreorganization of the social systemin importantfeature in the sociopoliticalcohesion of the Latephase. Marpoletimes. An importantdevelopment associated with the Many researchers (Burley 1980; Croes and Marpolephase is the appearanceof the large,mul- Hackenberger1988; Matson 1983, 1992;Mitchell tifamilyhouses and multihousesettlements char- 197 1) havehypothesized the importance of salmon acteristicof the Coast Salish in the Historic era in Marpolephase economies. Unfortunately, there (Grier 2001, 2003). Though some of the oldest are few faunalstudies that actuallytrack shifts in houses on the NorthwestCoast are located in the animalresources through time (Cannon1996:27). FraserValley (Mason 1994; Schaepe 1998, 2003), The availabledata do demonstratethe importance housesand settlements remain relatively small until of salmon,as well as many othermarine and ter- theMarpole phase. The appearanceof largehouses restrialanimal resources(Matson and Coupland and villages duringMarpole times indicates the 1995:223-224; Grier 2003; Burley 1980:55-57; reorganizationof labor into largersocial groups, cf. Driver 1993). A shift to thinnerground-slate possiblyincluding slaves, andlikely reflectsshifts knives duringMarpole was thoughtto representa 274 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 70, No. 2, 2005

Figure 3. Comparison of late Holocene soil charcoal dates from paleoecological sampling sites and dates archaeological sites in the Gulf of Georgia region where Marpole sites are found. Vertical grey lines in Figures a and b represent bound- aries of the FVFP (see figure 2). (a) Calibrated radiocarbon dates of archaeological sites from the Canadian Archaeological Radiocarbon Database (CARD), compiled in 2001 (N = 345). Upper figure: Summed probability plots (2- sigma range). Bottom figure: midintercept ages (vertical bars) with their 2-sigma age range (horizontal bars). To avoid overrepresentation of sites with many radiocarbon determinations, only one radiocarbon date was used from each site per 200-year interval. In cases where a site had more than one determination from a single interval, we selected the determination with the smallest standard deviation. Although this figure includes all dated sites, not just those that have been definitively placed in the Marpole phase, the occupants of these sites were likely involved in the same social and economic networks. Note the similarity in shape of the curve of definitive Marpole sites (Figure 2d) and all sites in this figure. Dashed horizontal line on upper figure represents mean P(T). Note that during the FVFP, there are more dated sites than the mean, (b) Composite charcoal AMS ages showing fires in the Fraser Valley mountain hemlock sites (N=73). Upper figure: Summed probability plots (2-sigma range). Bottom figure: midintercept ages (vertical bars) with their 2-sigma age range (horizontal bars). Dashed horizontal line in upper figure represents mean P(T). Note that during the FVFP, there are more fires than the mean. All dates have been calibrated using Calib 4.3 (Stuiver et al. 1998).

shift to more efficientprocessing of salmon (e.g., diet. In particular,carbohydrate-rich root foods, Mitchell 1971), but recent experimentsdemon- such as camas bulbs that grew prolificallyon the stratethat there is no advantageover thicker knives Gulf Islands and easternVancouver Island, and (Morin2004). Rather,the shift to thin knives may wapato tubers that were abundantin freshwater reflectthe importance of finelycrafting certain tools marshyareas in thelower Fraser Valley, would have duringthe Marpolephase - especiallythose asso- been essentialcomponents of the diet. ciatedwith economically and/or socially important The distinctivenessof the Marpolephase may resources,such as salmon.No dataare available to also be reflectedin shiftingsettlement patterns. Our assess the importanceof plant resources(Lepof- analysisof the numberof datedsites in the Gulf of sky 2004), butbased on the ethnographicliterature Georgiarevealed a dramaticincrease in the num- (e.g., Barnett1955; Suttles 195 1), we expectarange ber of sites at the beginningof the Marpolephase of plantresources to have also been criticalto the (Figure3a). These data may indicatean increase Lepofsky et al] CLIMATECHANGE AND CULTURE CHANGE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 275

in population,and/or that people were more widely turesof the Marpolephase (Table1). The shift to dispersedacross the landscape. Several researchers intensive salmon exploitation,either to offset the havealso suggested(after Mitchell 1 97 1) thata sup- declineof otherresources (Croes and Hackenberger posed shift in the location of sites to the Fraser 1988;Mitchell 1 97 1) or to compensatefor declines River during the Marpole phase reflects an in salmon species per se (Clark2000), the labor increasedimportance in FraserRiver salmon,but organizationrequired to harvestand process salmon scrutinyof thecurrent settlement data (as presented (Burley 1980), the controlover salmon surpluses in Clark 2000 and Matson and Coupland 1995) (Grier2003), and differentialaccess to abundant does not indicate a shift in the location of sites. stocks (Matson1983, 1985), have all been cited as Theremay be a shift in the locationof certainsite central to increased social and economic com- types (e.g., short-termcamps or villages), but the plexity during Marpole. Unfortunately,with the settlementdata have not been analyzedin sufficient exceptionof the Hoko Riversite (Croesand Hack- detail to evaluatethis. More detailedanalyses of enberger1988), the faunal data offer only weaksup- the distributionof site types acrossthe landscape, port for the suppositionthat salmon were more and changesin this distributionthrough time, are centralto people duringthe Marpolephase than neededto fully evaluatethese ideas. duringpreceding times. Direct evidence in general Finally,Coast Salish oral traditions may provide is sparsebut indicates that a widerange of resources additionaldetails about the natureand develop- was used during Marpoletimes, though salmon ment of social complexity among Marpolecom- was undoubtedlycritical among them (Cannon munities.A centralelement of Sto:lo (the Coast 1996).The fine ground slate knives discussed above Salish of the FraserValley) transformation narra- are an exampleof indirectevidence for the impor- tives arethe "skypeople" (tel swayel)- the people tance of salmon. who camefrom above and are the firstancestors of All modelsbut Matson 's explicitlyprovide a rea- permanentsettlements and tribal territories.The son for the timingof the developmentof the Mar- appearanceof thelarge settlements described in the pole phase.Mitchell (1971) posits thata supposed transformerstories is one of the definingfeatures shift to cooler climates was linked to socioeco- of the Marpolephase. Among the Sto:lo, the sta- nomic changes duringMarpole; however, recent tus of male elites in each settlementwas linked paleoenvironmentaldata show no evidenceof this directlyto the abilityto traceancestry to theseFirst cooling trend (see below). Clark (2000), on the People (Carlson2003). Also centralto these oral other hand, hypothesizes the mega-thrustearth- traditionsare "worthlesspeople," who areborn of quake reportedby Mathewesand Clague (1994) the union between elite men and slave women was responsiblefor the Marpolephase, but, the (Carlson2003). Thus,these narratives may provide earthquakeis not preciselydated, nor is it likely to insightsinto the originsof class andgender-based have had a sufficiently widespread ecological statusdifferences in these early communities.2 impact (John Clague, personal communication 2002). Croes and Hackenberger(1988), on the other based on a model of rise Previous Explanations for the Marpole Phase hand, exponential in populationthroughout the Holocene, posit that Because of its archaeologicaldistinctiveness, and populationpressure prompted the intensification of its potentialfor helping understandthe evolution salmon harvestingthat in turnincreased regional of social complexityon the NorthwestCoast, sev- carryingcapacity. While our proxy data of popu- eralresearchers have attempted to explainthe social lation in the Gulf of Georgia (Figure 3a) do not and economic developmentsassociated with the provethat population is a causalfactor in Marpole Marpolephase (Table1). Space does not permita socioeconomic systems, they are consistentwith detailedreview of thesemodels here (refer to Ames the idea that increasingpopulation is correlated 1994; Clark2000; Matson and Coupland1995). withother social processes during this time. Finally, Instead, we briefly review some commonalities Burley (1980) arguesthat it was the diffusionof amongthem. technological knowledge to store salmon that In all models,the intensive exploitation of Fraser spurredsocial changes on thecoast. However, there Riversalmon is consideredone of the definingfea- is every reason to think that the knowledge to 276 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 70, No. 2, 2005

Table 1. Summaryof Explanationsfor the MarpolePhase.

Reference Summaryof Model Evaluation Burley Salmon storagetechnology developed inland and dif- Storagetechnology on coast likely ancient. Status (1980) fused to coast. Status ascriptiondeveloped out of elite not needed for salmon production. need for complex labor organizationassociated with mass harvestand storageof salmon.

Clark Mega-thrust earthquake ca. 2000 B.P. (Mathewesand Evidence for intensificationof salmon is weak. (2000) Clague 1994) caused a decline in FraserRiver Mega-thrustearthquake not precisely dated nor likely salmon. To compensate,people intensifiedsalmon to have had a widespreadecological impact (J. productionand increasedtrade. Status differences Clague, personalcommunication 2002). Marpole resultedfrom differencesin access to resources. transitionmay be closer to 2200 B.P.

Croes and Exponentialrise in south coast populationsbeginning Faunalrecord shows increaseduse of salmon at Hacken- around4000 B.P. High populationsin Marpole,cou- Hoko River site, on which the model is based, but berger pled with depletion of other resources,led to increas- not at other Marpolesites. Increasein populationat (1988) ing harvestsand storageof salmon to increase Marpoletransition may be supportedby proxy data, carryingcapacity.

Matson Transitionto Marpolehinges on the exploitationof Evidence for intensificationof salmon is weak. Other (1983, 1985), salmon, as a predictable,reliable, dense resource resourcesare ignored. No explanationfor timing of Matson and Sedentismlinked to resourcecontrol. Differential Marpole. Coupland access to salmon spurredeconomic and social com- 1995) petition.

Mitchell Shift to cooler climate led to a reductionin oak and No paleoecological evidence of cooler climate. (1971) camas, which spurredan increasedreliance on Evidence for intensificationof salmon is weak. salmon. Concurrentwas the developmentof prestige system where food is convertedto wealth

process salmonthrough smoking and dryingwas Thegreatest evidence of synchronousfire across our commonplaceon the coast from much earlierin sites, and the most recent peak in fire incidence, prehistory(Ames 1994). occursbetween 2400-1200 cal B.P.(Figure 3). We calledthis the Fraser Valley Fire Period (FVFP). The FVFP to the Roman WarmPeriod The Fraser Valley Fire Period corresponds (RWP)in Europe(Lamb 1995), a periodof milder In pastwork, we examinedthe historyof firein the climateover Greenland (Mayewski et al. 2004), and high-elevationforests of the upperFraser Valley as a timeof fasterthermohaline circulation in theNorth representedin the recordof charcoalin forest and Atlantic (Bianchi and McCave 1999). Many fire meadowsoils andin the bottomsediments of small eventsduring the FVFP correlate visually with solar lakes at two studysites (Hallett2001; Hallettet al. maxima (or 814Cminima; Stuiver and Braziunas 2003; Lertzmanet al. 2002). We reconstructedthe 1993) andwarm events in the GISP2(818O ice core incidenceof fires for the past 12,000 years at one data(Stuiver et al. 1997). Droughtepisodes during site andthe past7,500 yearsat the other(Figure 1). theFVFP have been documented from other regions These reconstructionsare based on 102 AMS soil in westernNorth America (e.g., Gavinet al. 2003; charcoaldates from well-controlledstratigraphic Hallettet al. 2003; Meyerand Pierce 2003) andare contexts that include volcanic tephramarkers as likely linkedto high solaractivity during this time independentages and well-dated lake sediment (Hallett2001). cores. The reconstructedincidence of fire varied Synchronousperiods of frequentfire across our substantiallyover this time in a mannerlargely con- studyareas suggests a regionalresponse to climate sistent with known climate fluctuations(e.g., a forcing.Fire incidence in thisarea is drivenby mid- periodwith high fire incidence in theearly Holocene troposphericanomalies that produce significant associatedwith the solar maximum,followed by periods of sustainedwarm weather with abnor- severalthousand years with lower fire incidence). mally low precipitation(Gedalof et al. 2005; Skin- Lepofsky et al] CLIMATECHANGE AND CULTURE CHANGE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 277

ner et al. 1999). This is similarto the association and 3).3 Sites with Marpolecharacteristics appear of majorblocking high-pressureridges with fire in the recordalmost coincidentwith onset of the weatherin the southernCanadian Rockies (John- FVFP after2400 cal B.P. (Figure2a and 2d), and son andWowchuk 1993). Enhancedhigh-pressure at the same time thereis a dramaticincrease in all circulation during the summer/fall fire season datedsites in theregion (Figure 3a). Mid sequence, wouldhave dried fuels andled to an increasein dry thereis a dramaticdrop in both soil charcoaldates lightningstorm tracks across the Pacific Northwest anddated archaeological sites, thoughthe number duringthe FVFP(Rorig and Ferguson 1999). Thus of sites andfire events are still at or abovethe mean we can use the incidenceof fire duringthe FVFP (Figure3). At the end of the sequences,there is also as an indicatorof the climateconditions that lead generallygood correspondence, though the datasets to fire: the FVFP would have been a period with arenot completely overlapping. The FYFP ends ca. an increasedfrequency of years with persistent, 1200 cal B.P., when fire frequencydrops dramati- long, dry summersthat stretchinto the fall, and cally.While the vast majorityof the Marpolesites probablyperiods of droughtextending over several dateduring the period we identifyas theFVFP, two consecutiveyears (Gedalofet al. 2005). sites date more recentlythan its completion.This may representa time lag in culturalresponse to in resource We note also that Spatial and Temporal Correspondence of changes availability. this intervalfrom 1200-1000 cal B.P. Marpole Phase and FVFP 200-year may havebeen a periodof transitionof bothclimate and Thereis good spatialand temporal correspondence culture, since renewed fire activity begins from betweenour culturaland ecological datasets. Our 1000-600 cal B .P., coevalwith the Medieval Warm paleoecologicalsampling sites locatedin the high- Periodin Europe(Figure 2, andHallett et al. 2003). elevationzones of the upperFraser Valley (Figure While it is possible that some of the similarity 1) are good proxies for regional climatic shifts, in distributionof archaeologicaland soil charcoal especiallyfor those involving fire, for three reasons. datesis theresult of confoundingof anthropogenic First,these sites are nearthe upperlimit of forest charcoaland charcoalarising from wildfires,this growthand, like high-elevationsites in otherareas source of errordoes not alone explain the corre- (Pellattet al. 2000; Rochefortet al. 1994),are more spondencein the two datasets. Thatis, we recog- sensitiveecologically to climaticfluctuations than nize thata few of the charcoalsamples submitted nearbysites at lower elevations.Second, these are from archaeologicalsites may representnatural very wet forests,which in a typicalyear have per- fires ratherthan culturalevents, since there were sistent snowpackfor 7-8 monthsof the year and morenatural fires occurring on the landscapedur- substantialfog andrain the restof the time:it takes ing the FVFP.However, we cannot imagine that a substantial,possibly multiyear drought to produce archaeologistssubmitted enough poor quality dates a high firehazard there (Agee 1993;Gedalof et al. to skew the distributionof such a largedata set (N 2005). The climaticprocesses that produce strong = 345 samples). Further,the fact that the much fire weather indices in these forests result from smallersubset of datarepresenting secure Marpole regional- to sub-continental-scaleprocesses that sitesalso displays the same pattern (Figure 2d), sug- producea blockinghigh-pressure ridge over much gests thatthe distributionaccurately represents the of the southwestcoast of BritishColumbia (Skin- actualnumber of datedsites. neret al. 1999). Thus,the weatherassociated with It is also possiblethat some of thecharcoal dated fireyears in thehigh-elevation forests is a goodindi- in ourpaleoecological sampling sites resultedfrom catorof a warmdry summerand fall at a regional a human-set fires ratherthan from lightningigni- scale.Third, over the Holocene, forests at upper and tion. Thatis, since theremay have been morepeo- lower elevations appear to respond together to ple on the landscapeduring this time, and more majorregional-scale climatic drivers(Brown and peopleusing the high-elevationzones (see below), Hebda2003). there is a greaterchance of forest fires resulting Thereis strikingsimilarity in the temporaldis- fromhuman activity. In fact, elsewhere, we havepre- tributionof Marpoleaged sites and soil charcoal dicted an increase in frequencyduring Marpole fromthe paleoecologicalsampling sites (Figures2 timesof small,prescribed fires set by theCoast Sal- 278 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 70, No. 2, 2005 ish in high-elevationareas to increaseberry pro- drive most of the other changes we discuss, are ductivity(Lepofsky et al. 2005). If this is the case, changes in the distributionof serai stages on the it makesthe relationshipbetween climate, fire, and landscape and shifts in the nature of the forest humanactivity somewhat more complex, but it does mosaic.The distributionof standages on the land- notchange the nature or validity of ourconclusions. scape would shift from older standstoward more Whetherthe sourceof the firewas lightningor peo- youngerstands. At all elevationswithin the Gulfof ple, in "normal"years, these high-elevationforests Georgiaregion, fires would mostly be highersever- arejust too wet for firesto propagate(Gedalof et al. ity, standreplacing events when they occur (Agee 2005). Irrespectiveof the sourceof ignition,only 1993), andwould largelyinitiate the development duringperiods when years with substantial drought of new young stands.In additionto shiftingthe age werefrequent, such as duringthe FVFP, could fires distributionof standson the landscape,more con- have been frequentand large enoughto leave the tinuous tracts of old forest are likely to be frag- recordof high fire incidencethat characterizes the mentedby an increasedfrequency of disturbance, FVFP.4 leading to an increase in the amount of edge between youngerand older patchesof forest and shorterdistances between Dorneret Ecological Consequences of the patches(e.g., al. Fraser Valley Fire Period 2002). We expectthat many terrestrial resources likely In this section,we review the effects of the FVFP increasedin abundanceand availability during the on a selectionof resourcesthat were traditionally FVFP as a result of both the prolongedsummers importantto the CoastSalish people (Table2; Bar- and the increasedfire frequency.The increasein nett 1955; Duff 1952; Suttles 1951). We consider fireswould have had a positiveeffect on resources fish resources,but also discuss a range of other that benefit from more open forests and a more resourcesbecause we believe, along with a grow- fragmentedforest mosaic. Deer andelk, as well as ing number of researchers (e.g., Ames and smalleranimals, such as snowshoehare, marmot, Maschner1999), that a varietyof resourceswere and grouse, are more likely to survivethe winter importantin the developmentof NorthwestCoast and springwith the increasein forage associated societies and we expect this broaddependence to with more open ecosystemsand the greaterjuxta- be especially importantin times of changingcli- position of edges between matureand regenerat- mateand resource abundance. Our review focuses ing forests (Bitter and Rongstad 1982; Lee and on foodresources because the accumulation of food Funderberg1982; Mackie et al. 1982;Nyberg and was inextricablytied to wealthand ultimately pres- Janz 1990; Shackleton1999). In addition,berry- tige amongthe historicCoast Salish of the region producingplants should increase in numberand (Suttles1987b). Further, the overallabundance and productivity during the FVFP (Lepofsky et al. availabilityof mostmajor non-food resources used 2005). by theCoast Salish (e.g., westernredcedar; yellow- In additionto the directbenefits to humans,the cedar,cattail) were unlikelyto have changedsig- increasedproductivity and availabilityof berries nificantlyas a resultof theclimatic shifts associated would have had a significantimpact on bearpop- with the FVFP.Our review of resourcesdemon- ulations.Both grizzly and blackbears rely on late stratesthat while someresources increased in abun- season berriesfor much needed winterfat stores, dance and availability during the FVFP, others which in turn directlyinfluence spring fecundity declinedor were less predictablyabundant. In this (Cowanand Guiguet 1 956; Craigheadand Mitchell dynamicecological context, the Fraser Valley, with 1982;Pelton 1982). Thus, more berries would result its rich and variedterrestrial and riverineecosys- in healthierbear populationsto be hunted, and, tems, emergedas a sourceof relativelymore abun- since an abundanceof fall berriesduring warmer dant,diverse, and predictableresources. fall weathermeans that bear delay theirreturn to their den (Pelton 1982), the hunting season for TerrestrialResources bearswould have also been extended. The primaryeffects of increasedfire incidenceon The extendedwarm fall weatherassociated with terrestrialecosystems, and the processes that would the FVFPwould have broad effects on the accessi- Lepofsky et al] CLIMATECHANGE AND CULTURE CHANGE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 279

Table 2. Possible Consequencesof FVFP on MajorFood Resources of the Coast Salish.

Food Resource Consequence Meadow resources(e.g., Increasedfires - > expansionof meadow ecosystems, camas, Garryoak)

High elevation resources Delayed snowfall - > increasedaccessibility and extendedharvest period, (e.g., mountaingoat, blueberries, marmots)

High elevationberries Delayed snowfall- » ensureripening. Increased fires - » increaseabundance and productivity.

Late season berries(e.g., Extendedperiod of maturing/ripening- > increasedharvests, blueberries,salal)

Mule deer, elk, snowshoe Increasein fires resultsin more open forests and increasedforage - > increasedpopulation, hare, marmot,grouse

Black bears, grizzly bear Increasedtemporal and spatial availabilityof berries- > increasedfecundity. Increased availabilityof berries - > longer huntingseason because delayed returnto winter den.

Salmon- pink and sockeye Decreased abundanceat times of higher spring and summerSSTs, but no data to deter- mine effects of FVFP on spring/summerSSTs.

Salmon - coho Reduced abundanceof fry in small streamsdue to low water.Decreased abundanceat times of higher winter SSTs, but no data to determineeffects of FVFP on winter SSTs.

All salmon Delayed freshetsresult in delayed migrationto natal streams,pushing many runs to the fall. Increasedpeak flows, erosion and sedimentmobilization in burnedwatersheds decreasesreproductive success. Increasedtemperatures and low water in natal streams increasedpredation and decreasedsurvival.

Herring Decreased abundanceat times of higher spring SST, but no data to determineeffects of FVFP on spring SSTs.

Pacific hake Increasedue to increasedSSTs.

bilityand productivity of a varietyof resources,espe- increasedfire during the FVFPwould have created cially those at high elevations. For many high- more parklandand meadows. These ecosystems elevationresources, that is, those availablein the supported the highly valued camas bulbs and mountainsof theFraser Valley (e.g., blue huckleberry acorns,sources of much-valued carbohydrates. The andmountain goats), and late seasonlow-elevation relativeincrease in these importantresources may berries(e.g., salal),extended warm periods in late have been one of the few positive ecological con- summerand earlyfall could have made the differ- sequencesof theFVFP in easternVancouver Island ence betweena good harvestand none at all. In the and the Gulf Islands. case of berriesthat typicallyripen in the fall, the Fish extendedwarm period is criticalfor an abundant harvest.Further, the mild fall weather meant that peo- Thereare potentially two distinctlines of evidence ple couldsuccessfully travel to high-elevationareas to project changes in fish resources during the to pickberries or to hunt.In ourexperience, in years FVFP:( 1) empiricalrecords of actualtrends in fish with delayedmelting of springsnow pack and an abundanceduring the FVFP,and (2) the effects of early winter, berry productivityis considerably changesin oceanographic,climatic, and freshwa- reducedin high-elevationmeadows, and thereis a terconditions on fishabundances during warm, dry surprisinglynarrow window of timebetween when periods today. Though the first line of evidence the snow melts andwhen it arrivesagain. would be preferable,the few studiesthat examine Inthe relatively drier and more open ecosystems past fish abundancesin the NortheastPacific are of easternVancouver Island and the Gulf Islands, not appropriateproxies for the FVFP.5 280 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 70, No. 2, 2005

Thus, in this study,we use currentrecords of Thatis, warmocean temperatures, particularly dur- fish populationsand their responses to environ- ing the periodwhen juveniles are in Straitof Geor- mentalchanges to predictthe effectson abundance gia (springand summer),are stronglyassociated duringthe FVFP.It is well recognizedamong fish- with decreasedsurvival of these species (Hinchet eriesbiologists and oceanographers that fish abun- al. 1995; Mueter et al. 2002; Schweigert 1995; dances today and historically are influencedby Wareand McFarlane 1 995 ;Zebdi and Collie 1995). ocean and fresh water conditionsthat are in turn Declines in coho salmonin the Gulfof Georgiaare influencedby shiftsin climateat varyingtemporal correlatedwith increasesin winterocean temper- scales(e.g., Chavez et al. 2003;Downton and Miller aturesand sea-level height (Beamishet al. 1999; 1998; Finneyet al. 2000; Hareet al. 1999; Hoeb- Cole 2000; Hareet al. 1999; Hoebdayand Boehlert day and Boehlert 2001; McFarlaneet al. 2000; 2001; Mueter et al. 2002). However, since our Mueteret al. 2002; Petermanet al. 1998). While understandingof the FVFP climate is limited to we recognizethat a complexmix of oceanographic summerand fall, thesedata do not allowus to make andatmospheric processes drive physical and eco- predictionsabout coho abundanceduring the FVFP. logical responses,and it is uncertainhow well the There are no data for the relationshipof chinook changes duringthe FVFP are modeled by these salmonin the Straitof Georgiato shifts in SSTs. morerecent and shorter-termphenomena (e.g., El Late summerdrought and increasedtempera- Nino, Pacific Decadal Oscillation), at this point tures associatedwith the FVFP should have also these recent interactionsare our best proxy for affectedthe timingand success of spawning.With developing hypotheses about abundancesin the reduced precipitation,the onset of fall freshets more distantpast. This approachis similarto that wouldbe delayed.Salmon would be forcedto mill takenby researcherswishing to predictthe future aroundstream mouths, waiting for the necessary sensitivityoffish populationsto anthropogeniccli- outflowof waterto migrateup rivers.While this is mate change.Like them, we also expect an asso- potentiallydetrimental to upriverhuman popula- ciationbetween increasing sea surfacetemperatures tionsrelying on those salmon,it shouldhave made (SST) and periods of warmeratmospheric tem- salmon relativelymore availableat the mouth of peratures(e.g., Alheit andHagen 2001 ; Mote et al. streamsalong the mainFraser River channel, in the 2003). Fraserestuary, and in the lower Fraserin general. Climatic variationassociated with the FVFP However,delays in spawningbecause of low water, wouldhave influenced fish abundancesat different or increased streamtemperatures at the time of stagesin theirlife cycle: as juveniles in the ocean, spawningcan result in significantlyreduced spawn- as adultsreturning to theirnatal streams, and as eggs ing success of salmonspecies throughboth direct in these streams.In the ocean, fish survival,espe- effects andincreased predation (Burgner 1991:21; cially of juveniles, is linked to several environ- Heard1991:138, Peterson and Kitchell2001) and mentalconditions. Most studies measure the effects in-stream temperatures during upriver migration of sea surfacetemperature on survivalrates, though have shapedthe evolutionarypatterns of migration SST is probablyan indirectmeasure of othervari- timing among some salmon(Hodgson and Quinn ables that affect abundances(e.g., abundanceof 2002). We expectthese freshwaterimpacts to have predatorsand prey; sea level height;Hoebday and been most severefor species relying on relatively Boehlert 2001; Meuter et al. 2002). There are small streamsand catchmentswith little hydro- numerousstudies that track the effects of SST on logical buffering,such as coho salmon, and we fish abundance, but most do not separate out expecttemperature and radiation-related effects to responsesby individualspecies or from specific be greatestin small streamsin the drierportions of stocks(e.g., Moteet al. 2003), andthus are not use- theregion (e.g. ; easternVancouver Island, the Gulf ful for predictingthe responsesof fish in the Gulf Islands,and the lower FraserValley; Walters and of Georgia,specifically. The datathat do exist for Ward1998). Finally,increased siltation of streams the Gulf of Georgiafish populationssuggest that (as a result of the increased incidence of fires; whilethere is no relationshipbetween chum salmon Legleiteret al. 2003; Moody and Martin2001a, survivaland SSTs, herringand sockeye and pink 2001b), furtherreduces the survivalof salmonid salmonsurvival are inversely correlated with SSTs. eggs (Heard1991:157). Lepofsky et al] CLIMATECHANGE AND CULTURE CHANGE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 281

Collectively,these argumentsindicate that in these resourcesmore broadly across the Gulf of the warm years associated with fires during the Georgiaregion. In particular,we hypothesizethat FVFP therewould have been significantchanges FraserValley communities, and especially the lead- in the distributionand abundanceof manyimpor- ers of groupswho controlledprime resource areas, tant fish resourcesin the Gulf of Georgiaregion. hadan economicadvantage over others outside the However,the FraserRiver would have stoodout in Frasersystem because they were more consistently contrastto this regionalpattern of reducedabun- able to supply their relations with abundant dance and accessibility of salmon. Though runs resources.In a systemwhere food wealthwas con- were likely reducedin size, the salmonruns in the verted to prestige, these individualsturned their FraserRiver were so large in pre-industrialtimes economic advantageinto a social advantage. (Kew 1992; Northcoteand Larkin1989) thatthis Resources reductionin numbersmay not havehad significant DifferentialAvailability of impacts on the native fishery there- especially During the FVFP, even if salmon stocks were since so manyruns of so many species were con- reducedoverall, the mainFraser River would have centratedin theirpassage upriver.We expect that had continuedto supply more salmonthan could because so much of the salmonproduction in the have been harvested using traditionalmethods Fraseroriginates in interiorstreams experiencing (Kew 1992). In contrast,climatic warming would very differentclimatic conditionsto the Gulf of havehad a muchmore noticeable impact on salmon Georgiaregion and dispersed over such a largegeo- abundancein the smallertributaries of the lower graphicarea, this wouldhave provided a degreeof Fraserand the small streamsof the adjacentmain- bufferingof stocks within the Fraserfrom local land and VancouverIsland. Each of these would environmentalconditions. This bufferingagainst typicallycontain only one runof each species,and local environmentalvariability would have been oftenwould not have all speciesrepresented. In par- enhancedby substantialvariation in life histories ticular,few had runs of sockeye. Further,the cli- amongthese stocks (Hilbornet al. 2003). Smaller matic variabilityof the FVFP meant that people streamsand rivers elsewhere in the region, con- couldrely less on theirecological knowledge to pre- taining only their own local stocks, would have dict where and when certain aquatic resources been much more sensitiveto regionalfluctuations couldbe mostprofitably harvested. Then, as today, in climaticconditions. Perhaps most importantly, local knowledgeof seasonalmigration routes and we expect thatfor these reasons,fishers along the timing,typical depths, and feeding patterns would Fraserwould have experiencedless year-to-year have been the key to successfulfishing efforts, yet uncertaintyin their fish resourcesthan anywhere all of these can changein responseto climaticand else in theregion. Thus, during the FVFP the Fraser oceanographicfluctuations. The effects of this River fisherywould have clearly emergedas the would have been particularlyfelt by people rely- mostpredictable and abundant fishery in theregion. ing on fishin the ocean,since thereare more places Combinedwith the shifts in terrestrialresources, wherethe fishcan go andfish can be dispersedover the FraserValley overall would have been the most enormousareas. For instance, in some years,some consistently abundant,diverse, and predictable stocks that typically migrate south to the Fraser place to harvestresources in the Gulf of Georgia. along the inner coast between VancouverIsland and the mainlandinstead move south along the west coastof VancouverIsland and enter the mouth Cultural Consequences of the of the Fraserfrom the Straitof Juande rather Fraser Valley Fire Period Fuca, thanthe Straitof Georgia- andthis shiftin migra- We posit that increasesin regionalcohesion and tion route can have a devastatingeffect on even socioeconomic complexity during the Marpole modernrecreational fishers in the Gulf of Georgia phase were linked to the regional differencesin (Beamish et al. 1999). Once in the FraserRiver, resourceabundance and availability brought on by therewould have been a substantiallyreduced risk the FVFP.We suggest that the differentialavail- of failure,since movementoptions for salmonare ability of resourceswas the impetus for creating morerestricted, access by fishermanis more con- and affirmingsocial bonds that ensuredaccess to trolled,and fish aremore concentrated. Further, the 282 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 70, No. 2, 2005

lowerwater levels (associatedwith drought)in the historicperiod (Carlson 2003; Miller 1989;Suttles FraserRiver result in theexposure of morebeaches 1987b, 1987c, 1987d, 1987e). Complexexchange and lead to more places along the FraserRiver networksacross the regionallowed groups to even wheresalmon can be harvested. out food abundancesand shortagesand thus be At the same time as salmon harvests were rooted in a particularplace, yet connected to a becoming more unpredictablein the surrounding broadercultural and ecological landscape. The eco- region,the people of the FraserValley would have logical pull of the Fraser system, in particular, been enjoyingmore productive and more accessi- meantthat hundreds of CoastSalish from Vancou- ble terrestrialplant and animal resources. The high- ver Island and the Gulf Islandswho had familial elevation resources availablelocally only in the connectionsin the FraserValley traveled across the FraserValley (e.g., blueberriesand mountain goat) GeorgiaStrait annually to harvestthe resourcesof wouldhave been of particularimportance. In cold, theFraser system. Ethnographic evidence suggests wet yearsthese would have been difficultto obtain, that these regionalbonds were made throughthe but duringwarm, dry years in the FVFP would elite (males),who hadaccess to the food resources havebeen not only moreaccessible, but more abun- neededto cementaffinal relations (Carlson 2003). dant.Historically, these resources were highly val- We suggest that the social and economic net- ued among the Coast Salish; they were used in worksof the historicperiod were solidifiedduring feasts, rituals,as markersof social prestige, and Marpoletimes to offset the ecological challenges weretraded to CoastSalish groups who didnot have associatedwith the FVFP.The ecological pull to directaccess to them (Barnett1955: 71; Lepofsky the FraserValley would have been even greater et al. 2005; Ostapkowiczet al. 2002; Reimer2003; duringthe FVFP,when resourceswere relatively Suttles 1951:95). less predictableand abundant in the GeorgiaStrait. Althoughthe GeorgiaStrait communities in the We predictthat communities in the GeorgiaStrait Gulf Islandsand easternVancouver Island likely at this time soughtto strengthensocial bondswith exchangedresources that were unique to theirdrier those who haddirect access to the resourcesof the ecosystems, there is little data to suggest the Frasersystem. As a result,those individualswho regionalimportance of theseresources. Camas and had access to FraserRiver valley resources,either acornsin particular,available in greaterabundance throughdirect ownership, or throughaffinal rela- on the islands than the FraserValley, were likely tions,would have had the potential to increasetheir amongthese resources. Although there are no defin- social prestige. Further,by participatingin such itive ethnographicrecords of such exchange(Gal- region-wide socioeconomic networks, aspiring loway 1982),the geneticsof a populationof Garry individualscould enhancetheir status within their oaksin the upperFraser Valley suggests the acorns owncommunities. Larger numbers of peoplewould originatedfrom the northernGulf Islands(Lepof- have been both attracted to these individuals sky 2004). For many Northwest Coast peoples, because of theirability to ensurea more constant carbohydrate-richfoods, such as camas,were at a food supply,and needed by those individualsto premium.However, people of the lower and cen- intensify resourceproduction to maintainsocial tral FraserValley also had an abundantsupply of relations.The region-wide symbolsof wealthand carbohydrate-richwapato, which was tradedby power that typify the Marpolephase, such as the some FraserValley groupsto the Coast Salish on finely craftedbaskets, and stone and antlersculp- VancouverIsland (Kuhnlein and Turner 1991). tures,are the materialcorrelates of these social and economicbonds. Cultural Responses An ethos of prestigewas an importantelement Our understanding of how people may have driving the regional system of food exchange respondedto theseenvironmental shifts of theMar- amongthe historic Coast Salish (Suttles 1987e). We pole phaseis stronglyinfluenced by ourknowledge expect it was also a fundamentalelement of Mar- of the socialand economic processes of thehistoric pole communities.For prestige to have played a Coast Salish of the Gulf of Georgiaregion. Shar- dominantrole during Marpole would have required ing food to protectagainst shortages was an essen- thepresence of bothaspiring individuals and a com- tial part of Coast Salish socioeconomics in the munitythat allowed or supportedprestige-seeking Lepofsky et al] CLIMATECHANGE AND CULTURE CHANGE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 283 individuals.The scant pre-Marpoleburial record versed high-elevation zones (Schaepe 2001b), indicatesthat such an ethos could have had its foun- would have been relativelymore accessible to a dationin at least some pre-Marpolecommunities. wider segment of the population,and sea condi- However, the widespread appearance of large tions may have been relativelymore predictable houses,regional art forms, and symbols of prestige (diurnalchanges in fair weatherwind patternsare ca. 2,400 yearsago indicatessocial intensification morepredictable than those associated with frontal at the inter-and intra-community levels duringthe movement). Marpolephase (Ames andMaschner 1999; Brown Increasedaccess to high-elevationareas specif- 1996;Grier 2003). The importanceof prestigedur- ically duringthe FVFPmay have influencedother ing Marpoletimes is furtherillustrated in CoastSal- importantsocial changes during Marpoletimes. ish oral traditions.Large settlements- many of Among the Coast Salish peoples, mountainous which were likely establishedduring the Marpole areasare often considered places of power,and the phase- and class-basedrelations are inextricably resourcesthat come from them are spirituallysig- linked.Importantly, many of these same oral tra- nificant (Reimer 2003; Schaepe 2002). Further, ditionsalso recounttimes of severefood shortages accessto "highspots" allows people to cementcog- (Carlson2003), reflectinga real need for a system nitive maps of theirown territoriesas well as that of food sharingin the past. of their neighbors (Mierendorf 1999). Schaepe We suggest that the incentive to allow these (2002) notes that access and control of upland increasinglycomplex social relationsduring Mar- resources,so importantto the politicaleconomy of pole arose from the dramaticregional differences lowlandvillages, is in partlegitimized by ancestral in availability and predictability of resources linksto high-elevationareas. Only fromthese high broughton by the FVFP.For communitiesliving spotscould all the importantlocations of eventsin outside of the FraserValley, relatively more was Sto:lo origin myths be viewed, and consequently gained by forming and augmenting inter- people of all ages went to the mountainsto learn communitysocial alliancesthan previously. Indi- these stories(Schaepe 2002). Today,the telling of viduals with access to Fraser Valley resources suchstories is criticalin theformation of bondsboth wouldhave had increased opportunities to enhance withinand between communities (Schaepe 2002). their status, while resource-poor communities In yearswith "normally"wet andcold fall weather, wouldhave had more incentive to allow themto do getting to high elevationsand spendinga signifi- so. Forall communities,alliance formation and the cantamount of time therewould be a challenge,as supportof elites thatis linkedto it was a peaceful it is today.However, during periods of milderfall and thus relativelylow cost solutionto the prob- weather,such as we positfor theFVFP, many more lem of differentialaccess to resources.Archaeo- communitymembers would be moreable to engage logical evidence for extensivelyfortified villages in theseimportant identity-forming and subsistence at key salmonharvesting and processingareas in activitiesin the high-elevationzones. the FraserValley (Schaepe 2001a) and extensive In sum, we proposethat the social andenviron- documentationof historic raids (Carlson 2001) mentalconditions after 2,400 yearsago in the Gulf indicatethat peaceful solutions to economicprob- of Georgia converged to form the phenomenon lems were not always sought.Disentangling how archaeologistsknow as the Marpolephase. Differ- thesevarious kinds of regionalinteractions change entialavailability of resourcesassociated with the throughtime remains an importantquestion for FVFPencouraged intercommunity interaction, par- futureresearch. ticularlyamong elites - andthere were significant We furtherpropose that climatic shifts associ- enough benefits to both environmentallyadvan- atedwith the FVFP would have been linked in other taged and disadvantagedcommunities to support ways to increasedintra-regional contact and ritu- thedeveloping prestige of thoseelites. Importantly, alizedactivity during Marpole times. Climatic ame- environmentalchanges associated with the FVFP liorationduring this 1,200 yearperiod would have were both of significantmagnitude and sufficient alsoencouraged more intercommunity contact sim- durationfor people to changetheir behavior - and ply because it was more pleasant, feasible, and for those changesto leave signaturesdetectable in safer to travel.Overland routes, which often tra- the archaeologicalrecord. 284 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 70, No. 2, 2005

Discussion rise of social inequalityamong hunter-gatherers more generally.Drawing largely from the North- Thoughthe dataare not yet availableto character- west Coastethnographic record (e.g., Donaldand ize precisely Marpole social, political, and eco- Mitchell 1994), he arguesthat in regionswith spa- nomic organization, it is clear that significant tial heterogeneity of resources, resource-poor changes in these arenascan be inferredfrom the groupswill seek social allianceswith groupswho physicalrecord of the Marpolephase. These trans- have abundantresources. Because they arein need formationsare reflected in the elaborationof buri- of social and economic connections, the poorer als and increased occurrence of cranial groupsrelax the egalitarian ethos and allow wealth- deformation;the region-widetrade in statusvali- iergroups to gainprestige. Kelly suggests that these dating items; the appearanceof largerand more wealthiergroups in turnopt to sharefood resources complex domesticgroups living togetherin large ratherthan only hoard them because the cost of houses and the concurrentshifts over household sharingis ultimatelylower thandefending against labor;and the increasein resourcespecialization. raids.As the Gulfof Georgiaarchaeological record This is consistentwith intermediatesocieties else- indicates,however, regional interactions may more where in the world where archaeologists have commonlybe some complex mix of peacefuland hypothesizeda link between increasingcomplex- violent interactions. ity and aspiring individuals who manipulated Heterogeneityof resourcesacross the landscape resourcesand people at the local and regional scales may not alone provide the necessary conditions to furthertheir own gain (e.g., Arnold1993, 1995, needed to encouragealliance formation and food 2001; Clarkand Blake 1994; Hayden 1995). sharing.Earle (1994) concludesthat archaeologi- The Marpole archaeologicalrecord provides cal evidence worldwideindicates the prohibitive insightsinto ongoingdiscussions about the role of costsof transportationof bulkyfoodstuffs limits the resourceabundance and increasingcomplexity in importanceof food exchangein the development such intermediatesocieties. Arnold (1993, 2001) of most societies. However,on NorthwestCoast, has suggestedthat environmentalstress creates a where long distancesand large amountsof food- resource-populationimbalance, which in turnpro- stuffs could be transportedrelatively easily via vides the opportunityfor aspiringindividuals to canoes, the costs of traveland transportation were increasepower. Others (e.g., Clarkand Blake 1994; greatly reduced (Ames 2002; Earle 1994). This Hayden1995), however, argue that it is productive would have been especially true for the Fraser environmentsthat provide increased opportunities River,which was navigablethroughout the length for aspiringindividuals to augmenttheir prestige. of the FraserValley. Further, in the FVFP,if we are The Marpoledata suggest yet anotherscenario - correct,overland travel would have been relatively duringtimes of environmentalchange, local dif- easierthan at othertimes. ferences in the productivityand predictabilityof Ouranalyses highlight a commonproblem for resourceswithin a region(both positive and nega- thoseinterested in the relationshipsbetween social tive) providethe opportunitiesfor people to aug- and environmentalchanges: the lack of compara- ment their social positions and cement social bility betweenarchaeological and paleoecological linkages among communities.Collectively, these datasets.The problemis one of both spatialand observationssuggest that aspiring individuals will, temporalscale. Paleoenvironmentaldata must be given the freedomto do so, take advantageof any fine-grainedenough to reconstructlocal environ- opportunitiesto augmenttheir status, and that these mentalchanges that may have influencedhuman opportunitiescan be presentedby a diverserange populations.This requires fine-scale sampling from of social and environmentalconditions. During small catchments, such as we have used in the Marpoletimes, we believe the incentiveto allow researchthat identified the FVFP(e.g., Halletet al. individualsto augmenttheir social standing,and 2003). However,since the signalprovided by small to investin social relations("social capital"), was catchmentstudies can be verylocal, it maybe more a collective bufferingof uncertaintyin resource difficultto link the paleoecologicalsite with eco- availability. logicalprocesses at extra-local archaeological sites Kelly (1994) has positeda similarmodel for the andto buildregional- scale syntheses.Ideally, these Lepofsky et al] CLIMATECHANGE AND CULTURE CHANGE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 285

discrepancieswill be resolvedin manyregions as genealogicalconnections affirm the socialposition archaeologists and paleoecologists work more of elites, shiftsin theburial record may reflect more closely together. fundamentalchanges in social structure. The magnitudeand severityof environmental Assessing our hypothesisabout the role of the or culturalchange clearly influences our abilityto FVFP in social change duringthe Marpolephase link socialand ecological data. Since, evenin cases will requirecollecting detailed archaeological and of "culturalcollapse," archaeologists may not agree paleoecologicaldata to evaluatepredictions of the aboutthe role of environmentaldeterioration (e.g., model we propose (Table3). For instance,a fun- Erickson1999; Ortloff and Kolata 1993), the rela- damentalprediction of our model is thatthe shifts tionship of culture change and environmental in abundanceof uplandand lowland terrestrial and change will be harderto tease out when the envi- riverineresources should be reflectedin theirrel- ronmentalshifts are not life-threateningand thus ativeabundance in the archaeologicalrecord. Cur- changesin behavioraren't requisite. It may be that rently,our sample of plantand animal remains from the disjunctionbetween our paleoecological and Marpolesites is not sufficientlyfine grained to eval- archaeologicaldata at the end of theMarpole phase uatesuch shifts. However, more rigorous sampling is due in partto this phenomenon. schemes,combined with new methodsof identifi- While we arguefor an environmentaldriver of cation(Yang et al. 2004), will go a long way toward socialchange during the Marpolephase, we do not understandingthe role of differentresources dur- supportthe extensionthat all social changehas an ing the Marpolephase. environmentalcomponent or thatall environmen- Similarly,we expectthat shifts in resourceabun- tal shifts will producea social response. During dance will be reflectedin dataon Marpolesettle- Marpole, there is an intensification of social mentpatterns. That is, since it was relativelyeasier processes, but these processes clearly have their to access high-elevationecosystems, we expect rootsin the socialrelations of thepre-Marpole peo- more sites in the subalpinezones. We also expect ples. Likewise,though there is a surprisinglyclose a shift in the distributionof lowland sites toward correspondencebetween the end of Marpoleand the FraserRiver core of the region.While this idea the end FVFP,complex, regional social relations of shifting settlementpattern during Marpole has did not stop 1,200 years ago: historicand modern been in the literaturefor some time,data and analy- CoastSalish society manifesta varietyof regional ses arecurrently insufficient to evaluateit critically. social patternsfor which we can see origins dur- Detailedsettlement studies in boththe uplandsand ing Marpole. lowlandsare needed. Theebb and flow of CoastSalish social relations We also expect that changes in demography is demonstratedclearly among the Coast Salish dur- were associatedwith socioeconomicshifts in the ing the historicperiod. At certaintimes, intertribal Marpolephase. Indeed,it is almost an anthropo- relationswere emphasized in responseto changing logicaltruism that demographic shifts will be linked socialand economic contexts associated with Euro- to shifts in social complexity (e.g., Keeley 1988; peancolonization (small pox, the establishmentof Kelly 1994; Kirch 1984). Duringthe historicera tradingforts and the Gold Rush; Carlson 2003; in the Gulfof Georgia,declines in populationasso- Miller and Boxberger1994). At those times, elite ciatedwith the small pox epidemicswere a major men put more effort into forging intertribalcon- catalystin social change (Carlson2003). At dif- nections that resultedin increasedeconomic and ferent times during the Marpole phase, there social opportunities.At other times, local, tribal- appearsto be some kind of reorganizationof peo- scale relationswere highlighted.We suggest that ple (eithermore people or more sites) coincident duringMarpole times it was also advantageousto with changesin climate.However, we are not yet augmentintertribal relations, but these social rela- in a positionto hypothesizeabout the specificrole tions may have undergonesome kind of reorgani- of populationsince we do notknow if thesechanges zation during the subsequent Late phase. This represent shifts in population dispersion (more reorganizationis reflectedin shifts in burialprac- small sites) or populationincrease (more sites of tices- thephysical manifestation of theconnection all kinds).Our ongoing research, which focuses on to the ancestors.Given that in CoastSalish society trackingtemporal and spatialchanges in the num- 286 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 70, No. 2, 2005

Table 3. Evaluationof FVFP- MarpoleModel.

Culturalor Ecological Consequence Possible Evaluation Easier access to high elevation zones • More archaeologicalsites in high elevation zones • More high elevation resourcesin archaeologicalsites (e.g., blueberries,mountain goats)

Increasedfocus on Frasersystem • Concentrationof sites along the main FraserValley cor- ridorrelative to elsewhere in the Gulf of Georgiaregion

Drying up of small streams- > decline in coho, especially • Relatively less coho in archaeologicalsites

Increasedregional exchange of resources • FraserRiver salmon, wapato,blueberries, mountain goats in other Gulf of Georgia sites; Gulf Island camas in FraserValley sites

Decline in salmon, especially in Gulf Islands and • Relative decline in salmon, and increase in deer in some VancouverIsland stocks; increase in ungulates sites outside the FraserValley

Increasein early serai state vegetationand fire-tolerant • At low elevations, increase in alder and Douglas-fir species pollen ber and kind of sites, will go a long way toward Acknowledgments.Financial supportfor the climatic recon- the role of numbersin structions came from a Forest Renewal British Columbia understanding population to and a NaturalSciences and Coast Salish relations. grant(awarded DL, KL, RM), changing Engineering Research Council of Canada research grant Anotherapproach to evaluatingour model is to (awardedto RM), graduatefellowships for DH from Simon examinethe culturalchanges in otherregions we FraserUniversity, and Global Forest. Many thanksto Bruce expect to be affectedby the climaticshifts associ- Finney, Randall Peterman, Sean Cox, David Patterson, atedwith the FVFP.The FVFP is a Carrie Holt, and Ann-MarieHuang for help understanding likely regional the effects of climatic on fish to Alton manifestationof a more climaticshift change populations, widespread Harestadfor advice on interactionsbetween climate, fire and in westernCanada (Hallett 2001) and,if ourmodel wildlife, and to Doug Brown for discussions about is correct,we may find contemporaneous,similar Northwest Coast archaeology. Conversations with Keith culturalresponses in similarecological settings.It Carlson about Coast Salish oral traditionsand interactions is to note that cultural from helped breathsome life into the archaeologicaland ecologi- intriguing sequences cal model. Michael Iain R. the Gulfof also Blake, Roy Carlson, McKechnie, regionssurrounding Georgia high- G. Matson, Colin Grier, Bill Prentiss, and four anonymous light the periodafter 2400 cal B.P. as an important reviewers,provided very useful commentson an earlierdraft time of culturalchange. For instance,on both the of this paper. Our thanks to Andres Valle-Domenech and WestCoast of VancouverIsland, and Queen Char- Marcela Olguin-Algarezfor the Spanish translationof the abstract. lotte Strait, shifts in artifact assemblages have promptedarchaeologists to posit the replacement of Salishan speakers by Wakashan-speakers References Cited (McMillan2003; Mitchell 1989, 1990). An alter- Agee, James nativemodel to "culturalreplacement" is thatthese 1993 Fire Ecology of Pacific Northwest Forests. Island shifts in artifactsmay representincreased region- Press,Washington, D.C. alizationof social andeconomic networks, such as Alheit, Jurgen,and EberhardHagen 200 1 The Effect of ClimaticVariation on Pelagic Fish and is evidentin the Gulf of Georgiaregion. Evaluat- Fisheries.In History and Climate.Memories of theFuture ? ing this hypothesiswill requirea detailedexami- editedby Philip D. Jones,Astrid E. J. Ogilvie, TrevorD. nationof the culturaland environmentcontext of Davis, and K. R. Briffa, pp. 247-265. Kluwer Acade- mic/PlenumPublishers, New York. each regionca. 2400-1200 B.P, and the formula- Ames, KennethM. tion of predictionsabout how these changes may 1994 The Northwest Coast: Complex Hunter-Gatherers, andSocial Evolution.Annual Review Anthro- be manifestin the archaeologicalrecord of those Ecology, of pology 23:209-229. regions. 1995 Chiefly Power and Household Productionon the NorthwestCoast. In Foundationsof Inequality,edited by Lepofsky et al] CLIMATECHANGE AND CULTURE CHANGE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 287

T. Douglas Price and Gary M. Feinman, pp. 155-187. Brumfiel,Elizabeth PlenumPress, New York. 1992 Breakingand Entering the Ecosystem:Gender, Class, 2002 Goingby Boat:The Forager-CollectorContinuum at and Faction Steal the Show. AmericanAnthropologist Sea, In Beyond Foraging and Collecting:Evolutionary 94:551-567. Changein Hunter-GathererSettlement Systems, edited by Burgner,Robert L. Ben Fitzhughand Junko Habu, pp. 19-52, KluwerAcad- 1991 Life History of Sockeye Salmon {Onchorhynchus emic, New York. nerka).In Pacific SalmonLife Histories, edited by Cor- Ames, KennethM., and HerbertD. G. Maschner nelis Grootand Leo Margolis,pp. 1-1 18. UBC Press,Van- 1999 Peoples of the NorthwestCoast: TheirArchaeology couver,British Columbia. and Prehistory.Thames and Hudson,London. Burley,David AreasConsulting Archaeologists Ltd. 1980 Marpole:Anthropological Reconstructions of a Pre- 1999 ArchaeologicalInvestigations at Tsawwasswn,B.C. historic Northwest Coast CultureType. Department of VolumeIV, Interpretation.Report on file with the B.C. ArchaeologyPublication No. 8. Simon FraserUniversity ProvincialArchaeology Branch, Victoria, British Colum- Burnaby,British Columbia. bia. 1981 Inter-RegioinalExchange in the Gulfof GeorgiaDur- Arnold,Jeanne E. ing the MarpolePhase, 490 BC to A.D. 5000. InNetworks 1993 Labor and the Rise of Complex Hunter-Gatherers. of the Past: Regional Interaction in Archaeology, pp. Journalof AnthropologicalArchaeology 12:75-1 19. 397-410, edited by P. D. Frances,F.J. Kense, and P.G. 1995 Social Inequality,Marginalization, and Economic Duke. Universityof Calgary,Calgary, Alberta. Process.In Foundationsof Social Inequality,edited by T. Burley,David, and ChristopherKnusel DouglasPrice and Gary M. Feinman,pp. 87-103. Plenum 1989 Burial Patternsand Archaeological Interpretation: Press,New York. Problemsin the Recognition of Ranked Society in the 200 1 TheChumash in Worldand Regional Perspectives . In CoastSalish Region. In Proceedings of the Circum-Pacific TheOrigins of a PacificCoast Chief dom, edited by Jeanne Conference,edited by A. Blukas-Onat,unpaginated. E. Arnold,pp. 1-20. Universityof Utah Press, Salt Lake Cannon,Aubrey City. 1996 Scalesof Variabilityin NorthwestCoast Salmon Fish- Barnett,Homer G. ing. In PrehistoricHunter-Gatherer Fishing Strategies, 1955 The Coast Salish of British Columbia.University of editedby MarkG. Plew,pp. 25-40. Departmentof Anthro- Oregon Monographs,Studies in AnthropologyVol. 4, pology, Boise StateUniversity, Boise, Idaho. Eugene,Oregon. Carlson,Keith T. Beamish,Richard J., GordonA. McFarlane,and R. E. Thom- 1997 Stolo Exchange Dynamics. Native Studies Review son 11:30-55. 1999 Recent Declines in the RecreationalCatch of Coho 2001 IntercommunityConflicts. In Stodo-Coast Salish His- Salmon(Onchorhynchus kisutch) in the Straitof Georgia toricalAtlas, editedby KeithT. Carlson,pp. 48-49. Dou- are Related to Climate. CanadianJournal of Fisheries glas andMclntyre, University of WashingtonPress, Sto:lo AquaticScience 56:506-515. HeritageTrust, Vancouver. Bernick,Kathryn 2003 The Powerof Place, The Problemof Time:A Study 1998 StylisticCharacteristics of Basketryfrom Coast Sal- in AboriginalHistory and Identity. Unpublished PhD. dis- ish AreaWet Sites. In HiddenDimensions: The Cultural sertation,Department of History, University of British Significanceof WetlandArchaeology, edited by Kathryn Columbia,Vancouver, British Columbia. Bernick, pp. 139-156. UBC Press, Vancouver,British Carlson,Roy L. Columbia. 1960 Chronology and Culture Change in the San Juan Bianchi,Giancarlo G., and Nicholas I. McCave Islands.American Antiquity 25:562-586. 1999 Holocene Periodicityin NorthAtlantic Climate and 199 1 TheNorthwest Coast Before A.D.I 600. In TheNorth Deep OceanFlow Southof Iceland.Nature 397:5 15-5 17. Pacificto 1600. The Proceedingsof the GreatOcean Con- Bitter,Steven L., and OrrinJ. Rongstad ferences, vol 1, edited by ElizabethCrownhart- Vaughn, 1982 SnowshoeHare and Allies. In WildMammals of North pp. 110-136. North Pacific Studies Center,Oregon His- America, edited by JosephA. Chapmanand George A. toricalSociety, Historical Society Press, Portland, Oregon. Feldhamer,pp. 146-163. JohnHopkins University Press, 1994 Tradeand Exchange in PrehistoricBritish Columbia. Baltimore,Maryland. InPrehistoric Exchange Systems in NorthAmerica, edited Borden,Charles by TimothyBaugh and JonathanEricson, pp. 307-361. 1950 PreliminaryReport on ArchaeologicalInvestigation PlenumPress, New York. in theFraser Delta Region. Anthropology in BritishColum- 1996 The LaterPrehistory of British Columbia.In Early bia 1:13-27. HumanOccupation in BritishColumbia, edited by Roy L. 1951 Facts and Problemsof NorthwestCoast Prehistory. Carlsonand Luke D. Bona,pp. 2 15-226. UBC Press,Van- Anthropologyin BritishColumbia 2:35-52. couver,British Columbia. Brown,Douglas Carlson,Roy L., andPhil M. Hobler 1996 Historic and Ancient Social Interaction in the 1993 The PenderCanal Excavations and the Development HalkomelemCulture Region of the CentralNorthwest of Coast Salish Culture.B.C. Studies99:23-35. Coast.Paper presented at the 61st AnnualMeeting of the Chatters.James C, VirginiaL. Butler,Michael J. Scott, David Society for AmericanArchaeology, New Orleans. M. Anderson,and DuaneA. Neitzel Brown,Kendrick J., and RichardJ. Hebda 1995 A PaleoscienceApproach to Estimatingthe Effects 2003 CoastalRainforest Connections Disclosed Through a of ClimaticWarming on SalmonidFisheries on theColum- Late QuaternaryVegetation, Climate, and Fire History bia River Basin. In Climate Change and NorthernFish Investigationfrom the Mountain Hemlock Zone on South- Populations,edited by RichardJ. Beamish,pp. 489-496. ern Vancouver Island, British Columbia. Review of CanadianSpecial Publicationof FisheriesAquatic Sci- Palaeobotanyand Palynology 123:247-269. ence No. 121. National Research Council of Canada, 288 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 70, No. 2, 2005

Ottawa. Driver,Jonathan Chavez,Francisco P., John Ryan, Salvador E. Lluch-Cota,and 1993 Zooarchaeology in British Columbia. BC Studies Miguel NiquenC. 99:77-104. 2003 FromAnchovies to Sardinesand Back: Multi-Decadal Duff, Wilson Changein the PacificOcean. Science 299:217-221. 1952 The UpperStalo Indiansof the FraserValley, British Clark,John E., and MichaelBlake Columbia.Anthropology in BritishColumbia, Memoirs 1 , 1994 The Power of Prestige:Competitive Generosity and Victoria,British Columbia. the Emergenceof RankSocieties in LowlandMesoamer- 1956 Unique Stone Artifacts From the Gulf Islands. In ica. In FactionalCompetition and PoliticalDevelopment ProvincialMuseum of NaturalHistory and Anthropology. in the New World,edited by E.M. Brumfieland J.W. Fox, Reportfor the Year 1955, pp. 45-55. Victoria, British pp. 17-30. CambridgeUniversity Press, Cambridge. Columbia. Clark,Terrence N. Earle,Timothy 2000 PrehistoricCulture Change on SouthernVancouver 1994 Positioning Exchange in the Evolution of Human Island:The Applicabilityof CurrentExplanations of the Society.In PrehistoricExchange Systems in NorthAmer- MarpoleTransition. Unpublished Master's thesis, Depart- ica, editedby TimothyG. Baughand Jonathan E. Ericson, ment of Anthropology,University of Victoria, British pp. 419^37. PlenumPress, New York. Columbia. Elmendorf,William W. Cole, J. 197 1 CoastSalish Status and Ranking and Intergroup Ties. 2000 CoastalSea SurfaceTemperature and Coho Salmon SouthwesternJournal of Anthropology27:353-380. ProductionOff the North-West United States. Fisheries Erickson,Carl L. Oceanography9:1-16. 1999 Neo-EnvironmentalDeterminism and Agrarian 'Col- Cowan,Ian M., and CharlesJ. Guiguet lapse' in AndeanPrehistory. Antiquity 73:634-642. 1956 The Mammalsof British Columbia.British Colum- Finney,Bruce P., Irene Gregory-Eaves,Marianne S. V. Dou- biaProvincial Museum Handbook, No. 11 . Victoria,British glas, andJohn P. Smol Columbia. 2002 Fisheries Productivityin the NortheasternPacific Craighead,John J., and JohnA. Mitchell OceanOver the Past 2,200 Years.Nature 416:729-733. 1982 Grizzly Bear. In WildMammals of NorthAmerica, Finney,Bruce P., Irene Gregory-Eaves,Jon Sweetman,Mari- editedby JosephA. Chapmanand GeorgeA. Feldhamer, anne S. V Douglas,John P. Smol pp. 515-556. John HopkinsUniversity Press, Baltimore, 2000 Impactsof ClimaticChange and Fishing on Pacific Maryland. Salmon Abundance Over the Past 300 Years. Science Croes,Dale R., and StevenHackenberger 290:795-797. 1988 HokoRiver Archaeological Complex: Modeling Pre- Fladmark,Knut historicNorthwest Coast Economic Evolution. In Prehis- 1975 A PaleoecologicalModel for NorthwestCoast Pre- toricEconomies of the PacificNorthwest Coast, Research history.National Museum of ManMercury Series, Archae- in EconomicAnthropology, Suppl. 3, editedby BarryIssac, ological Survey of Canada Paper, No. 43. National pp. 19-85. JAIPress, Greenwich,Connecticut. Museumof Man, Ottawa,Ontario. Curtin,Joanne Galloway,Brent 1991 ArchaeologicalInvestigations at Tsawwassen,B.C., 1982 Upper Stoilo Ethnobotany.Coqualeetza Education VolumeIII, HumanOsteology. Report on file, Archaeol- TrainingCentre, Sardis, British Columbia. ogy Branch,Victoria, B.C., andAreas Consulting Archae- Gavin,Daniel, LindaB. Brubaker,and KennethP. Lertzman ologists, PortMoody, B.C. 2003 Holocene Fire Historyof a CoastalTemperate Rain Dahlin,Bruce H. ForestBased on Soil CharcoalRadiocarbon Dates. Ecol- 2002 ClimateChange and the End of the Classic Periodin ogy 84:186-201. Yucatan.Ancient Mesoamerica 13:327-340. Gedalof,Ze'ev, David L. Peterson,and NathenJ. Mantua Dahm,Inge 2005 Atmospheric,Climatic and Ecological Controlson 1994 Culturaland Social Dimensions of the Gulf Island ExtremeWildfire Years in theNorthwestern United States. SoapstoneIndustry. Unpublished Master thesis, Depart- EcologicalApplications 15:1 54-1 74. ment of Archaeology,Simon FraserUniversity, Burnaby, Grier,Colin BritishColumbia. 2003 Dimensionsof RegionalInteraction in the Prehistoric deMenocal,Peter B. Gulf of Georgia.In Emergingfrom the Mist. Studies in 2001 CulturalResponses to Climate Change During the NorthwestCoast CultureHistory, edited by RichardG. Late Holocene. Science 292:661 -61 ?>. Matson,G. Coupland,and Quentin Mackie, pp. 170-187. Donald,Leland, and DonaldH. Mitchell Universityof BritishColumbia Press, Vancouver, British 1994 Natureand Culture on the NorthwestCoast of North Columbia. America:The Case of the WakashanSalmon Resource. In 200 1 The SocialEconomy of a PrehistoricNorthwest Coast KeyIssues in Hunter-GathererResearch, edited by Ernest Plankhouse.Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Department S. Burch, Jr., and Linda J. Ellanna,pp. 95-117. Berg, of Anthropology,Arizona State University,Tempe, Ari- Oxford. zona. Dorner,Brigitte, Ken Lertzman,and Joseph Fall Hallett,Douglas 2002 LandscapePattern in TopographicallyComplex Land- 200 1 HoloceneFire History and Climate Change in South- scapes: Issues and Techniquesfor Analysis. Landscape ern BritishColumbia, Based on High ResolutionAnaly- Ecology 17:729-743. ses of SedimentaryCharcoal. Unpublished PhD thesis, Downton,Mary W., and KathleenA. Miller Departmentof Biology, Simon FraserUniversity, Burn- 1998 RelationshipsBetween Alaska Salmon Catch and aby,British Columbia. North Pacific Climate on Internannualand Interdecadal Hallett,Douglas, Dana S. Lepofsky,Rolf W Mathewes,and Ken TimesScales. CanadianJournal of Fisheriesand Aquatic P. Lertzman Science 55:225-2265. 2003 11 ,000 Years of FireHistory and Climate in theMoun- Lepofsky et al] CLIMATECHANGE AND CULTURE CHANGE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 289

tainHemlock Rain Forests of SouthwesternBritish Colum- 1999 EnvironmentalImperatives Reconsidered. Current bia Basedon SedimentaryCharcoal. Canadian Journal of Anthropology40: 137-170. ForestResearch 33:292-312. Keeley,Lawerence Hare,Steven R., NathanJ. Mantua,and Robert C. Francis 1988 Hunter-GathererEconomic Complexityand "Popu- 1999 InverseProduction Regimes: Alaska and West Coast lation Pressure":A Cross-CulturalAnalysis. Journal of PacificSalmon. Fisheries 24:6-14. AnthropologicalArchaeology 7:373-41 1. Haug,Gerald H., Detlef Giinther,Larry C. Peterson,Daniel M. Kelly,Robert L. Signman,Konrad A. Hughen,Beat Aeschlimann. 1994 TheForaging Spectrum. Diversity in Hunter-Gatherer 2003 Climateand the Collapseof Maya Civilization.Sci- Lifeways.Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington. ence 299:1731-1735. Kew,Michael Hayden,Brian 1992 SalmonAvailability, Technology, and Cultural Adap- 1995 Pathwaysto Power:Principles for CreatingSocioe- tion in the FraserRiver Watershed. In A ComplexCulture conomicInequalities. In Foundationsof Social Inequality, of the BritishColumbia Plateau, edited by BrianHayden, edited by T. D. Price and G. M. Feinman, pp. 15-86. pp.177-221. UBC Press,Vancouver. PlenumPress, New York. Kirch,Patrick V Heard,William R. 1984 The Evolutionof the Polynesian Chiefdoms. Cam- 1991 Life History of Pink Salmon (Onchorhynchusgor- bridgeUniversity Press, Cambridge. buscha).In PacificSalmon Life Histories,edited by Cor- Kuhnlein,Harriet V, andNancy J. Turner nelis Grootand Leo Margolis,pp. 119-230. UBC Press, 199 1 TraditionalPlant Foods of CanadianIndigenous Peo- Vancouver,British Columbia. ples. Food and Nutrition in History and Anthropology, Hebda,Richard J., and Rolf W. Mathewes Vol. 8. Gordonand Breach Science Publishers,Amster- 1984 HoloceneHistory of Cedarand Native Indian Cultures dam. of theNorth American Pacific Coast. Science 225:7 11-713. Lamb,Hubert H. Hilborn,Ray, Thomas P. Quinn,Daniel E. Schindler,and Don- 1995 Climate,History and theModern World. 2nd ed. Rout- ald E. Rogers ledge, London. 2003 Biocomplexity and Fisheries Sustainability.Pro- Lee, D. S., andJ. B. Funderburg ceedings of the National Academy of Science 1982 Marmots.In WildMammals of NorthAmerica, edited 100:6564-6568. by Joseph A. Chapmanand George A. Feldhamer,pp. Hill-Tout,Charles 176-191. John Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1978 The SalishPeople: The Local Contributionof Charles Maryland. Hill-Tout.Vol. 3, The MainlandHalkomelem, edited by Legleiter, Carl J., Rick L. Lawrence, Mark A. Fonstad,W. RalphMaud. Talonbooks, Vancouver, British Columbia. AndrewMarcus, Richard Aspinall Hinch, Scott G., Michael C. Healey, Ron E. Diewert, and 2003 Fluvial Response a Decade After Fire in the North- MichaelA. Henderson ern YellowstoneEcosystem: A SpatiallyExplicit Analy- 1995 ClimateChange and Ocean Energetics of FraserRiver sis. Geomorphology54:119-136. Sockeye Salmon (Oncorhynchus nerka). In Climate Lepofsky,Dana. Changeand Northern Fish Populations, edited by Richard 2004 TheNorthwest. In Plants and People in Ancient North J. Beamish,pp. 439^445 CanadianSpecial Publication of America, western volume, edited by Paul Minnis, pp. FisheriesAquatic Science, No. 121. National Research 367-364. SmithsonianInstitution Press, Washington, D.C. Councilof Canada,Ottawa. Lepofsky,Dana, Michael Blake, Douglas Brown, Sandra Mor- Hodgson,Sayre, and Thomas P. Quinn rison,Nicole Oakes,and NatashaLyons 2002 TheTiming of AdultSockeye SalmonMigration into 2000 The Archaeologyof the Scowlitz Site, Southwestern Fresh Water:Adaptations by Populationsto Prevailing British Columbia. Journal of Field Archaeology Thermal Regimes. Canadian Journal of Zoology 27:391-416. 80:542-555. Lepofsky, Dana, Douglas Hallett, K. Washbrook, Albert Hoebday,Alistair J., and GeorgeW. Boehlert McHalsie,Ken Lertzman,and Rolf Mathewes 2001 The Role of CoastalOcean Variation in Spatialand 2005 DocumentingPrecontact Plant Managementon the TemporalPatterns in Survivaland Size of Coho Salmon NorthwestCoast: An Exampleof PrescribedBurning in {Oncorhynchuskisutch). Canadian Journal of Fisheries the Centraland Upper Fraser Valley, British Columbia. In AquaticScience 58:2021-2036. KeepingIt Living: Traditionsof Plant Use and Cultiva- Holm, Margaret tion on the NorthwestCoast, editedby Douglas E. Deur 1990 PrehistoricNorthwest Coast Art: A StylisticAnalysis andNancy J. Turner.University of WashingtonPress, Seat- of theArchaeological Record. Unpublished Master's The- tle,Washington,in press. sis, Departmentof Anthropologyand Sociology, Univer- Lertzman,Ken, Daniel Gavin, Douglas Hallett, Linda Brubaker, sity of BritishColumbia, Vancouver, British Columbia. Dana Lepofsky,and Rolf Mathewes Hutchinson,Ian, andAlan McMillan 2002 Long-TermFire Regime Estimatedfrom Soil Char- 1997 ArchaeologicalEvidence for Village Abandonment coal in CoastalTemperate Rainforests. Conservation Ecol- Associatedwith LateHolocene Earthquakes at the North- ogy 6:5. Electronicdocument, http://www.consecol.org/ ern Cascadia Subduction Zone. QuaternaryResearch vol6/iss2/art5 48:79-87. McFarlane,Gordon A., JackieR. King,and Richard J. Beamish Johnson,Edward A., and Daniel R. Wowchuk 2000 HaveThere Been RecentChanges in Climate:Ask the 1993 Wildfiresin the SouthernCanadian Rocky Mountains Fish. Progressin Oceanography47:147-169 and their Relationshipto Mid-TroposphericAnomalies. McGovern,Thomas H. CanadianJournal of ForestResearch 23:1213-1222. 1994 Managementfor Extinctionin Norse Greenland.In Jones, Terry L., Gary M. Brown, L. Mark Raab, Janet L. Historical Ecology: CulturalKnowledge and Changing McVickar,W. Geoffrey Spaulding,Douglas J. Kennett, Landscapes,edited by CaroleL. Crumley,pp. 127-154. AndrewYork, and PhillipL. Walker School of AmericanResearch Press, SantaFe. 290 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 70, No. 2, 2005

Mackie,R. J., K. L. Hamlin,and D. F. Pac Mitchell,Donald H. 1982 MuleDeer. In WildMammals of NorthAmerica, edited 197 1 Archaeologyof the Gulf of GeorgiaArea: A Natural by Joseph A. Chapmanand George A. Feldhamer,pp. Regionand Its CultureTypes. Syesis 4, SupplementI, Vic- 862-877. John Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, toria,British Columbia. Maryland. 1989 ChangingFortunes: Kwakiutl-Salish Frontiers of the McMillan,Alan CentralNorthwest Coast. In Hunting-Fishing-Gathering 2003 Reviewing the WakashanMigration Hypothesis. In MaritimeSocieties of the Pacific. Circum-PacificPrehis- Emergingfrom the Mist. Studiesin NorthwestCoast Cul- tory ConferenceProceedings, edited by A. Blukas Onat, tureHistory, edited by RichardG. Matson,Gary Coup- pp. 1-12, Seattle,Washington. land, and Quentin Mackie, pp. 244-259. UBC Press, 1990 Prehistoryof the Coastsof SouthernBritish Colum- Vancouver,British Columbia. bia andNorthern Washington. In NorthwestCoast, edited Mason,Robert A. by WayneSuttles, pp. 340-358. Handbookof NorthAmer- 1994 The HatzicRock Site:A CharlesCulture Settlement. ican Indians,Vol. 7, WilliamC. Sturtevant,general editor, UnpublishedMasters Thesis, Departmentof Anthropol- SmithsonianInstitution, Washington, D.C. ogy and Sociology, Universityof BritishColumbia, Van- Mitchell,Donald H., andLeland Donald couver,British Columbia. 200 1 SharingResources on theNorth Pacific Coast of North Mathewes,Rolf W., andJohn J. Clague America:The Case of the EulachonFishery Anthropo- 1992 Detection of Large PrehistoricEarthquakes in the logica 43:19-35. Pacific Northwest by Microfossil Analysis. Science Moody,John A., and DeborahA. Martin 264:686-691. 2001a Post-Fire,Rainfall Intensity-Peak Discharge Rela- Matson,RG. tions for Three MountainousWatersheds in the Western 1983 Intensificationand the Development of CulturalCom- USA. HydrologicalProcesses 15:2981-2993. plexity:The NorthwestVersus the Northeast.In TheEvo- 200 1b InitialHydrological and Geomorphic Response Fol- lution of Maritime Cultureson the Northeast and the lowing a Wildfirein the ColoradoFront Range. Earth Sur- Northwest of America, edited by Ronald J. Nash, face Processes and Landforms.26: 1049-1070. pp.125-148. Departmentof ArchaeologyPublication No. Morin,Jesse 11 . Simon FraserUniversity, Burnaby, British Columbia. 2004 CuttingEdges and SalmonSkin: An Investigationof 1985 The Relationship between Sedentism and Status Variationin SalmonProcessing Technology on theNortwest Inequalitiesamong Hunter-Gatherers. In Status,Structure Coast.Canadian Journal of Archaeology28:281-318. and Stratification:Current Archaeological Reconstruc- Moss, MadonnaL., DorothyM. Peteet,and CathyWhitlock tions, editedby MarcThompson, Maria T. Garcia,Fran- 2005 Mid-HoloceneCulture and Climate on the Northwest cois J. Kense, pp. 245-252. ArchaeologicalAssociation, Coastof NorthAmerica. In ClimaticChange and Cultural Universityof Calgary,Calgary, Alberta. Dynamics:a GlobalPerspective on HoloceneTransitions, 1992 The Evolution of NorthwestCoast Subsistence.In editedby Daniel H. Sandweissand KirkMaasch. Acade- Long-TermSubsistence Change in PrehistoricNorth Amer- mic Press, San Diego, in press. ica, edited by Dale Croes, R. Hawkins,and B. L. Issac, Mote, PhilipW, EdwardA. Parson,Alan F. Hamlet,William pp. 367-428. Researchin EconomicAnthropology Sup- S. Keeton,Dennis Lettenmaier,Nathan Mantua, Edward plementNo. 6. JAIPress, Greenwich, Connecticut. L. Miles, DavidW. Peterson,David L. Peterson,Richard Matson,RG, and GaryCoupland Slaughter,and Amy K. Snover 1995 The Prehistoryof the Northwest Coast. Academic 2003 Preparingfor ClimaticChange: The Water,Salmon, Press,San Diego. and Forests of the Pacific Northwest.Climatic Change Mayewski,Paul.A., Eelco E. Rohling,J. CurtStager, Wibjorn 61:45-68. Karlen,Kirk A. Maasch,David L. Meeker,Eric A. Mey- Mueter,Franz J., RandallM. Peterman,and BrianJ. Pyper erson,Francoise Gasse, Shirley Van Kreveld, Karin Holm- 2002 OppositeEffects of OceanTemperature on Survival gren, Julia Lee-Thorp,Gunhild Rosqvist, Frank Rack, Rates of 120 Stocks of Pacific Salmon (Oncorhynchus MichaelStaubwasser, Ralph R.Schneider , andEric J.Steig spp.) in Northernand SouthernAreas. CanadianJournal 2004 Holocene Climatevariability. Quaternary Research of Fisheriesand AquaticScience 59:456^-63. 62:243-255. Northcote,Thomas G., and PeterA. Larkin Meidinger,Dell, and Jim Pojar 1989 TheFraser River: a MajorSalmonine Production Sys- 199 1 Ecosystemsof BritishColumbia. Special Report Series tem. In Proceedingsof theInternational Large River Sym- 6, BritishColumbia Ministry of Forests,Victoria, British posium, edited by D.P. Dodge, pp. 172-204, Canadian Columbia. SpecialPublication of Fisheriesand Aquatic Science, no. Meyer,Grant A., and JenniferL. Pierce 106. NationalResearch Council of Canada,Ottawa. 2003 ClimateControls on Fire-InducedSediment Pulses in Nyberg,Brian, and DouglasW. Janz YellowstoneNational Parkand CentralIdaho: A Long- 1990 Deer and Elk Habitats in Coastal Forestsof South- Term Perspective. Forest Ecology and Management ernBritish Columbia. British Columbia Ministry of Forests 178:89-104. and BritishColumbia Ministry of Environment,Victoria Mierendorf,Robert R. and Nanaimo,British Columbia. 1999 PrecontactUse of TundraZones of the NorthernCas- Ortloff,Charles R., andAlan L. Kolata cadeRange of Washingtonand British Columbia. Archae- 1993 Climateand Response: Agro-Ecological Perspectives ology in Washington7:3-23. on the Decline of the TiwanakuState. Journal of Archae- Miller,Bruce ological Science 20:195-221. 1989 Centralityand Measures of RegionalStructure in Abo- Ostapkowicz,Joanna, Dana Lepolsky, Rick Schulting, and riginalWestern Washington, Ethnology 28:265-276. AlbertS. McHalsie Miller,Bruce, and Daniel Boxberger 2002 The Use of Cattail (Typhalatifolia L.) Down as a 1994 CreatingChiefdoms: The Puget SoundCase, Ethno- SacredSubstance by the Interiorand Coast Salish.Jour- history41:267-329. nal of Ethnobiology21:77-90. Lepofsky et al] CLIMATECHANGE AND CULTURE CHANGE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 291

Pellatt,Marlow G., Michael J. Smith,Rolf W. Mathewes,Ian Schaepe,David R. Walker,and SamanthaL. Palmer 1998 RecyclingArchaeology: Analysis of Materialfrom the 2000 Holocene Treelineand ClimateChange in the Sub- 1973 Excavationof an AncientHouse at the MaurerSite. alpineZone near Stoyama Mountain, Cascade Mountains, UnpublishedMaster's thesis, Department of Archaeology, SouthwesternBritish Columbia, Canada. Arctic, Antarc- Simon FraserUniversity, Burnaby, British Columbia. tic, andAlpine Research 32:73-83. 2001a Rock Wall Fortifications.In A Stodo-CoastSalish Pelton,Michael R. HistoricalAtlas, edited by Keith T. Carlson,pp. 52-53. 1982 Black Bear. In WildMammals of North America, Douglas and Mclntyre,University of WashingtonPress, editedby JosephA. Chapmanand GeorgeA. Feldhamer, Sto:lo HeritageTrust, Vancouver, British Columbia. pp. 504-514. John HopkinsUniversity Press, Baltimore, 2001b Sto:lo Communicationand Transportation Routes, Maryland. c. 1850. In Stodo-CoastSalish Historical Atlas, editedby Peterman,Randall M., Brian J. Pyper, Michael F. Lapointe, KeithT. Carlson,pp. 60-61. Douglas andMclntyre, Uni- Milo D. Adkinson,and CarlJ. Walters versity of WashingtonPress, Sto:lo HeritageTrust, Van- 1998 Patternsof Covariationin SurvivalRates of British couver,British Columbia. Columbianand Alaskan Sockeye Salmon(Oncorhynchus 2002 CulturalSignificance, Cognitive Ecology, and High nerka)Stocks. Canadian Journal of Fisheriesand Aquatic ElevationArchaeology in the British ColumbianNorth Science 55:2503-2517. Cascades- ViewsTo andFrom Mount Cheam. Paper pre- Petersen,James H., and JamesF. Kitchell sented at the Northwest Anthropological Conference, 200 1 ClimateRegimes and Water Temperature Changes in Bellingham,Washington. the ColumbiaRiver: Bioenergetic Implications for Preda- 2003 Validating the Maurer House. In Archaeology of tors of JuvenileSalmon. CanadianJournal of Fisheries CoastalBritish Columbia.Essays in Honor of Philip M. and AquaticScience 58:1831-1841. Hobler, editedby Roy L. Carlson,pp. 113-152. Archae- Pojar,Jim, andAndy MacKinnon ology Press, Simon FraserUniversity, Burnaby, British 1994 Plants of CoastalBritish Columbia.British Colum- Columbia. bia Ministryof Forests and Lone Pine Publishing,Van- Schubert,Neil D. couver,British Columbia. 1998 The 1994 Fraser River Sockeye Salmon Prentiss,William C, and JamesC. Chatters (Onchorynchusnerka) Escapement. Canadian Technical 2003 CulturalDiversification and Decimination in the Pre- Reportof Fisheriesand Aquatic Sciences 2201. historicRecord. Current Anthropology 44:33^-8. Schweigert,Jake F. Price,T. Douglas, and GaryFeinman (editors) 1995 EnvironmentalEffects of Long-term Population 1995 Foundationsof Social Inequality.Plenum Press, New Dynamics and Recruitmentto Pacific Herring(Clupea York. pallasi) Populationsin SouthernBritish Columbia. In Cli- Pyper,Brian J., FranzJ. Mueter,Randall M. Peterman,David mate Changeand NorthernFish Populations,edited by J. Blackbourn,and ChrisC. Wood RichardJ. Beamish,pp. 589-583. CanadianSpecial Pub- 2001 Spatial Covariationin SurvivalRates of Northeast licationof Fisheriesand Aquatic Science No. 121. National Pacific Pink Salmon {Oncorhynchusgorbuscha). Cana- ResearchCouncil of Canada,Ottawa. dian Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Science Shackleton,David 58:1501-1515. 1999 Hoofed Mammalsof British Columbia.The Mam- 2002 Spatial Covariationin SurvivalRates of Northeast mals of British Columbia. Royal British Columbia PacificChum Salmon. Transactions of theAmerican Fish- MuseumHandbook, No. 3. Universityof BritishColum- eries Society 131:343-363. bia Press,Vancouver, British Columbia. Reimer,Rudolph Skinner,W. R., B. J. Stocks, D. L. Martell,B. Bonsai, andA. 2003 Alpine Archaeology and Oral Traditions of the Shabbar Squamish.In Archaeology of Coast British Columbia, 1999 The AssociationBetween CirculationAnomalies in editedby Roy L. Carlson,pp. 45-60. ArchaeologyPress, the Mid-Troposphereand Area Burnedby WildlandFire Simon FraserUniversity, Burnaby, British Columbia. in Canada. Theoretical and Applied Climatology Rochefort,ReginaM., RhodaL. Little, Andrera Woodward, and 63:89-105. David L. Peterson Stine, Scott 1994 Changesin Sub-alpineTree Distributionin Western 2000 On the MedievalClimatic Anomaly. Current Anthro- NorthAmerica: A Review of Climaticand OtherCausal pology A\:621'-628. Factors.The Holocene 4:89-100. Stuiver,Minze, Paula J. Reimer,Edouard Bard, J. Warren Beck, Roman-Cuesta,R. M., M. Gracia,and J. Retana G. S. Burr, KonradA. Kughen, Bernd Kromer,Gerry 2003 Environmentaland HumanFactors Influencing Fire McCormac,Johannes Van Der Plicht,and MarcoSpurk Trendsin ENSO and Non-ENSOYears in TropicalMex- 1998 INTCAL98Radiocarbon Age Calibration,24,000-0 ico. EcologicalApplications 13:11 77- 1192. cal B.P.Radiocarbon 40:1041-1083. Rorig,Miriam L., and Sue A. Ferguson Stuiver,Minze, andThomas F. Braziunas 1999 Characteristicsof Lightningand Wildland Fire Igni- 1993 Sun, Ocean, Climate and Atmospheric14CO2: An tion in the PacificNorthwest. Journal of AppliedMeteo- Evaluation of Causal and Spectral Relationships. The rology38:1565-1575. Holocene 3:289-305. Rosen,Arlene M. Stuiver,Minze, ThomasF. Braziunas,and PeterM. Grootes 1995 The SocialResponse to EnvironmentalChange in the 1997 Is ThereEvidence for SolarForcing of Climatein the Early Bronze Age Canaan.Journal of Anthropological GISP2 Oxygen Isotope Record? QuaternaryResearch Archaeology\4:26-4A. 48:259-266. Sandweiss,Daniel H., KirkA. Maasch,and David G. Ander- Suttles,Wayne son 1951 The EconomicLife of the Coast Salish of Haroand 1999 Transition in the Mid-Holocene. Science RosarioStraits. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation,Depart- 283:499-500. mentof Anthropology,University of Washington,Seattle, 292 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 70, No. 2, 2005

Washington. mate Change and NorthernFish Populations,edited by 1987a CulturalDiversity Within the Coast Salish Contin- RichardJ. Beamish,pp. 277-290. CanadianSpecial Pub- uum. In Ethnicityand Culture:Proceedings of the Eigh- lication of FisheriesAquatic Science, No 121. National teenth Annual Conference of the Archaeological ResearchCouncil of Canada,Ottawa. Associationof the Universityof Calgaryedited by Regi- nald Auger, MargaretGlass, A. Scott MacEachern,and PeterMcCartney, pp. 243-250. ArchaeologyAssociation, Notes Departmentof Archaeology,University of Calgary,Cal- gary,Alberta. 1. BiogeoclimaticEcosystem Classificationis the system 1987b AffinalTies, Subsistence,and Social Classes Among with which ecosystems are classified in British Columbia; the CoastSalish. In CoastSalish edited Essays, by Wayne variantsare a relativelyfine scale within the system of classi- Suttles,pp. 15-25. Talonbooks,Vancouver, British Colum- and variationin communi- bia. fying subregional landscape plant ties and climatic conditions(Meidinger and Pojar 1991). 1987c ThePersistence of IntervillageTies Among the Coast 2. To extensive excavations of vil- Salish. In Coast Salish Essays, editedby WayneSuttles, date, archaeological is limited to pp. 209-230. Talonbooks,Vancouver, British Columbia. lages linked with such transformationnarratives 1987d Variationin Habitatand Cultureon the Northwest the Scowlitz site, in the central FraserValley. At Scowlitz, Coast. In Coast Salish Essays, edited by Wayne Suttles, Sumqeameltqfell from the sky and taughtpeople how to fish pp. 26-AA.Talonbooks, Vancouver, British Columbia. for salmon (Hill-Tout 1978:148-150). Though the Scowlitz 1987e Copingwith Abundance: Subsistence on the North- site was occupied 3-600 years before the onset of the west Coast.In CoastSalish edited Sut- Essays, by Wayne Marpole phase, the large village occupation dates to the tles, 45-63. Talonbooks,Vancouver, British Columbia. pp Marpolephase (Lepofskyet al. 2000). Ourcurrent research in 1990 CentralCoast Salish. In TheNorthwest Coast, edited the FraserValley is particularlytargeted at village sites con- by Wayne Suttles, pp. 453^75. The Handbookof the nected to oral traditions.The results of this will NorthAmerican Indians, Vol. 7, WilliamC. Sturtevant,gen- project help eral editor,Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. us to continue to refine our understandingof the connection 1998 The EthnographicSignificance of the Fort Langley between oral traditions,village formation,and the develop- Journals.In TheFort Langley Journals 1827-1830, edited ment of ancientSto:lo social systems. by MoragMaclachlan, pp. 163-210. Universityof British 3. It is particularlynotable that the strongtemporal corre- ColumbiaPress, Vancouver, British Columbia. spondenceholds despite the fact the FVFP is based on AMS Alain Testart, dates and the archaeologicalsites are largely conventional 1982 The of Hunter- Significance Food-StorageAmong dates, sometimes with large standarddeviations (Figure 2). Gatherers:Residence Patterns, Populations Densities and Many of the archaeologicaldates listed have not been cor- Social Inequalities.Current Anthropology 23:523-537. rectedfor but these errorsare small for Thorn,Brian isotopic fractionation, 1995 The Dead andthe Living:Burial Mounds and Cairns wood charcoalin the late Holocene. andthe Development of SocialClasses in theGulf of Geor- 4. An analysis of the relativeimportance of climatic and gia Region. UnpublishedMaster's Thesis. Departmentof humancontrols on fire in the tropicalrainforests of Chiapas, Anthropologyand Sociology, University of BritishColum- Mexico providesa good model for the interactionof humans, bia, Vancouver,British Columbia. fire, and climate we might envision during the FVFP J. M. M. R. Tunnicliffe,V., O'Connell, McQuoid (Roman-Cuestaet al. 2003). Most fires are ignited by the 200 1 A HoloceneRecord of MarineFish Remains from the (some but as a NortheasternPacific. Marine 174:197-210. indigenous people throughnegligence many Geology of traditionalresource but Walters,Carl, and BruceWard part managementpractices), during non-ENSO Nino Southern fire 1998 Is SolarRadiation Responsible for Declines in Marine wetter, years (El Oscillation), SurvivalRates of AnadromousSalmonids that Rear in spreadand areaburned is determinedprimarily by vegetation - SmallStreams? Canadian Journal of Fisheriesand Aquatic parameters essentially,wet fuels constrainfire behavior.In Science 55:2533-2538. contrast, during the droughtsassociated with ENSO years, Ware,Daniel M., and GordonA. McFarlane the prime determinantof fire was the presence of ignition 1995 Climate-InducedChanges in Pacific Hake (Merluc- sources, since when a fire started,all fuels were dry enough cius Abundanceand Inter- productus) PelagicCommunity to burn.During dry years,the numberand extentof fires were actions in the VancouverIsland In Upwelling System. directlycorrelated with the numberof people in the forests. ClimateChange and Northern Fish Populations, edited by 5. Finney (and others 2000, 2002; Finney personalcom- RichardJ. Beamish,pp. 509-521. CanadianSpecial Pub- munication found a reductionin the numberof lication of FisheriesAquatic Science No 121. National 2003) sockeye ResearchCouncil of Canada,Ottawa. salmon in Alaska and NorthernBritish Columbiaduring the Williams,Patrick R. periodcovered by the FVFP,but given the dominanceof local 2002 RethinkingDisaster-Induced Collapse in the Demise and regional-scaleprocesses on fish survivalrates (Mueteret of theAndean Highland States: Wari andTiwanaku. World al. 2002; Petermanet al. 1998; Pyper et al. 2001, 2002), we Archaeology33:361-374. cannotextrapolate these datato southernBritish Columbia. A and R. Saunders Yang,Dongya Y., AubreyCannon, Shelley deep-sea sediment core, extracted from the Saanich Inlet, 2004 DNA SpeciesIdentification of ArchaeologicalSalmon within the Gulf of off of southeastern Bone fromthe PacificNorthwest Coast of NorthAmerica. Georgia region VancouverIsland, showed that a mix of salmonid prey and Journalof ArchaeologicalScience 3 1:6 19-63 1. Pacific Pacific hake, and skate, Zebdie,Abdelkirm, and JeremyS. Collie predators, herring, dogfish, between 1995 Effect of Climateon Herring(Clupea pallasi) Popu- collectively were more abundant roughly lations Dynamicsin the NortheastPacific Ocean. In Cli- 2000-1000 B.P. (extrapolateddates; Finney et al. 2002; Lepofsky et al] CLIMATECHANGE AND CULTURE CHANGE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 293

Tunnicliffeet al. 2001). However,the numberof recovered dence, but they have no data for the period included in the remains is so small that we cannot confidently distinguish FVFP. meaningfultrends in the relativeabundance of these different taxa- and distinguishingthe trends of predatorsrelative to prey would be necessary to inferringimpact on salmonids. Finally, Chatterset al. (1995) model the past abundanceof Received June 1, 2004; December 6, 2004; Accepted salmon in the ColumbiaRiver based on variouslines of evi- December 8, 2004.