Hamber & Gallagher

Ships passing in the night: psychosocial programming and macro peacebuilding strategies with young men in Northern

Brandon Hamber & Elizabeth Gallagher

The study presented here explores how the impact Introduction: background of the con£ict, as it applies to interventions with is a society emerging from young men, is conceptualised within the context over 40 years of, what has been described of Northern Ireland after the signing of the peace as, a political, religious, economical and agreement (1998). It focuses on four groups psychological con£ict (Harland, 2009; undertaking psychosocial work, that is, two generic Whyte, 1990). This long history of con£ict support groups and two groups with an explicit is based on a struggle between those focus on those who had experienced violence during who wish to see it remain part of the UK the con£ict. A total of 20 young men (18^24 years (mainly Protestants) and those who wish old) and 19 sta¡ were individually interviewed, (mainly Catholics) to have a united using a semi-structured interview.The study found Ireland (mainly Catholics) (Cairns & that many challenges facing young people concern Darby, 1998; Gallagher & Cairns, 2011). the interrelationship between the past and a poor Although the start of the modern part of socioeconomic context in the present. The struggle the con£ict, or ‘theTroubles’ as it is called by to address the legacy of the con£ict in the present some in Northern Ireland, is believed to be is, certainly in the literature and according to the in the late 1960’s, the roots of the con£ict in participants of this study, linked to a lack of Northern Ireland are actually centuries old knowledge about the past.When it came to promot- (Bardon, 1992; Stewart, 1989). Since 1968, ing such change and building peace, participants there have been between 3,600 and 3,700 tended to ascribe to a personal transformation deaths, in which half of these have been model as the route to engagement with peacebuild- civilians (Morrissey & Smyth, 2002; ing work. This article argues that the personal McKeown, 2009). The number of people transformative model is emblematic of the wider injured as a result of the con£ict ranges peacebuilding debate in Northern Ireland, where from 8,383 to 100,000 (Breen-Smyth, 2012). psychosocial and peace orientated programming The impact, therefore, has been extensive has been separated from wider peacebuilding in a country with a population of some strategies, such as job creation. This highlights 1.8 million. Indeed, con£ict has been part an analytical de¢cit in the psychosocial program- of everyday life for over four decades, and ming, peacebuilding and economic development has occupied politics, employment, residen- ¢elds. tial space, public space, movement and social and cultural activities, thereby having Keywords: economy, masculinity, North- a profound psychological impact (Hamber, ern Ireland, peace, peacebuilding, psycho- 2004; Gallagher, Hamber & Joy, 2012). social interventions, social change, trauma, Although, Northern Ireland is post peace young men agreement, or in a peacebuilding phase,

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following the 1998 peace agreement, a wide dispirited in relation to employment, with range of con£ict related issues and social ills the result of alarming levels of low aspira- have been identi¢ed as impacting on the tions among young people in Northern mental health of young people. It is argued Ireland today (Breakthrough Northern that one of the unseen e¡ects of the con£ict Ireland, 2010; Department of Enterprise, has been the toll on the psychological health Trade and Investment, 2010). and wellbeing of children and young people Low aspirations in young people, in relation (Ghigliazza, 2010). In comparison to the to education and employment, may lead to UK, average mental health needs in North- an increased likelihood of anti-social beha- ern Ireland are 25% higher (Department viour, community alienation and sub- of Health, Social Services and Public Safety, sequent punishment attacks (i.e. informal 2004). Northern Ireland’s turbulent history, justice meted out by paramilitary groups at least in part, contributes to these statistics to allegedly manage anti-social behaviour (McAlister, Scraton & Haydon, 2009). within their communities). Despite the Although many young people have never peace in Northern Ireland, some young experienced ‘the Troubles’, y o u n g p e o p l e i n people, especially young men, still live with Northern Ireland face a real threat of the threat of punishment and other forms inheriting the psychological vulnerability of intimidation from paramilitary groups, of their parents that was created by the as well as being the children of direct victims con£ict (McGrellis, 2004; McAlister et al., of the con£ict. In a recent study by Morrow, 2009). Robinson & Dowds (2013), the authors note Social exclusion, as well as unemployment that the obstacles to improve community and under employment are also major con- relations ‘lie in real fears and the risks which cerns (Campbell et al., 2013: Rondo¤netal., some young people run in relation to violence. Of 2014). According to a report by the World particular concern has been the sharp decline Bank (2011), youth unemployment is a con- in the perceptions and attitudes of young people stant in all con£ict situations globally. towards improving community relations in recent Northern Ireland is no di¡erent in this years suggestingan increase in anxiety and antagon- regard, and has experienced low socio- ism in youth culture, dashing hopes that the peace economic progress as a result of the ongoing process would liberate young people from the presence of sectarian divisions, especially fears of the past’ (Morrow et al., 2013). From in low income, segregated communities 2001 to 2011 there have been (approxi- (Davidson & Leavey, 2010; McCormick & mately) 805 shootings, with 862 recorded Harrop, 2009; Rondo¤n et al., 2014; Campbell victims of punishment beatings by paramili- et al., 2013). This has had a direct e¡ect on tary groups, with the latter carried out young people in Northern Ireland, with mainly on young men (Security Situation youth unemployment now reaching 19.1% Statistics, 2011). Paramilitary style attacks (Nolan, 2012). There are approximately are a legacy of the con£ict, and a threat that 46,000 young people who are unemployed, those working with (particularly) young and are not in any training scheme, or on men have had to deal with on an ongoing an educational path (O⁄ce of the First basis, despite political peace. Therefore, and deputy First Minister, 2013). Alienation amidst the continuing legacy of the past among young people is also closely corre- and the ever present threat of sectarianism lated to issues of deprivation, high levels of in the present, young people in Northern poverty and low educational attainment Ireland are clearly dealing with serious (O⁄ce of the First and deputy First Minis- issues of social exclusion, fear and intimida- ter, 2013). Increasingly, there is evidence that tion and unemployment (Campbell et al., some young people have become entirely 2013; McGrellis, 2005; McAllister et al.,

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2009; Morrow et al., 2013; Rondo¤netal., weak to others and how masculine stereo- 2014). types act as a barrier. This article argues Additionally, high prevalence rates of that the personal transformative model depression and mental illness in Northern is emblematic of the wider peacebuilding Ireland have been associated with unem- debate in Northern Ireland, where psycho- ployment, addiction and con£ict related social and peace orientated programming trauma (Breakthrough Northern Ireland, has been separated from wider peacebuild- 2010). A poll conducted by the Prince’sTrust ing strategies, such as job creation. This has shown that a third of young jobless highlights an analytical de¢cit in the psycho- people in Northern Ireland have contem- social programming, peacebuilding and plated suicide ( Telegraph, 2010). economic development ¢elds. Northern Ireland has the highest rates of suicide in the UK, with research ¢nding an increase of more than a third in young Under investigated: impact of past men taking their own life since the end of con£ict on young people and young the Troubles (Bennett, 2007). The majority of men today suicide deaths in 2010 were males between The transition from con£ict to peace has 15^34 years old; a total of 240 male suicide been di⁄cult for many young people, and deaths were registered, in comparison to especially for men growing up in the peace 73 female deaths (Northern Ireland Stat- process. Some argue that the violence that istics and Research Agency, 2011). Since the was externalised and socially accepted in 1998 agreement, there has been a growing the past is no longer accepted, and is there- trend in suicides, and notable gender fore being internalised through alcohol variation in self-harming and completed and/or drug abuse, misuse of medication suicides (Tomlinson, 2012). Violence and (especially antidepressants) and self-harm aggression remains deeply ingrained in the and/or suicide (McAllister et al., 2009; Tom- society and manifests in violence, both linson, 2012; Gallagher et al., 2012). Studies against others and themselves. have argued that the impact of sectarian The study presented here found that many division on youth culture has been under challenges facing young people concern investigated, especially in terms of how their the interrelationship between the past and lifestyles have sustained the adverse e¡ects a poor socioeconomic context in the present. of this impact (Bell, 1987; Rondo¤netal., Through interviews with both sta¡ and 2014). young men that attended victim/survivor Additionally, Templer & Radford (2007) groups and (general) support groups, the noted that the investigation into the trans- study aimed to ascertain the impact that generational impact of the con£ict on young the con£ict has had on young men in today’s people is almost nonexistent, and it is only society. The ¢ndings revealed di¡erences in the last decade or so that there has been between the groups’ primary focus. Whilst a growing acknowledgement of this pro- the victim/survivor groups mentioned deal- blem. This is partly due to the fact that, ing with problems relating to the past con- for many years, children were perceived as £ict, such as trauma and intergenerational resilient and that the con£ict had had problems, in contrast, the support groups little impact on their psychological health mentioned that social and economic issues (Horgan & Monteith, 2009; Gallagher were their primary focus. In addition to et al., 2012). However, this presumption of the problems that young men face, was the resilience in children and young people, acknowledgement of the barriers to seeking and the culture of silence surrounding help, such as reluctance, the fear of seeming the con£ict, led to an underestimation of

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the actual psychological impact on the The few programmes that do speci¢cally local population (Binks & Ferguson, 2007; focus on the impact of the past con£ict on Gallagher et al., 2012).The failure of society young people as noted, are mainly located to acknowledge the complexity and pain of within victim groups, normally as a stream the past, and deal with outstanding con£ict of work in addition to the work focused on related issues, has led to the neglect of the adults. While these programmes might use massive impact the con£ict has had on the some of the same approaches as generic sup- society (Consultative Group on the Past, port groups (often with therapy), by virtue 2009). The 2001 evaluation of services to of being placed within a victim of con£ict victims and survivors in Northern Ireland group, the young person is too often seen noted that there was ‘universal agreement’ as de¢ned as a victim of the con£ict (cer- among groups and organisations of the need tainly by those funding such programmes). to address issues associated with young In many cases, some of these young people people, as well as the ‘ripple’ or intergenera- have a speci¢c history, such as losing a tional e¡ects of the con£ict (Deloitte & parent in the con£ict either as a civilian, Touche, 2001). It is sobering to think, how- paramilitary or member of the security ever, that in the 10 years since this report, services. These groups are referred to as vic- questions remain about how best to address tims/survivors groups for the purpose of the current and con£ict related needs of this article. young people, and in particualr young men. At a formal policy level, despite a rather This stands in stark contrast to work with belated start, there is a growing recognition adults a¡ected by the con£ict, where there of the importance of addressing younger has been a plethora of ‘victims’ work and a people’s needs and some recognition of dramatic increase of victims groups across their relationship to intercommunity di¡er- the society, since 1998 (at one point there ence and tensions. For example, a recent were as many as 60 victim groups operat- government strategy, Together: Building a ing). Much of the youth work in Northern United Community (O⁄ce of the First and Ireland has happened through programmes deputy First Minister, 2013), which aims focused more widely on supporting young to improve community relations in post people in the ‘clinical’or‘trauma realm’.These agreement Northern Ireland, extensively do not move from the premise that ‘past mentions the value of youth services and trauma’ is the issue for young people, rather employment. it is social dislocation, poverty and identity Notwithstanding the multiple problems concerns within a society that remains facing young women and girls in post polarised and divided. Although not agreement Northern Ireland (Kelly, 2012), referred to as psychosocial interventions this study focused on youth groups speci¢- locally, such initiatives (e.g. youth groups, cally catering to the needs of young men. theatre projects, sports projects, etc.) have a Young men remain a priority group in lot in common with other psychosocial pro- Northern Ireland, often associated with grammes around the globe, and in this being the primary perpetrators of violence article we refer to these as generic support (Reilly, Muldoon & Byrne, 2004) and at groups. These programmes generally seek risk of under education (Purvis, 2011). to make psychosocial orientated impacts, According to previous research, young whether they refer to themselves as such or males in Northern Ireland have reported not, that is to improve the social conditions higher levels of political and intercommu- of young people, enhance their capacities, nity violence, and were also more likely and thereby improve self-esteem, con¢dence to participate in violence than their and/or ability to talk about problems. female counterparts (Muldoon & Trew,

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2000; Reilly et al., 2004). ‘The Troubles’ in men were signposted to them (reasons Northern Ireland, particularly for young included addiction, self-harming, anger pro- men in working class areas, has created blems, depression, trauma, etc.), there were ‘highly localised social structures where para- also a lot of similarities in terms of under- military and criminal violence, intimidation lying issues, such as inter/transgenerational and bullying are thought to have contributed issues and/or coping with the loss of a loved to suicide and harmful behaviours’ (Rondo¤n one. The victim/survivor groups included et al., 2014). o¡ered a service to any young people a¡ected by ‘the Troubles’, w h i l e a l s o a ck n ow- ledging the inter/transgenerational e¡ects. Methods In addition to counselling, they also o¡ered The present study was designed to assess activities such as personal and social devel- the experiences and needs of vulnerable opment, storytelling, and training in essen- young men living in Northern Ireland, tial life skills. The generic support groups given that they have been identi¢ed as a o¡ered proactive support to young men, in group whose needs should be prioritised. terms of health and wellbeing, relationships, The sample consisted of four psychosocial addiction and anger management. Services interventions with a youth focus, two o¡ered included one-to-one support, coun- victim/survivor groups and two generic selling, anger awareness and residential pro- support groups. A purposive sampling grammes. method was used with participants chosen All interviews took place in the organisation for the following characteristics: young that the participant was a part of, and where men aged 18^24 years of age that were the participant felt at ease. Interviews lasted attending victim/survivor or generic sup- approximately 40^60 minutes, depending port groups and the sta¡ working with on the participant. Prior to beginning the these young men. A total of ¢ve sta¡ study, ethical approval through standard members and ¢ve young male participants university means was obtained. from each group were selected, with a total The study was qualitative in nature. of 39 interviews completed. These were Materials used included a semi-structured comprised of interviews with a total of interview for sta¡, containing open ended 20 young male participants (18^24 years questions, in order to assess how pro- old) and 19 sta¡ (16 men and 3 women). gramme sta¡ understood the work that Age and religious identity of sta¡ were they do, the impact the programme has not sought, as this was not in line with on the people they work with, as well the focus of the study and because it did as questions about the wider impact of not look to assess di¡erences in sta¡ per- the programme within the peacebuild- ceptions as a result of either age or religious ing environment of Northern Ireland. identity. However, it was known to the Separate, semi structured interview ques- researchers that both victim/survivor groups tions for young men, included open ended and generic support groups had participants questions in order to assess how young from both communities (Catholic and Pro- men understand the work that the pro- testant traditions). gramme does, the impact the programme The particular groups were chosen because has on them, the wider impact of the pro- they represented the range of support gramme and whether they know if the pro- groups available to young men in Northern gramme has worked for them. Ireland. While there were some di¡erences In line with a wider project1 that focused between victim/survivor groups and generic on trauma, peacebuilding and develop- support groups in terms of why the young ment, of which this study was part, the

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interviews also included some key questions Findings for those running programmes.These ques- Groups’ understanding of the issues tions focused on issues regarding how that young men are facing groups in Northern Ireland understand Sta¡ and the young men were directly trauma, and the relationship between asked ‘what problem is the project trying to deal psychosocial work and social transform- with?’ In evaluating the responses to this ation within the peacebuilding context. question, a notable di¡erence was found That is, how do they understand the impact for groups’ conceptualisation of the pro- of the con£ict on young people? How is blem. While both victim/survivor groups the resiliency of young people understood reported that they deal with trauma and in this conceptualisation? Do groups link inter/transgenerational e¡ects of the con- their programmes to, or see a link to, the £ict, generic support groups mentioned that wider processes of peacebuilding, reconci- they help men with various issues, such as liation, dealing with the past and, in mental health problems, unemployment, particular, to social transformation? Do access to their children, addiction and group leaders/youth workers working on anger management. As was noted by sta¡ such projects consider inter/ transgenera- member of a victim/support group: tional trauma to be an issue a¡ecting young ‘The years of con£ict, has had a major e¡ect on people with whom they work? How do they people’s lives, and they have been deeply trauma- conceptualise this? tised by losing a family member or friend, witnes- Some key questions included were to sing violence and shootings and being injured. ascertain the perspectives of young men Also, young people are traumatised by what their themselves. Do they consider themselves families have gone through, and this carries the to be the ‘indirect victims of the con£ict’, as some hurt through the generations. We try and provide suggest? Do they see themselves as some- people who have been traumatised with the support how ‘traumatised’ by the con£ict? If so, how and encouragement they need so that they can do they understand this and articulate move forward’ (sta¡ member, victim/survivor ‘their su¡ering’, and what do they feel needs group 1). to be done in order to address this (e.g. In comparison, both support groups support services, advocacy work, justice, mentioned that dealing with social and etc.)? Additionally, questions pertaining to economic issues were their primary focus. men’s help-seeking behaviour and how In addition to the problems that young masculine ideologies impact this were men face, was the acknowledgement of included (although this not the speci¢c the barriers to seeking help, such as reluc- focus of this article). tance, the fear of seeming weak to others All interviews were audio recorded and and how masculine stereotypes create a transcribed for purposes of analysis. The barrier. ‘Men are generally reluctant to seek data were subjected to a thematic content help and even admit that they have problems.This analysis. Key points made by the partici- comes back to stereotype that men hold about pants were identi¢ed and assigned a colour men, the macho image, that men shouldn’t show code using the Nvivo computer program emotion, from a young age boys are taught to (QSR, 2010). Similar codes were gathered be emotionally unresponsive and adhere to set together into themes and sub-themes. To gender roles in that boys don’t cry’ (sta¡ authenticate the key themes and sub-themes, member, support group 2). In fact, the as identi¢ed by the researcher, members of majority of participants con¢rmed the the research team were asked to examine a men’s reluctance to seek help for their pro- random selection of the transcripts to con- blems, citing reasons above. Participants ¢rm the issues identi¢ed. also highlighted the fact that young men

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feel neglected and disengaged from their young men seeking support are in crisis communities. and see their own su¡ering on more indi- vidual terms.

Conceptualisation of trauma The study found young men attending sup- Resilience and coping methods port groups had a more individual notion In terms of resilience and coping methods, of trauma, whereas sta¡ had a more collec- one of the key points to emerge was that tive sense. The majority of young men, from the majority of the young men and sta¡ all four groups (n ¼ 20), referred to individ- (n ¼ 26) mentioned risk taking behaviours ual or personal traumas that individuals (drinking, drugs, sex and violence) as a may experience (i.e. grieving over friends popular method of negative coping. ‘Mainly, that have committed suicide, death in the they don’t [cope], they end up drinking, taking family, dealing with their own attempted drugs, ¢ghting, and if they are in a relationship suicide and issues such as depression, addic- they may take it out on their partner. We have a tion and anger management). ‘I tried to lot of people come in here who are perpetrators of commit suicide and I had a lot of problems, domestic violence’ (sta¡ member, support especially when my aunty died and the way she group 2). died hurt me the most’ (young male, support Other themes to emerge were that the group 2). young men ignore their problems and Whereas, the majority of sta¡ from all ‘bottled them up’(n¼10), largely do not cope four groups (n ¼12) mentioned collective (n ¼ 9), with some seeking help from family trauma, or trauma that the population of and friends (n ¼ 6). At the same time, Northern Ireland have su¡ered as a result young people’s own resilience and their of the con£ict. This collective perspective, ability to cope e¡ectively with their pro- according to sta¡, arises when family, blems were also noted. A‘ lot of people have communities and countries share experi- probably dealt with it on their own in the past, ences. Sta¡ maintained that memories of people are very resilient’ (sta¡ member, vic- unresolved trauma are often perpetuated tim/survivor group 1). through stories told within the family and It also became apparent during interviews broader communities. As a result, mem- that a large proportion of the young men ories continue to a¡ect generations, even in the study had reported having self- when they do not directly experience the harmed, attempted suicide or experienced traumatic event.‘Young people have been a¡ected suicidal thoughts.‘In this town, for a while, there in some way, whether they are perpetrators or were a lot of suicides, people were letting everything victims. Some may have lost a family member build up and didn’t talk to anyone about their pro- through the con£ict or someone they know has been blems. People were committing suicide because of badly injured, or even through stories of the past the lack of communication, they didn’t tell anyone told to them by family and neighbours, these factors their problems and places like this aren’t widely de¢nitely play a part in the trauma that our young enough advertised. They weren’t being reached on people face’ (sta¡ member, victim/survivor any level. Ialso think that people weren’table to talk group 1). about a lot of things, especially problems/issues Although it is di⁄cult to ascertain exactly related to the con£ict’ (young male, support where this di¡erence in conceptualisation group 2). came from, it may be the result of sta¡ These ¢ndings reveal a tendency to not seek having lived through the con£ict, and help, believing that services will not be thereby having a more collective memory helpful or that they should be able to deal of the con£ict as a result. Also, many of the their own problems, which often results in

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negative forms of coping. These ¢ndings choices such as joining paramilitary groups. clearly show that many of the young men The majority of sta¡ and young men in this study are in, or have been, in crisis (n ¼ 32), within this context, felt that pro- or have had severe problems in the past, such grammes set up to help young people need as self-harming and suicidal ideation. to recognise the link between the past and the present to a greater degree.

Taking the past into account The majority of sta¡ and young men from The impact of the psychosocial all four groups felt that current projects do projects and the personal take the con£ict into account when dealing transformation model with young people, and need to do so to In terms of the wider impact of the project, a be e¡ective. When asked to explain why, a high proportion of young men and sta¡ from large proportion mentioned transgenera- all four groups mentioned social change tional e¡ects (n ¼17). ‘I think it depends on the (n ¼16), peacebuilding (n ¼13), i mp rove d client, but yes, generally most projects need to be relationships (n ¼16), and changed attitudes aware of how trauma and experience of the con£ict and behaviours (n ¼11). The young men can be ¢ltered down through generations’ (sta¡ and sta¡ also mentioned better health and member, victim/survivor group 1). well-being (n ¼ 5), improved understanding Some young men and sta¡, from both of violence (n ¼ 7), and also education, support groups (n ¼ 7), felt that the con£ict employment and community development is still ongoing and that young people are (n ¼ 8).What was most interesting was that, in danger of paramilitary recruitment broadly speaking, sta¡ and young men from (n ¼ 4), underlying why projects needed to all four groups seemed to see social and take the con£ict into account. It is not just societal change happening through individ- in the past, but also alive in the present. uals. That is, if young men had their self- A‘ lot of young men are dealing with transgenera- esteem built, changed their attitudes about tional e¡ects of the con£ict. And it is these issues, others, and had the skills to participate in if they are not dealt with, that are pulling us back society and the economy, then the prospect into the past and keeping the con£ict alive. It’sthese for wider change was enhanced. All the types of young men that fall prey to paramilitary groups placed importance on developing recruitment’ (sta¡ member, support group 2). individual human resources and personal Young men and sta¡ from both victim/sur- capacities as key to personal and subsequent vivor groups (n ¼ 6) felt that young people social change; the personal transformation could learn from the past. ‘Yes, I think it’s model. important always to have the past in the back The young men also emphasised personal of your mind. We can learn from the past, learn growth in terms of attitudes and perspective from our mistakes and make a better future for changes, improved con¢dence and self- our children’ (young male, victim/survivor esteem, occurring since beginning the pro- group 2). grammes. Better communication, inter- The ¢ndings also show that for the young personal skills and increased awareness of men and sta¡, although Northern Ireland their talents and usefulness in the world is now in a peacebuilding phase and con- were also mentioned (n ¼16). The young sidered post peace agreement, the con£ict men (n ¼19) also felt that they had changed is still viewed as a present day, rather than for the better and were learning how to historical, phenomenon. This a¡ects young become better fathers to their children, people, not only psychologically (transge- improving relationships with their families nerational), but also in terms of real life as a whole and generally having a more

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positive outlook on life. They also felt that through helping young men to look at they had a more positive outlook in regards alternative lifestyle choices, and to move to their future, going back to education, away from negative forms of coping, such looking for better jobs and making plans as alcoholism or interpersonal violence. A for the future. Some of this work was very focus was placed on ¢nding ways young practical, with young men gaining recog- men can improve their own lives, contribute nised quali¢cations (n ¼ 5), a step that could to their local communities, and subsequently also ensure greater social integration. the processes of peacebuilding, social trans- By sharing problems, and hearing from formation and social change that are under- others with similar problems, the young way in Northern Ireland. men (n ¼ 8) felt that they could cope better through using coping methods learnt in the groups. Therefore, through capacity Discussion A number of major themes have emerged building techniques, such as young adult from the research. This section highlights development programmes, drug awareness some of those themes and discusses them training, anger management courses, young in relation to recent policy developments leader’s courses and part-time youth work in Northern Ireland. The section then training, sta¡ in all the groups felt that they concludes with a re£ection on the wider were increasing con¢dence, skills and per- policy signi¢cance of the ¢ndings, and ceptions of self worth. in particular, explores the relationship Also highlighted was the increased ability between psychosocial projects researched to challenge and condemn prejudice and and wider peacebuilding approaches in discrimination, especially against those Northern Ireland. seen as di¡erent to themselves and who held di¡erent political views of the con- £ict. Through exploring attitudes, learning Major themes about cultural identity and gaining an The ¢rst major theme evident in the understanding of the past con£ict, young research is that the challenges facing young men in the programmes were able to men concern the interrelationship between explore the sectarianism that was present the past, and a poor socioeconomic context (both cognisant and subliminal) in their in the present.The ¢ndings of this study also attitudes. This was done through discussion, show that many young men are su¡ering teamwork, joint activities and residential from a range of generational e¡ects of the based learning. Sta¡ and the young con£ict. Although Northern Ireland is seen men alike (n ¼ 26) indicated that they felt as emerging from political con£ict, the that gaining awareness of other people’s research con¢rms that the violent past still perspectives and encouraging a mutually haunts the young today.The legacy of victi- shared understanding of the past, encour- misation by paramilitaries and state vio- aged empathy and cooperative interaction, lence still lingers at a community level, thereby assisting antagonistic groups build coupled with high levels of poverty and better relationships. social exclusion. This research has addition- That said, although there was a focus on ally highlighted the need for more emphasis intercommunity exploration of political to be placed on intergenerational e¡ects of issues and attitudes to some degree within the con£ict and how it is transmitted the various projects, most of the focus was through processes of attachment, memory, on improving life chances, capacity and family and community responses (Burrows trying to teach young men to adopt a more & Keenan, 2004). A high level of unemploy- positive approach to life. This was achieved ment among young people (19.1%), has also

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been identi¢ed as a potential future threat to happy to talk about their problems. Open- peace in Northern Ireland (Nolan, 2012). ing up gave them a sense of relief and a feel- In addition to this, there is evidence that ing that a weight had been lifted from many young men are dealing with the stres- their shoulders. sors of family breakdown, educational fail- ure, unemployment, economic dependency, and addictions. Tomlinson continues to Challenges and limitations explain that this has all been aggravated However, although the young men inter- by the con£ict, which ‘sharpened divisions in viewed in this study have managed to ¢nd employment and unemployment and, through support, it is also possible that the type of speci¢c experiences such as imprisonment, it problems experienced by this group of increased social isolation at the level of families young men do not neatly fall into a service and households’ (Tomlinson, 2012). Problems provision or support group category. For facing young people in Northern Ireland example, given some of the social problems are therefore linked to the past con£ict, but outlined and issues mentioned, such as also interrelated to social and economic pro- addiction, it is not clear if those experiencing blems (McAlister et al., 2009). Our research a range of social pressures and strains would con¢rmed this perspective. Overall, this immediately identify themselves as victims suggests that psychosocial programming of the con£ict and as a result not present and peacebuilding more broadly, for the at such services. Also, given the crisis that young men interviewed and those who work some of the young men presented with, it is with them in Northern Ireland, would need unlikely they would immediately see their to involve a wide set of processes that moves needs as directly associated with political beyond a narrow focus on intergroup di¡er- con£ict, but rather tended to see their pro- ence. Integrated strategies are needed that blems as individualised. Although the link address the social context that exacerbates to the con£ict was mentioned on re£ection, social exclusion, and continues to be in£u- and in the interviews in relation to the enced and shaped by the con£ict, within a intergenerational aspects of the con£ict, it range of intergenerational aspects. is unlikely that young men who feel socially A further problem, that became clear from excluded with little life prospects would join the interviews, is that young men in this one of the many peacebuilding programmes study presented with both mental and social (e.g. dialogue, theatre, encounter groups) health challenges, but generally do not seek available in Northern Ireland to address help in order to be assisted with these such needs. Finally, the other projects and problems. The number of young men in services that are available (including some this relatively small sample that mentioned of those reviewed in this study) that clearly having self-harmed, experienced suicidal identify project services, such as anger thoughts, undertaken risk taking behaviour management, dealing with addiction and or attempted suicide was alarming. These abusive life choices, require a level of behaviours were, according to the respon- emotional awareness and a lack of fear of dents, a result of: depression, stress, anxiety, stigma for a young man to decide to access. addiction, perceived worthlessness, low The latter remains a challenge within the self-esteem, lack of life prospects, feeling current context. Although the stigma associ- neglected, hopelessness, despair and threat ated with emotional or mental health needs and fear of paramilitary attacks. On the is perhaps less now than in the past, there positive side, many young men in the study are still barriers to accessing help and sup- said, as a result of the interventions from port. Barriers to help-seeking still include the projects reviewed, that they were now stigma and negative attitudes towards

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problem solving assistance from professio- ingrained ways of coping with the con£ict nals (Robinson, Rodgers & Butterworth, (Gallagher et al., 2012). The behaviour 2008). of the young men in this study, and those Taken together, these points highlight how outlined by support workers, highlighted issues of the past and contemporary pro- similar patterns. Of course, many of the blems, are not only fragmented at a level young men interviewed are resilient, in that of theory, but also in terms of actual ser- they have survived in di⁄cult contexts and vice provision. The Community Relations no doubt have various capacities to cope, Council has argued for ‘a serious youth but at the same time many of those inter- strategy, which deals with the various needs of viewed were not, or are not, coping particu- young people as they are, rather than the current larly well. Developing a more healthy form provider-led models which leave too many of emotional resilience from a young age is young people without support’ (Community increasingly regarded as a priority by those Relations Council, 2010). In a similar vein, working with young people and children. a range of policymakers in a recent It is recommended that in the school curri- research project also called for an inte- culum, greater emphasis should be placed grated multi-agency, multi-issue overarch- on promoting emotional health and resili- ing strategy, instead of a disparate ence learning, so that children and young approach that o¡ers services for speci¢c people are equipped with skills to deal with problems (Kelly, 2012) (see Conclusion, the challenges of modern life (Bacon et al., below). The research presented here would 2010; McGrellis, 2011). Notwithstanding the endorse the need for not only an integrated value of such recommendations, what is youth strategy, but also one that is under- clear from this research is that the debates pinned by a more rigorous analytical about youth resilience and wider processes understanding of the problems. of peacebuilding discourse are not particu- larly integrated in Northern Ireland.

Resilience, risk and identity The themes of resilience, risk and identity Personal transformation model as a were also a critical component of the ¢nd- path to social change ings of the study. Throughout ‘the Troubles’, When it came to promoting change, partici- and after, there was a presumption that the pants largely did not see themselves or their people in Northern Ireland were resilient work as directly related to social change, or (Horgan & Monteith, 2009; Gallagher even to see it as their role to actively pursue et al., 2012). Although it is true that society social change (e.g. through advocacy work continued to function on many levels despite or activism). Rather participants tended to the con£ict, this misguided notion of resili- ascribe to a personal transformation model ence as being universally inherent has, it as the basis for social change, or as the could be argued, hindered attempts to door to peacebuilding work. Participants address the impact of the con£ict, thereby saw developing self-esteem, con¢dence and leading to the neglect of mental health issues interpersonal skills, as well as attitudinal related to it. This universal presumption of change about ‘the other’, as vital to being resilience has also led to negative forms of emotionally healthy. This was, participants coping, which in turn has negatively argued, the ¢rst step needed in order to be impacted on the mental health of people equipped to engage in peacebuilding acti- a¡ected by the con£ict (Gallagher et al., vities. Social transformation and peace- 2012). Self medicating, risk taking behaviour building work would £ow from personal and various forms of violence have become transformation. The participants in the

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present study believed that by helping the peace, other than through the personal individual through modes of capacity build- transformative model outlined above. This, ing and interpersonal relationship, this at least to some degree, points to a gap in would enable them to make a positive mark theory and practice, both within the psycho- on the wider society. This ¢nding ¢ts with social practitioner ¢eld and the wider peace- the capacity development and relationship building ¢eld. Psychosocial practitioners, aspects of peacebuilding (Zolondek, 2010). and certainly those in this study, tended to Arguably social transformation can be focus on service provision (with some achieved through individual change, in acknowledgment of the past con£ict related terms of capacity building and personal/ impacts) in the ¢rst instance, with the hope professional development. it would then contribute to a peacebuilding Similar ¢ndings were found in a study con- e¡ect. The wider peacebuilding ¢eld ¢nds ducted with 80 14^15 year old teenagers in it equally challenging to consider how those North Belfast. The study examined how dealing with individual challenges, such as young people recount the narratives that young men in crisis and who are socially ‘maintain, reinforce and at times challenge excluded, ¢t into the peacebuilding dis- sectarian boundaries in interface areas’ (Leonard, course. It is possible to identify areas of inter- 2008).The study also found that the attitudes section, such as how many young people of young people are not predetermined still live in fear of paramilitary punishment and static, but change. Additionally, they beatings, or are dealing with intergenera- are in£uenced not only by external factors, tional issues, such as their parents being vic- but also through their own development, timised in past political violence. However, re£ection and experiences (Leonard, 2008). arguably the peacebuilding discourse cur- The question remains, however, whether rently lacks the nuance and knowledge to attaining such personal transformation can fully articulate how the social context and happen in a vacuum, or whether it needs groups in crisis ¢t within the wider peace- to be supported by social processes that building ¢eld. Groups such as the young create a context conducive to individual con- men represented in this study, as well as tributions to social transformation and/or those dealing with the wider problems of social change. Furthermore, it also tends to living everyday within a peacebuilding con- place the onus of peacebuilding on the indi- text that does not ¢t into a ‘target group’ vidual, and implies a very resource intensive category (such as victims, vulnerable process of building peace, that is peace is women and children) and are not often built one person at a time. That said, such linked to wider peacebuilding discourse an approach was highly valued by partici- and programming. pants and was seen as e¡ective, certainly at the individual level. Recent policy developments The result of this in Northern Ireland has Increasing awareness of the past been that, at a policy level, the challenges and groups in crisis within of young people are acknowledged in var- peacebuilding ious policy documents, but is often reduced Interestingly, however, those interviewed for to a service delivery issue (such as drug this study, clearly saw the past con£ict as awareness or buddy schemes). This is linked to present challenges, and advocated somewhat disconnected from wider peace- for a greater awareness of the past. However, building processes in the society, or is it was di⁄cult to identify how exploring narrowed to debates about the needs of the past in individual or group settings built youth victims of the con£ict who have lost

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a parent, or are seen as directly traumatised. of the First and deputy First Minister, 2013) Alternatively, the debate is reduced to a aimed at improving community relations fairly linear economic model, that is, that in post agreement Northern Ireland, makes the emphasis needs to be on job creation. extensive mention of the value of youth This implies that if young people are services and employment. The strategy employed, then peace will follow and sectar- includes, for example, a focus on intercom- ianism will be reduced. Of course, greater munity youth programmes to tackle sectar- employment would be welcomed and cer- ianism, and summer camps where young tainly the young people interviewed would people can engage in sport and development agree with this, but whether it would trans- activities aimed at getting to know each form the challenges facing young people or other more. The strategy also makes direct prevent a reduction of con£ict in itself is an mention of the importance of employment untested assumption. Furthermore, the com- in tackling youth related problems, high- plex social, psychological and economic con- lighting speci¢cally the goals of the Pathways texts of the young men in this study suggest to Success, the local Assembly strategy to that capacity building extends well beyond reduce the number of young people not education access, training and obtaining in education, employment nor training quali¢cations. (referred to as NEETS in Northern Ireland). The evidence of the di¡erent approaches is This type of approach, in conjunction visible in a range of policy documents. For with various other economic development example, The Commission for Victims and policies and the work of wider youth Survivors proposes that funding should be work sector, suggest the Northern Ireland made available to meet the growing demand model for peacebuilding is predicated on for services addressing transgenerational rebuilding the economy and increasing issues, as well as the development of a employment as a task of politicians and poli- greater focus on the assessment of delivery cymakers on the one hand, and peace- of youth services in both the statutory and builders and psychosocial programming as non statutory sectors (Commission for Vic- undertaken by projects and NGOs, on the tims and Survivors, 2011). The perceived other. This is clear in the Together: Building a limitations in the provision of child and ado- United Community (O⁄ce of the First and lescent mental health services are noted, deputy First Minister, 2013) document, and the Commission advocates for funding which notes the economic strategy to to be prioritised in relation to continued improve youth employment is to run ‘along service development, and to address exist- with a dedicated programme designed to foster good ing de¢cits (Commission for Victims and relations and a shared future’ (O⁄ce of the First Survivors, 2011). Others have also argued and deputy First Minister, 2013). The docu- for an increase in youth services, particu- ment contains an additional commitment larly in deprived communities, where these to create 10,000 one year placements in are often considered the only services avail- a‘United Youth Programme’ to o¡er those in able (Youthnet, 2011). Serious questions have the so-called NEETS category (structured also been asked about the ‘levels of ¢nancial internships, placements, volunteering and support currently available to support work with training). Although the document acknow- young people in both formal and informal edu- ledges ‘the complex issues facing our young people,’ cational and developmental sectors, particularly it still largely presents job creation and focusing on the impact of inter-communal division’ improving life prospects as separate from (Kelly, 2012). the ‘good relations’ (peace orientated and psy- The most recent government strategy, chosocial) programmes. It is hoped the two Together: Building a United Community (O⁄ce will interact with one another and build

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peace, but how this will happen exactly is However, although these projects also never made completely clear. acknowledge the impact of the con£ict and recognise the collective impact of the past on individuals (with some seeing this more Conclusion: need for a more than others, such as victim groups), most holistic approach interventions do not move beyond the indi- Despite the value of the various strategies vidual transformation model. As noted, this discussed above, the research presented here has been found to be individually bene¢cial demands a more integrated and robust and desired by the young men interviewed approach. If one reads the various policy as part of this study, but the link to overall documents, of which only a small proportion peacebuilding impacts is not particularly are included above, it is clear that despite a strong. slow start, much is being done in Northern As noted previously, the Together: Building a Ireland and there are certainly aspirations United Community (O⁄ce of the First and to address issues facing young people. deputy First Minister, 2013) document However, at the same time, there is a gap clearly supports the Northern Ireland model between psychosocial practitioners of the for peacebuilding in terms of economic type reviewed in this study and wider peace- growth. Although this strategy makes sense building strategy steered by government. If on some levels because, of course, economic one reviews the various speeches and growth would be bene¢cial, it also points policies released by the O⁄ce of the First to the de¢ciencies within the di¡erent and deputy First Minister, it is clear that ¢elds. Although the peace orientated and they see building the economy as their psychosocial programming approaches can key peacebuilding priority. However, the generally identify complex social problems, economic strategy for Northern Ireland as they often struggle to address these in their a whole, and the various strategies aimed activities, consequently having more indi- at addressing so-called NEETS issues, vidual, rather than, social impact. The generally do not mention the con£ict in wider economic strategies that are cast Northern Ireland as contributing factor, or broadly as necessary to maintain and build even as a factor to consider in addressing peace, are often devoid of a rigorous under- youth unemployment. Nor, how such pro- standing of the interpersonal issues facing grammes would address employment train- those a¡ected by the con£ict, as well as ing needs at the same time as dealing with wider and persistent con£ict dynamics. the complex interplay between marginalisa- Speci¢cally, the latter fails to see or acknow- tion, poverty, con£ict legacy issues, self ledge how the transgenerational issues destructive behaviour, mental health pro- of the past, in relation to political and blems and low aspiration. interpersonal violence, continued para- At the same time, there is a plethora of youth military in£uence and intimidation, as well services and programmes, funded largely as social and economic deprivation and through the European Union special addiction problems facing young people peace programme, that has invested some (McAllister et al., 2009), truly interact and s1.5 billion in peace orientated pro- intersect. grammes (not just youth focused) over the The multifaceted problems highlighted by last ten years. Much of this work has used participants in this study demands such an creative peace orientated projects (e.g. dia- analytic underpinning and a more holistic logue, encounter, art), as well as o¡ered policy approach. Such an approach should skills development of di¡erent types remi- be based on an analysis and practice that niscent of the projects reviewed in our study. extends beyond the con¢nes of individual

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pathologies and problems, and uses a model Bennett, R. (2007). Young men face soaring of individual transformation to engage with suicide rates as Northern Ireland leaves the peacebuilding work on the one hand, and a Troubles behind, The SundayTimes, 20 June 2007. structural peacebuilding approach that is Available at: http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/ underpinned by an a contextual economic life_and_style/health/article1957742.ece (Accessed growth model, on the other. It is at this 25 January 2012). intersection where worlds of psychosocial programming and macro peacebuilding Binks, E. & Ferguson, N. (2007). Legacies of strategies need to be developed, and much Con£ict: Childrenin Northern Ireland. In: Hosin, work remains to be done. An analytical A. A.(Ed.). Responses toTraumatized Children (228 ^ de¢cit remains in the psychosocial program- 246). Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan. ming, as well as in wider peacebuilding Breakthrough Northern Ireland (2010). The and economic development ¢elds, in this Centre for Social Issues. September 2010. Avail- regard. able at: http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/issues/policy/docs/ csj_020910_ni.pdf (Accessed 4 July 2012)

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Tomlinson, M. (2012).War, Peace and Suicide:The Towards an Integrated Psychosocial Approach. case of Northern Ireland. International Sociology, The project sought to analyse how psychosocial 27(4),464-482. interventions can contribute to peacebuilding, development and other forms of social transform- Whyte, J. (1990). Interpreting Northern Ireland..New ation. The project focused on seven speci¢c case York: Oxford University Press. studies, i.e. Guatemala; Jerusalem/occupied World Bank (2011).Violence in the City Understanding Palestinian Territories; Kashmir; Mozambique; and Supporting Community Responsesto UrbanViolence. Northern Ireland and; Sri Lanka. All the case TheWorld Bank. Availableat: http://siteresources. studies, through a focus on speci¢c psychosocial worldbank.org/EXTSOCIALDEVELOPMENT/ interventions, set out to explore whether psycho- Resources/244362-1164107274725/Violence_in_the_ social projects that take the political context into City.pdf (Accessed 4 July 2012). account; map and shadow local understandings of su¡ering (idioms of distress) and help seeking Youthnet (2011). Youthnet Response to Draft behaviour; build resiliency; as well as howaddres- Executive Budget 2011^15 and Department sing needs at di¡erent levels (i.e. not only focus Spending Plans. Available at: http://www.drdni. on individualtrauma) can impact more positively gov.uk/youthnet_-_the_voluntary_youth_network_for_ on social change. ni.pdf (Accessed 4 July 2012).

Zolondek, K. (2010). Building Peace: Post-Con£ict Brandon Hamber, PhD (guest editor) is PeacebuildingThroughCommunityDevelopmentProjects. Professor of Peace and Con£ict & Director of Masters Thesis ^ Urban Studies: Community the International Con£ict Research Institute Development. Eastern University, Philadelphia, (INCORE) at the University of Ulster, Pennsylvania. Available at: https://www.acade Magee Campus, Derry/Londonderry, Northern mia.edu/317176/Building_Peace_Post-Con£ict_Peace Ireland. building_Through_Community_Development_ email: [email protected] Projects (Accessed16December 2013). www.ulster.ac.uk/incore Elizabeth Gallagher,PhD (guest editor) was a 1 INCORE (International Con£ict Research Research Associate at INCORE and is now Institute) with the support of IDRC (Inter- based at the Institute of Nursing & Health national Development Research Centre) under- Research, University of Ulster,Magee Campus, took a three year funded project that focused Derry/Londonderry, Northern Ireland on Trauma, Development and Peacebuilding:

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