The Why and How of the Anbar Awakening: Its Rise and Fall
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Overall Security in Iraq
HOW DOES THIS END? Strategic Failures Overshadow Tactical Gains in Iraq Lawrence Korb, Brian Katulis, Sean Duggan, and Peter Juul Center for American Progress April 2008 “Strategy without tactics is the slowest route to victory. Tactics without strategy is the noise before defeat.” Sun Tzu, The Art of War “No one” in the U.S. and Iraqi governments “feels that there has been sufficient progress by any means in the area of national reconciliation.” General David Petraeus, March 13, 2008.1 www.americanprogress.org Center for American Progress Introduction and Summary .S. Army General David Petraeus understood the situation perfectly five years ago. As an indigenous insurgency began to form in the weeks following the U.S. Uinvasion of Iraq in 2003, then-Major Gen. Petraeus asked Washington Post report- er Rick Atkinson the fundamental question of the war: “Tell me, how does this end?” After spending nearly three-quarters of a trillion dollars, after more than 4,000 lost American lives alongside hundreds of thousands of Iraqis, this remains the central question of this war. Yet the answer to Gen. Petraeus’ question—a unified, independent, and stable Iraq that is an ally in the global war on terrorism—is more elusive today than it was when President Bush’s military escalation began in early 2007. Since the administration’s escalation began 15 months ago, the president and his con- servative allies in Congress have entangled the United States ever more deeply in Iraq’s multiple ethnic and sectarian conflicts. Some short-term security progress has been achieved in certain areas of Iraq. -
Mcallister Bradley J 201105 P
REVOLUTIONARY NETWORKS? AN ANALYSIS OF ORGANIZATIONAL DESIGN IN TERRORIST GROUPS by Bradley J. McAllister (Under the Direction of Sherry Lowrance) ABSTRACT This dissertation is simultaneously an exercise in theory testing and theory generation. Firstly, it is an empirical test of the means-oriented netwar theory, which asserts that distributed networks represent superior organizational designs for violent activists than do classic hierarchies. Secondly, this piece uses the ends-oriented theory of revolutionary terror to generate an alternative means-oriented theory of terrorist organization, which emphasizes the need of terrorist groups to centralize their operations. By focusing on the ends of terrorism, this study is able to generate a series of metrics of organizational performance against which the competing theories of organizational design can be measured. The findings show that terrorist groups that decentralize their operations continually lose ground, not only to government counter-terror and counter-insurgent campaigns, but also to rival organizations that are better able to take advantage of their respective operational environments. However, evidence also suggests that groups facing decline due to decentralization can offset their inability to perform complex tasks by emphasizing the material benefits of radical activism. INDEX WORDS: Terrorism, Organized Crime, Counter-Terrorism, Counter-Insurgency, Networks, Netwar, Revolution, al-Qaeda in Iraq, Mahdi Army, Abu Sayyaf, Iraq, Philippines REVOLUTIONARY NETWORK0S? AN ANALYSIS OF ORGANIZATIONAL DESIGN IN TERRORIST GROUPS by BRADLEY J MCALLISTER B.A., Southwestern University, 1999 M.A., The University of Leeds, United Kingdom, 2003 A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Georgia in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSPHY ATHENS, GA 2011 2011 Bradley J. -
The Real Outcome of the Iraq War: US and Iranian Strategic Competition in Iraq
The Real Outcome of the Iraq War: US and Iranian Strategic Competition in Iraq By Anthony H. Cordesman, Peter Alsis, Adam Mausner, and Charles Loi Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy Revised: December 20, 2011 Note: This draft is being circulated for comments and suggestions. Please provide them to [email protected] Chapter 6: US Strategic Competition with Iran: Competition in Iraq 2 Executive Summary "Americans planted a tree in Iraq. They watered that tree, pruned it, and cared for it. Ask your American friends why they're leaving now before the tree bears fruit." --Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.1 Iraq has become a key focus of the strategic competition between the United States and Iran. The history of this competition has been shaped by the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988), the 1991 Gulf War, and the US invasion of Iraq in 2003. Since the 2003 war, both the US and Iran have competed to shape the structure of Post-Saddam Iraq’s politics, governance, economics, and security. The US has gone to great lengths to counter Iranian influence in Iraq, including using its status as an occupying power and Iraq’s main source of aid, as well as through information operations and more traditional press statements highlighting Iranian meddling. However, containing Iranian influence, while important, is not America’s main goal in Iraq. It is rather to create a stable democratic Iraq that can defeat the remaining extremist and insurgent elements, defend against foreign threats, sustain an able civil society, and emerge as a stable power friendly to the US and its Gulf allies. -
1) Information on the Activities of the Iraqi Awakening Councils Between 2007 and 2009
Query response a-7368 of 6 September 2010 Iraq: 1) Information on the activities of the Iraqi Awakening Councils between 2007 and 2009; 2) Information on crimes committed by members of the Awakening Councils in the same period This response was commissioned by the UNHCR Protection Information Unit, Division of International Protection. Views expressed in the response are not necessarily those of UNHCR. This response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to ACCORD within time constraints and in accordance with ACCORD’s methodological standards and the Common EU Guidelines for processing Country of Origin Information (COI). This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status, asylum or other form of international protection. Please read in full all documents referred to. Non-English language information is comprehensively summarised in English. Original language quotations are provided for reference. 1) Information on the activities of the Iraqi Awakening Councils between 2007 and 2009 In an elaborate paper on the Awakening forces published by the Institute for the Study of War in 2008 it is stated that the movement has been known under different names, such as “Concerned Local Citizens” (CLC) and later under “Sons of Iraq” (SoI). The movement has consisted of various different groups with regard to composition and size and has acted as neighbourhood watch, has established checkpoints and provided tips on suspected insurgents and locations of interest. Their operational area has mainly comprised Baghdad and northern Iraq: “Broadly, the leaders of these groups are considered members of the Iraqi Awakening (‘Sahwa’) political movement, which began in the previously-restive al-Anbar province in western Iraq. -
Militias in Iraq's Security Forces: Historical Context and U.S
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 2935 Militias in Iraq's Security Forces: Historical Context and U.S. Options by Omar Al-Nidawi, Michael Knights Feb 22, 2018 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Omar Al-Nidawi Omar Al-Nidawi is an Iraq analyst based in Washington DC. He is a guest lecturer of Iraq history at the Foreign Service Institute. Michael Knights Michael Knights is the Boston-based Jill and Jay Bernstein Fellow of The Washington Institute, specializing in the military and security affairs of Iraq, Iran, and the Persian Gulf states. Brief Analysis Washington should adopt a quiet but well-planned approach to Baghdad's demobilization, disarmament, and reintegration of militias, learning when to be flexible and when to stand firm. espite facing continued Islamic State attacks in seven of eighteen provinces, the Iraqi government has begun D to allocate precious state security forces to the task of reining in rogue militias. In recent weeks, special operations forces have been diverted to disarm militias operating in unstable towns such as Tuz Khormatu and Basra—the latest iteration of a cycle in which successive governments have relied on militias at times of weakness, then tried to suppress them after becoming stronger. The question is whether the current period of empowered militias is uniquely dangerous in historical context, and whether the United States can help Baghdad break the cycle for good. IRAQ'S PAST MILITIA CYCLES T he problem of arms outside state control is as old as Iraq itself. In 1933, King Faisal I complained that the country's tribes had around 100,000 rifles while the government had only 15,000. -
Iraq: Politics and Governance
Iraq: Politics and Governance Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Carla E. Humud Analyst in Middle Eastern and African Affairs March 9, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21968 Iraq: Politics and Governance Summary Iraq’s sectarian and ethnic divisions—muted toward the end of the 2003-2011 U.S. military intervention in Iraq—are fueling a major challenge to Iraq’s stability and to U.S. policy in Iraq and the broader Middle East region. The resentment of Iraq’s Sunni Arabs toward the Shiite- dominated central government facilitated the capture in 2014 of nearly one-third of Iraqi territory by the Sunni Islamist extremist group called the Islamic State (IS, also known as ISIL, ISIS, or the Arabic acronym Da'esh). Iraq’s Kurds are separately embroiled in political, territorial, and economic disputes with Baghdad, but those differences have been at least temporarily subordinated to the common struggle against the Islamic State. U.S. officials assert that the Iraqi government must work to gain the loyalty of more of Iraq’s Sunnis—and to resolve differences with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG)—if an eventual defeat of the Islamic State is to result in long-term stability. Prospects for greater inter- communal unity appeared to increase in 2014 with the replacement of former Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki with the current Prime Minister, Haydar al-Abbadi. Although both men are from the Shiite Islamist Da’wa Party, Abbadi has taken some steps to try to compromise with Sunnis and with the KRG. However, a significant point of contention with the KRG remains the KRG’s marketing of crude oil exports separately from Baghdad. -
ISIS Success in Iraq: a Movement 40 Years in the Making Lindsay Church a Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirem
ISIS Success in Iraq: A Movement 40 Years in the Making Lindsay Church A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS IN INTERNATIONAL STUDIES: MIDDLE EAST University of Washington 2016 Committee: Terri DeYoung Arbella Bet-Shlimon Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Jackson School of International Studies !1 ©Copyright 2016 Lindsay Church !2 University of Washington Abstract ISIS Success in Iraq: A Movement 40 Years in the Making Lindsay Church Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Terri DeYoung, Near Eastern Language and Civilization In June 2014, the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS)1 took the world by surprise when they began forcibly taking control of large swaths of territory in Iraq and Syria. Since then, policy makers, intelligence agencies, media, and academics have been scrambling to find ways to combat the momentum that ISIS has gained in their quest to establish an Islamic State in the Middle East. This paper will examine ISIS and its ability to build an army and enlist the support of native Iraqis who have joined their fight, or at the very least, refrained from resisting their occupation in many Iraqi cities and provinces. In order to understand ISIS, it is imperative that the history of Iraq be examined to show that the rise of the militant group is not solely a result of contemporary problems; rather, it is a movement that is nearly 40 years in the making. This thesis examines Iraqi history from 1968 to present to find the historical cleavages that ISIS exploited to succeed in taking and maintaining control of territory in Iraq. -
Introduction
Introduction The tribal structure is one of the oldest establishments of Iraqi civilization. The tribe dates from the time of Mesopotamia and has endured centuries of subjugation to empires, monarchies, foreign occupations, and governments. Throughout the turmoil, the tribe has remained the most important entity in Iraqi society. Such longevity is attributable to fluctuation in governing powers throughout time, which have required tribes to concentrate their allegiance and political force to maintaining long-term networks rather than to support changing regimes to sustain their tribes.i In the absence of strong central authority, tribes functioned as miniature quasi-polities where tribal leaders would administer resource and conflict management and law enforcement.ii The tribal leader is called the Sheikh. While tribes have endured as the primary mechanism of societal organization, the tribal system as the overarching political order has experienced periods of relative strength and weakness. The traditional tribal system was weakened beginning from the mid-1800’s under the direct rule of colonial powers, and later again in the early 1970’s under Saddam Hussein’s Baathist party. The Ottoman Empire’s settlement and land reform policies undermined the tribe’s customary source of authority by shifting their dependence on subsistence farming, which determined status in the hierarchy of tribes, to the agricultural market economy.iii The tribal system was strengthened again under the British Empire’s use of indirect rule after World War I, which delegated municipal tasks of water distribution, control of land, and law enforcement to tribal Sheikhs.iv However, such functions were only permitted prior to the establishment of Iraq’s first monarchy by the British. -
Iranian Strategy in Iraq: Politics and 'Other Means,'
Combating Terrorism Center at West Point Occasional Paper Series Iranian Strategy in Iraq Politics and “Other Means” Joseph Felter Brian Fishman October 13, 2008 1 Contents Preface…………………………………………………………………..... 3 Author’s Note…………………………………………………………… 4 Introduction……………………………………………………………... 6 Chapter 1: Iranian Intervention in Iraq before 2003……………….. 14 Chapter 2: Iran’s Political Strategy in Iraq………………………….. 26 Chapter 3: Iranian Training for Iraqi Militias……………………… 55 Chapter 4: Iranian Lethal Aid in Iraq………………………………... 71 Chapter 5: Findings and Recommendations………………………... 83 Acronym List……………………………………………………………. 90 2 Preface Iranian strategy in Iraq is a subject of great importance and intense study. Many discussions of Iran concentrate on reports of lethal aid, pronouncements of Iranian leaders, or Iranian nuclear ambitions. While these data points provide part of the picture, it is vital to put each of the Iranian actions into their broader, historical context. In this light, Iran’s actions are part of a deliberate, strategic policy to increase its power and influence in Iraq and throughout the region. In this report, Colonel Joe Felter and Brian Fishman of the Combating Terrorism Center (CTC) at West Point have detailed the objectives, methods, and expansiveness of the Iranian attempts to affect policy and politics in Iraq. Having spent much of the summer 2008 in Iraq, they have identified many of the documents, reports, and interviews that explain the Iranian strategy and provide both the historical context and the strategic motivation for Iranian actions. By using first hand reports from detainee interviews, Iraqi intelligence services, and coalition forces, they have a unique, empirically‐based study that provides rich detail about Iranian action. -
CFR Backgrounders the Islamic State
Islamic State (ISIS) - Council on Foreign Relations http://www.cfr.org/iraq/islamic-state/p14811 CFR Backgrounders The Islamic State Authors: Zachary Laub, Online Writer/Editor, and Jonathan Masters, Deputy Editor Updated: March 22, 2016 Introduction The self-proclaimed Islamic State is a militant movement that has conquered territory in western Iraq and eastern Syria, where it has made a bid to establish a state in territories that encompass some six and a half million residents. Though spawned by al-Qaeda’s Iraq franchise, it split with Osama bin Laden’s organization and evolved to not just employ terrorist and insurgent tactics, but the more conventional ones of an organized militia. In June 2014, after seizing territories in Iraq’s Sunni heartland, including the cities of Mosul and Tikrit, the Islamic State proclaimed itself a caliphate, claiming exclusive political and theological authority over the world’s Muslims. Its state-building project, however, has been characterized more by extreme violence, justified by references to the Prophet Mohammed’s early followers, than institution building. Widely publicized battlefield successes have attracted thousands of foreign recruits, a particular concern of Western intelligence. The United States has led an air campaign to try to roll back the Islamic State’s advances, and a series of terrorist attacks outside of Iraq and Syria in late 2015 attributed to the group spurred an escalation in international intervention. The U.S.-led coalition has worked with Iraqi armed forces and irregulars and the Kurdish armed forces, or peshmerga, in Iraq. In Syria, a small number of U.S. -
Survival the Anbar Awakening
This article was downloaded by: [JHU John Hopkins University] On: 22 February 2010 Access details: Access Details: [subscription number 789043305] Publisher Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37- 41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Survival Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t713659919 The Anbar Awakening Austin Long To cite this Article Long, Austin(2008) 'The Anbar Awakening', Survival, 50: 2, 67 — 94 To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/00396330802034283 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396330802034283 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. The Anbar Awakening Austin Long In late 2006, after several failed attempts and false starts, a tribal group- ing in Iraq’s restive province of Anbar allied with the United States and the central government of Iraq to fight ‘al-Qaeda in Mesopotamia’. -
Ncc I W Eek Ly H Ig H Light
EDITORIAL Issue 129 – September 25, 2008 Seventeen countries agree recommendations to control private military and security companies 17-09-2008 Geneva (ICRC) – State experts representing 17 countries have agreed on a new set of recommendations to enhance State GHT control over private military and security companies. I L They have also reaffirmed the obligations of States to ensure that these private contractors abide by international humanitarian H law. G I The document was finalized today by governmental and other experts who had been meeting since 15 September in Montreux, Switzerland, at the invitation of the Swiss government. This was H the fourth intergovernmental meeting under the initiative on Y private military and security companies launched by the Swiss L foreign ministry in early 2006. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has been associated with the initiative since K the beginning. E E “The Montreux document will enhance the protection of people affected by armed conflict,” said Philip Spoerri, the ICRC’s director for international law. “The document clearly reaffirms the W fact that military and security contractors dispatched to war I zones must comply with international law, and that States have a particular responsibility for ensuring compliance,” Mr Spoerri added. “It is now very important that States take concrete measures to prevent violations from occurring and to hold contractors to account for unlawful behaviour”. NCC The Montreux document, which is not legally binding, outlines for the first time ever detailed and practical measures to help States enhance compliance with international humanitarian law and ensure respect for human rights.