Resistance to New Internment Grows
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Ireland and the Basque Country: Nationalisms in Contact, 1895-1939
Ireland and the Basque Country: Nationalisms in Contact, 1895-1939 Kyle McCreanor A Thesis in the Department of History Presented in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts (History) at Concordia University Montréal, Québec, Canada March 2019 © Kyle McCreanor, 2019 CONCORDIA UNIVERSITY School of Graduate Studies This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Kyle McCreanor Entitled: Ireland and the Basque Country: Nationalisms in Contact, 1895-1939 and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (History) complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality. Signed by the final Examining Committee: _________________________________ Chair Dr. Andrew Ivaska _________________________________ Examiner Dr. Ted McCormick _________________________________ Examiner Dr. Cameron Watson _________________________________ Supervisor Dr. Gavin Foster Approved by _________________________________________________________ Chair of Department or Graduate Program Director _______________ 2019 _________________________________________ Dean of Faculty iii Abstract Ireland and the Basque Country: Nationalisms in Contact, 1895-1939 Kyle McCreanor This thesis examines the relationships between Irish and Basque nationalists and nationalisms from 1895 to 1939—a period of rapid, drastic change in both contexts. In the Basque Country, 1895 marked the birth of the Partido Nacionalista Vasco (Basque Nationalist Party), concurrent with the development of the cultural nationalist movement known as the ‘Gaelic revival’ in pre-revolutionary Ireland. In 1939, the Spanish Civil War ended with the destruction of the Spanish Second Republic, plunging Basque nationalism into decades of intense persecution. Conversely, at this same time, Irish nationalist aspirations were realized to an unprecedented degree during the ‘republicanization’ of the Irish Free State under Irish leader Éamon de Valera. -
Irish Responses to Fascist Italy, 1919–1932 by Mark Phelan
Provided by the author(s) and NUI Galway in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite the published version when available. Title Irish responses to Fascist Italy, 1919-1932 Author(s) Phelan, Mark Publication Date 2013-01-07 Item record http://hdl.handle.net/10379/3401 Downloaded 2021-09-27T09:47:44Z Some rights reserved. For more information, please see the item record link above. Irish responses to Fascist Italy, 1919–1932 by Mark Phelan A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Supervisor: Prof. Gearóid Ó Tuathaigh Department of History School of Humanities National University of Ireland, Galway December 2012 ABSTRACT This project assesses the impact of the first fascist power, its ethos and propaganda, on key constituencies of opinion in the Irish Free State. Accordingly, it explores the attitudes, views and concerns expressed by members of religious organisations; prominent journalists and academics; government officials/supporters and other members of the political class in Ireland, including republican and labour activists. By contextualising the Irish response to Fascist Italy within the wider patterns of cultural, political and ecclesiastical life in the Free State, the project provides original insights into the configuration of ideology and social forces in post-independence Ireland. Structurally, the thesis begins with a two-chapter account of conflicting confessional responses to Italian Fascism, followed by an analysis of diplomatic intercourse between Ireland and Italy. Next, the thesis examines some controversial policies pursued by Cumann na nGaedheal, and assesses their links to similar Fascist initiatives. The penultimate chapter focuses upon the remarkably ambiguous attitude to Mussolini’s Italy demonstrated by early Fianna Fáil, whilst the final section recounts the intensely hostile response of the Irish labour movement, both to the Italian regime, and indeed to Mussolini’s Irish apologists. -
Landslide Win for Ff in Elections
Page 2 - BELFAST SEX SCANDAL Page 3 — POSTSCRIPT TO STRIKE Page 4 - POLLUTION MYSTERY Page 5 - LAGAN LIGHTS IMo 497 JULY 1985 Page 6 - IRISH SONGS Page 7 - BOOKS PUBLISHED LANDSLIDE WIN Page 8 - DONALL MacAMHLAIGH Anti-pollution conference FIFTY delegates from eighteen organizations attended a conference FOR FF IN ELECTIONS held in Liverpool on Saturday June 15th, which may well be the start of something. The subject was the "Pollution DUBLIN LABOUR DECACLE and militarisation of the Irish Sea," and sponsors included Liverpool Labour M.P.s, Dafydd WP AND SF BUOYANT Wigley of Plaid Cymru, Messrs Brian Stowell and Alec Doswell, THE great swing against the unprincipled Fine Gael/Labour coalition should be a warning and the Merseyside County Council. shot across the bows of Garrett (we almost wrote Dermot) Fitzgerald). Speakers included Mr Dermot Nolan, General Secretary of Irish Here are some of the opportunism which must make OMINOUS CND, Mr Paul McGhee of figures. their founder James Connolly An ominous sign was the low Greenpeace (Barrow-in-Furnace), turn in his grave. turn-out in Dublin where only In Cavan, Galway, Laois, Mr Bernard Moffat of the Celtic In Galway the Labour share of 43% of the electorate went to vote. Limerick, Mayo, Meath, North League (Peel, IOM), Mrs Susan the vote was 0.2%. Can you The same was true in Cork and Tipperary, Fianna Fail had an Schafer of Merseyside Action for imagine it! A national party, and South County Dublin where only overall majority over all other Peace, Mr Victor Marshall 0.2%! Only 124 people voted 47% turned out, and Dun Laoire parties combined. -
BMH.WS1751.Pdf
ROIILN COSANTA. HISTORY, 1913-21 BUREAU OF MILITARY STATMENT BY WITNESS. 1,751 DOCUMENT NO. W.S. Witness The Hon, Justice Cahir Davitt, Dungriffan, 2, Sidney Parade Ave., Dublin. Identity. Circuit Judge Republican Courts, Dáil Éireann 1920-1922; Judge Advocate General, Irish Free State Army, 1922-1926. Subject. First Judge Advocate General of the Defence Forces of the Provisional Government and afterwards of the Irish Free State. Conditions,if any, Stipulatedby Witness. To be placed under seal for a period of 25 years as from 9th January, 1959. FileNo 1,637 Form B.S.M.2 JUDGE ADVOCATE GENERAL. PREFACE. Some few years ago, at the request of Colonel John Joyce, I wrote a memorandum upon the Dá11 Court for the Bureau of Military History. I had kept no diaries for the years 1920 to 1922 and had very few records with which to refresh my memory of the events which I attempted to describe. The memorandum had therefore to take the form of reminiscences of my personal experiences as a Judge of the Dáil Courts. What follows is intended to be a kind of sequel to that memorandum and a similar record of my personal experiences as the first Judge-Advocate-General of the Defence Forces of the Provisional Government and afterwards of the Irish Free State. I kept no diaries f or the years 1922 to 1926; and will have again to depend upon my unaided memory with occasional resort, in all probability, to the contemporary press and books of reference for the purpose of checking or ascertaining names or dates or the sequence of events. -
Irish Political and Public Reactions to the Spanish Civil War
Neutral Ireland? Irish Political and Public Reactions to the Spanish Civil War Lili ZÁCH University of Szeged The Spanish Civil War is considered to be one of the most significant events in the in- ter-war period. Interestingly, the events between 1936 and 1939 reflect not only the for- mulation of power politics in Europe, but also the aims of the Irish1 government in diplo- matic terms. Irish participation in the Spanish Civil War attracted considerable attention recently. However, the Iberian events were not given primary importance in the history of Irish foreign policy. Anglo-Irish relations and the concept of Irish neutrality during and after the Second World War have been the key issues. Although it is a well-known fact in Irish historical circles that the overwhelming majority of the Irish population was support- ing Franco because of religious reasons, other aspects such as the Irish government's ad- herence to non-intervention and the motivations behind it are mostly ignored. So I am inclined to think that it is worth examining the Irish reaction to the Spanish Civil War in its entirety; that is, paying attention to the curiosity of non-intervention as well. This is more than interesting as the "Irishmen were not, as yet, intervening in Spain; but few were neutral."2 In order to provide an insight into Irish public opinion, I based my research partly on the reports of contemporary Dublin-centred Irish daily newspapers, namely the 'conserva- tive' Irish Independent, the 'republican' Irish Press and the 'liberal' Irish Times. All three took different stands on the Spanish Civil War. -
Read the Excellent Thesis Here
"You fight your own wars. Irish defence of the Spanish Republic at war. 1936-1939." Ms Aude Duche Univeriste de Haute Bretagne Rennes, France Masters thesis, 2004 Thanks to Aude for her permission to add this thesis to the site. http://www.geocities.com/irelandscw/pdf-FrenchThesis.pdf The conversation to a pdf format has altered the layout of her excellent piece of work. Ciaran Crossey, Belfast, Added online, 28th January 2007 INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................................................... 3 PART I – THE IRISH LEFT AND THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR.......................................................... 5 THE IRISH LEFT IN THE 1930S................................................................................................................ 5 . Origins............................................................................................................................................ 5 1926-1936: the revival of the left..................................................................................................... 8 … remaining marginal.................................................................................................................. 11 THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR.................................................................................................................... 13 The Spanish Republic .................................................................................................................... 13 Enemies of the Republic -
Parliamentary Debates (Hansard)
Tuesday Volume 492 12 May 2009 No. 74 HOUSE OF COMMONS OFFICIAL REPORT PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES (HANSARD) Tuesday 12 May 2009 £5·00 © Parliamentary Copyright House of Commons 2009 This publication may be reproduced under the terms of the Parliamentary Click-Use Licence, available online through the Office of Public Sector Information website at www.opsi.gov.uk/click-use/ Enquiries to the Office of Public Sector Information, Kew, Richmond, Surrey TW9 4DU; Tel: 0044 (0) 208876344; e-mail: [email protected] 663 12 MAY 2009 664 that the “making it better” reconfiguration of children House of Commons and maternity services across Greater Manchester will see four new state-of-the-art hospitals open this summer Tuesday 12 May 2009 in central Manchester, at a cost of £500 million. There will also be expanded facilities in north Manchester, Bolton, Oldham and south Manchester. Services will be The House met at half-past Two o’clock transferred in stages to ensure a smooth and efficient transition for patients and staff. PRAYERS Paul Rowen: I am sure that the Minister is aware that “making it better” is now over budget—the plan was for £60 million, but the figure is now £100 million—and [MR.SPEAKER in the Chair] over schedule. What assurance can he give us that it is still fit for the purpose? Oral Answers to Questions Phil Hope: The hon. Gentleman may not know, but over the next three years the NHS in Greater Manchester plans to invest more than £100 million in new buildings to improve facilities for women, children and babies, HEALTH including new maternity units at North Manchester Mental Health Services (Sutton) general, Royal Bolton, Royal Oldham, St. -
Members 1979-2010
Members 1979-2010 RESEARCH PAPER 10/33 28 April 2010 This Research Paper provides a complete list of all Members who have served in the House of Commons since the general election of 1979 to the dissolution of Parliament on 12 April 2010. The Paper also provides basic biographical and parliamentary data. The Library and House of Commons Information Office are frequently asked for such information and this Paper is based on the data we collate from published sources to assist us in responding. This Paper replaces an earlier version, Research Paper 09/31. Oonagh Gay Richard Cracknell Jeremy Hardacre Jean Fessey Recent Research Papers 10/22 Crime and Security Bill: Committee Stage Report 03.03.10 10/23 Third Parties (Rights Against Insurers) Bill [HL] [Bill 79 of 2009-10] 08.03.10 10/24 Local Authorities (Overview and Scrutiny) Bill: Committee Stage Report 08.03.10 10/25 Northern Ireland Assembly Members Bill [HL] [Bill 75 of 2009-10] 09.03.10 10/26 Debt Relief (Developing Countries) Bill: Committee Stage Report 11.03.10 10/27 Unemployment by Constituency, February 2010 17.03.10 10/28 Transport Policy in 2010: a rough guide 19.03.10 10/29 Direct taxes: rates and allowances 2010/11 26.03.10 10/30 Digital Economy Bill [HL] [Bill 89 of 2009-10] 29.03.10 10/31 Economic Indicators, April 2010 06.04.10 10/32 Claimant Count Unemployment in the new (2010) Parliamentary 12.04.10 Constituencies Research Paper 10/33 Contributing Authors: Oonagh Gay, Parliament and Constitution Centre Richard Cracknell, Social and General Statistics Section Jeremy Hardacre, Statistics Resources Unit Jean Fessey, House of Commons Information Office This information is provided to Members of Parliament in support of their parliamentary duties and is not intended to address the specific circumstances of any particular individual. -
Ucin1070571375.Pdf (2.43
UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI DATE: November 10, 2003 I, Craig T. Cobane II , hereby submit this as part of the requirements for the degree of: Doctorate of Philosophy in: Political Science It is entitled: Terrorism and Democracy The Balance Between Freedom and Order: The British Experience Approved by: Richard Harknett James Stever Thomas Moore Terrorism and Democracy The Balance Between Freedom and Order: The British Experience A dissertation submitted to the Division of Research and Advanced Studies of the University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTORATE OF PHILOSOPHY (Ph.D.) in the Department of Political Science of the College of Arts and Sciences 2003 by Craig T. Cobane II B.S., University of Wisconsin-Green Bay 1990 M.A., University of Cincinnati 1992 Committee Chair: Richard J. Harknett, Ph.D. Abstract The British Government has been engaged for more than thirty years in a struggle with terrorism related to Northern Ireland. During what is euphemistically called the Troubles, the British government has implemented a series of special emergency laws to address the violence. Drawing upon the political context and debate surrounding the implementation and development of the emergency legislation this research examines the overall effect of British anti-terrorism legislation on both respect for civil liberties and the government’s ability to fight campaigns of violence. Drawing heavily upon primary sources, high profile cases of miscarriages of justice and accusation of an official ‘shoot to kill’ policy this project explores three distinct areas related to a government’s balancing of the exigencies of individual liberty and societal order. -
U N I T E D I R I S H M
UNITED IRISHMAN AN tElREANNACH AONTA BEALTAINE (MAY) 1977 Vol. 35 No. 5. lOp (30c) Monthly Newspaper of Sinn Fein The Workers'Party Who wants a bloody civil war to follow a War of Paisley — We cannot trust English Mason — Who does he represent? Nerves politicians. Future historians may possibly declare the present United Unionist Action Council It would be irresponsible to deny that an opportunity for a testing of the political stoppage to have been won or lost under the title of "The Battle for Ballylumford". The there are serious dangers to the working climate in the North. The Republican fact that the power stations are still running as we go to press would seem to Indicate that class in the current situation. There are Clubs are contesting thirty-two seats. In Paisley has lost the battle to bring the British Government to its knees before the Loyalist too many who see the "final solution" in their Manifesto they state that they are population. terms of a sectarian civil war. The twin prepared to work towards the goal of a 32 slogans of "Out of the ashes of '69 rose County Democratic Socialist Republic the Provisionals" and "Not an Inch" within a Northern State where democratic What made the 1974 stoppage was The original cracks within the could become the banners of a right-wing rights have been guaranteed absolutely the ability of the Ulster Workers' Council monolithic structure of Unionism which collusion plunging the North into bloody and sectarianism outlawed. to shut down industrial production en• were papered over after the closing of slaughter. -
Mike Milotte Mike Milotte
COMMUNISTS AND PARTITION Mike Milotte COMMUNISTS AND PARTITION Mike Milotte COMMUNISTS AND PARTITION imperialism—and with it partition—was to overthrow the Free State. To the communists it seemed a swift victory was still possible, although with only thirty or so active members, the party was in no position to assume leadership of a renewed struggle. But if they could spur the IRA—with tens of thousands of predominantly working-class supporters—to restart Communists and Partition the fight, they believed they could then push the struggle in a socially radical direction, culminating in Mike Milotte a socialist Workers’ Republic.2 This was certainly an ambitious strategy for such a small and inexperienced party, but in pursuing it the CPI had the full support of the Communist International, the Comintern, with which it had The first Irish Communist Party was formed in affiliated at the outset. October 1921, midway between the truce that ended the War of Independence and the treaty that In fact, even before the CPI was formed, two of its precipitated civil war. Earlier attempts at getting a CP leaders-in-waiting, Roddy Connolly and Eamonn off the ground had been stymied by a combination MacAlpine, had attended the second Comintern of the reformist leaders of James Connolly’s old Congress in Moscow in 1920, coming away with Socialist Party, who refused to relinquish control, Lenin’s ‘Theses on the National and Colonial and the sheer magnitude of military repression that Question’ which obliged them, like all communists marked the Tan War. working in imperialist-dominated countries, to form temporary tactical alliances with revolutionary 3 The truce provided an opening, but October 1921 was nationalist movements. -
Mapping the Rollback?
Mapping the Rollback? Human Rights Provisions of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement 15 years on November 2013 Mapping the Rollback? A Conference Report Mapping the Rollback? Human Rights Provisions of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement 15 years on Report of a conference held in the Great Hall, Queens University Belfast, 26 April 2013 Organised by the Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) in collaboration with the Transitional Justice Institute of the University of Ulster and the Human Rights Centre at Queen’s University Belfast. Mapping the Rollback? A Conference Report © Committee on the Administration of Justice December 2013 The material may be reproduced, free of charge, in any format or medium without specific permission, provided the reproduction is not for financial or material gain. The material must be reproduced accurately and not used in a misleading context. If the material is to be republished or issued to others, acknowledgement must be given to its source, copyright status, and date of publication. This publication is available on our website. CAJ Ltd Committee on the Administration of Justice Ltd 2nd Floor, Sturgen Building 9-15 Queen Street Belfast BT1 6EA Tel: 028 9031 6000 Fax: 028 9031 4583 E-mail [email protected] Website: www.caj.org.uk ISBN 978 1 873285 80 0 The views expressed in this report are not necessarily those of CAJ. Mapping the Rollback? A Conference Report What is CAJ? The Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) was established in 1981 and is an independent non-governmental organization affiliated to the International Federation of Human Rights.