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The Paradoxes of Environmental Policy and Resource Management in Reform-Era China*

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The Paradoxes of Environmental Policy and Resource Management in Reform-Era China* The Paradoxes of Environmental Policy and Resource Management in Reform-Era China* Joshua Muldavin Department of Geography, University of California, Los Angeles, CA 90095–1524 [email protected] Abstract: Over the last 5,000 years serious environmental problems—deforesta- tion, desertification, erosion, and widespread pollution of air, land, and water— have prevailed throughout most of China, brought about by a diverse set of social and political contexts. In this paper I focus on an enduring contradiction associated with the post-1978 reforms, namely accelerated environmental resource degrada- tion in rural areas amid unprecedented national economic growth. Declining enti- tlements to assets and social capital in China’s rural village populations are a cru- cial aspect of altered state-peasant relations, as these are increasingly mediated by the market during China’s transition to a hybrid economy. This has resulted in changing patterns of resource use, impacting both the environment and peasant livelihoods. A brief assessment of China’s postrevolutionary environmental policy and management practices provides the context for detailed case studies in Henan Province. These examples highlight the relationship between political-economic changes and environmental policy and management. Contrary to reform rhetoric, rural peasants’ embracing of reform policies does not necessarily optimize their welfare or promote sustainable use of resources. The case studies reveal alternative pathways for villages, ones that ought to be brought into the policy debate spotlight. Key words: China, environmental resource management, policy, political ecology, entitlements, social capital, property relations, vulnerability, reforms, villages, rural development, peasants. Within the context of contemporary owed some of the nation’s more intractable China’s much-heralded economic success problems, particularly those of environ- in socialist transition, extraordinary eco- mental management. Decollectivization nomic growth has until recently overshad- and privatization in the reform era have led to intensification of the environmental degradation found in prerevolutionary and * Thanks to Piers Blaikie for his constructive Maoist China. The combination of massive critiques of a number of drafts of this manu- sustained growth with simultaneous envi- script. I would also like to thank Joseph Nevins, ronmental degradation and social stratifica- Alex Clapp, and Patrick Burns for their insight- tion—unintended consequences of the ful comments and research assistants Manija Said and Bahram Fazeli for adding depth and transition from a state-planned socialist detail. Two anonymous referees and the editors economy to a state-interventionist capital- of Economic Geography also provided helpful ist economy—points to the need to assess comments. I would also like to thank Jeri Stolk subsequent changes in environmental for her superb copy editing, which significantly management. clarified my prose. Funding for this research Environmental policy anywhere can only was provided by grants from the MacArthur seek to change environmental manage- Foundation, the UCLA Academic Senate, and UCLA’s International Studies and Overseas ment indirectly through encouraging, pro- Programs. Of course, all shortcomings of the hibiting, or introducing new ways of using final manuscript are solely the responsibility of or conserving resources. Such policy sets the author. up levers, but these have to be pulled by 244 ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY AND RESOURCE MANAGEMENT IN CHINA 245 local actors themselves: peasant farmers, in fact exist on the ground, and that they forest officials, entrepreneurs, local offi- appear to offer prospects for the improve- cials, and so forth. These actors all have ment of rural livelihoods.1 Through these their own agendas—economic, social, and examples, I aim to highlight how broad cultural. They also compete with each structures of the Chinese political economy other, ideationally and materially, and are intertwine or articulate with localities to shaped by social relations in which they are create particular social entitlements, vul- enmeshed (Sargeson and Zhang 1999, 98). nerabilities, and environmental ramifica- Environmental policy, of course, has lit- tions. Understanding this complex process tle control over these social relations and allows us to perhaps envision an environ- the conflicts associated with them. Indeed, mental policy where the divide between the social transformations which China is policy rhetoric and reality in practice is experiencing are so profound, so rapid and bridged rather than serving to maintain the contradictory, that the state, through its status quo. Such an environmental policy environmental policy, has had difficulty in would better advance the interests of those identifying the root structural causes of its living the reality of China’s environment. environmental problems, let alone mitigat- I carried out long-term research in the ing them. The processes of collectivization three Henan Province villages from 1989 (1949–78), followed by decollectivization to 1997. My methods varied by village con- and market reforms (1978–present), have a ditions and relative access. In both Nanjie political dynamic of their own. Myriad and Beixu villages I interviewed the village environmental outcomes, often unfore- leaders, as well as ten random households, seen, have resulted. Environmental policy during multiple-day visits. I physically sur- has therefore tended to be reactive and veyed the villages, their industries, and detached from the social causes of environ- agricultural areas, while simultaneously mental problems. It has not addressed— interviewing people as they worked. In and perhaps, within the limitations of envi- Beixu village, I interviewed workers in the ronmental policy as presently articulated brickworks, most of whom were not from and enacted, cannot address—those the village. In Nanjie village, I interviewed aspects of the ongoing social transforma- workers in the instant noodle factory, flour- tion which are driving environmental mill, and bakery. In contrast, in Village 3, I change in China. did participatory ethnographic research In this article, I begin by theorizing the and observation. During four extended changing social relations of production and visits I lived with one family of seven in a subsistence within China, contrasting the typical walled compound. I participated in collective and reform eras. This exposé on fieldwork, harvesting, transport, and pro- Chinese peasants’ changing entitlements cessing, primarily of corn. I completed a and access to assets leads to a historical detailed physical survey and mapping of overview of China’s environmental policy the village and its infrastructure and had and management. I argue that rather than repeated interviews with approximately 70 using the standard communist-collective percent of the villagers. I also interviewed versus market-private dichotomy to struc- the county leadership that represents ture policy thinking about China, we ought Village 3 and surveyed the market town, also to recognize a range of other alterna- grain-buying station, and other commodity tives, in particular those where, within a market economy, there continues to be a significant level of collective organization 1 This reverberates with work on other coun- of production and exchange. I then present tries and socioeconomic formations that talk of a structural analysis of environmental renegotiating market relationships from below resource use in three villages in Henan (Bebbington 1996; Szelènyi 1998). This might Province to suggest that these alternatives be described as a social economy or “third way.” 246 ECONOMIC GEOGRAPHY outlets. In addition, I did brief surveys of resources can be understood as an entitle- nearby hamlets to study kinship networks ment process, albeit one that is socially and labor reciprocity. mediated and conditioned. Income oppor- tunities are another kind of asset (intangi- ble) that help define livelihood strategies, Changing Entitlements and but they are not entitlements since they are Environmental Policy mediated through the market and social I analyze China’s transformation in connections. The confusion of terminology terms of four concepts: entitlements, com- results from the evolving but eclectic and munal capital, property relations, and vul- personalized use of the major concepts in the literature. Membership in a group, for nerability. By analyzing the transition with example, gives an individual entitlement to these concepts, I attempt to provide a new assets. This is either formalized or under- window into China’s evolving environmen- stood through community regulation and tal policy—revealing both its limitations social norms, as asserted by Leach, and the prospect of creating policy that Mearns, and Scoones (1999). Incor- reduces the vulnerability of those most at porating the moral economy into entitle- risk. China’s social transformation has ment analysis is further advocated by Gore unfolded largely outside of the central in his argument that competing notions of state’s environmental policy purview. The legitimacy and “unruly” practices challenge state has sought to issue environmental legally established rules, determining peo- edicts in a manner totally detached from ple’s command over commodities. In his this process. Each of these four concepts is study, power relations and discursive prac- contentiously debated in the literature,
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