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CHAPTER 4 – Roads and Highways

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CHAPTER 4 – Roads and Highways CHAPTER 4 – Roads and Highways DURING THE POST First World War boom, few working people could afford to own a car and for those who could, there were few places to drive them. Such roads as governments did build were primarily to assist business, short trunk roads to open up areas for agriculture and logging, not for a travelling public. It was impossible to cross the province by road and there was only one road to the Central and Northern Interior, the Cariboo Trail, which was little better than a wagon road winding through the Fraser Canyon. Hard surface paving may have been common in town and city cores, but even the major provincial interurban roads had long stretches of gravel surface. In 1930, there were fewer than one hundred thousand vehicles in the province and once the Depression struck, this figure didn’t start to grow again until the Second World War broke out. Working people took street cars, trains, ferries and freighters; where those were lacking, they walked or bicycled when they had to travel to work, go shopping, or wanted to see the sights. The Second World War changed all this. For a few years, coastal defence replaced commerce as the driving force behind roadbuilding. Places like Prince Rupert, Port Hardy, and Vancouver Island’s West Coast were among those which benefited from a surge of new roads and airports. These were large contracts and there was only a small pool of companies able to handle them, all of which were solidly anti-union. Despite the government’s 1940 Order-in-Council recognizing the right of workers to form unions and bargain with employers, the major roadbuilding companies refused either to deal with unions or to pay union scale wages, even though they themselves were often being paid by the government on a cost-plus basis. Operating Engineer Al Fowler (in Firing Iron by Mike Youds, IUOE Local 115, 1982) described one example of how road construction workers dealt with this, winning in the process the province’s first road construction time-and-a-half for overtime agreement: “We were working on an airfield [in Port Hardy] in 1942. Of course, the conditions were really bad because the rain never stopped in winter. The labourers had a hard, tough life, working with a pick and shovel for ten hours a day … So I got the boys together and I said, ‘Goddamnit, they get time and a half working downtown [in the shipyards] and we’re working ten hours a day under worse conditions.’ “So I said, ‘All right. Tomorrow I’ll give the call. I’ll jump off my CAT as soon as I’ve put the eight hours in.’ “So we did. And the boss let them know in Vancouver. The next day we did the same thing. Jack Boyd from General Construction came up. The police came up. And everybody was all upset. But Jack Boyd was making money on it. He was working on a cost-plus basis. He made three-quarters of a million dollars on that job.” CHAPTER 4 – Roads and Highways Page 37 POST-WAR UNION GROWTH In 1952 the BC Roadbuilders & Heavy Construction Association signed a closed shop agreement, that is an agreement requiring all employees covered by the agreement to be union members. It was a sign of the times. In addition to Alcan’s Kitimat project, Cominco was undertaking a major expansion of its smelter in Trail, and the BC Electric Company, which had a virtual monopoly in the province’s electrical market, was expanding its system as well. Not only was there a shortage of skilled labour, many of the available workers were veterans. As Gordon Davidson, Business Manager of Vancouver Island Local 1093 in the early 1990s, pointed out in an interview, the attitude of veterans towards unions—and towards anti-union employers—affected the whole climate of labour relations after the war. Having grown up in the Depression and then survived six years of war, many veterans returned with an instinctive understanding of the meaning of solidarity and, as Bro. Davidson put it, an attitude of “I’ve been fighting your battles for six years. Don’t try pushing me around now.” While there had been a similar surge of pro-union sentiment after the First World War, employers in Western Canada had met it head on with gangs of club-wielding “veterans” led by ex-officers and sponsored by businessmen’s groups. These thugs were used to intimidate workers, for example attacking and looting the Vancouver Labour Temple in August 1918 or acting as “special constables” to replace Winnipeg’s striking police force during its 1919 General Strike. The First World War was also followed by high unemployment and, with no legal framework in existence to compel them to bargain if their employees chose to join a union, the employers’ anti-union tactics proved effective. For the labour movement, the main difference between the two post-war periods was firstly, that after the Second World War a legal framework legitimizing unions had come into existence and secondly, that there was no post-war depression. The legal recognition of the right to organize and to bargain collectively did not remove all obstacles to the actual business of organizing an employer’s workforce. Many employers remained hostile to unions and tried their best, using both legal and illegal tactics, to prevent their workforces from being unionized. But such employers were, for the moment, fighting a rearguard action. Thanks to the new legal situation, many major employers had learned to live with unions during the war and more were prepared to try doing so after it. Meanwhile, the labour movement also had a favourable economic climate in which to operate. In large part thanks to continued government spending, there was no post- war depression. During the 1930s there had been a large supply of workers who, driven by unemployment, were prepared to work behind a picket line. After the Second World War, unemployment was low and employers could no longer expect to remain union-free by provoking a strike and then using scabs to starve the strikers out. Strictly from an employer’s perspective, major changes favourable to the labour movement also took place in the province’s overall business climate after the war. Governments may no longer have been letting cost-plus highway contracts but they were still spending High scaling at the Kemano Cat II Scaling Project. money in ways designed to stimulate Photo credit Peter Palm, Norland Limited Page 38 CHAPTER 4 – Roads and Highways economic growth. Major international corporations were also investing large sums of money in BC’s natural resources. The fact that a private company, Alcan, hired Morrison Knudsen on a cost-plus basis for its Kemano Dam is indicative of the post-war business climate. While not all owners were prepared to spend quite as lavishly as Alcan, the post-war period was an era of optimism. Despite some minor hiccups, from the end of the war until the early 1970s there was a rapid and steady growth in natural resource development and the demand for goods and services. This encouraged even anti-union employers to accept unions as a cost of doing business, however unwelcome, because there was competition for the money being made in British Columbia and fighting a union might end up costing more than negotiating with it. The combination of these trends, a more militant workforce, legislation providing some protection for organizing and collective bargaining, and a favourable business climate helped promote a rapid growth in unionization. This growth peaked in the province’s construction industry in 1958, when what is known as the union density rate reached 80 per cent, i.e. 80 per cent of all construction workers were union members. This meant that by the 1960s, most road construction in the province was built by Labourers and the other two Building Trade unions with roadwork jurisdiction, the Teamsters on trucks and the Operating Engineers on the heavy equipment. The Labour Relations Board keeps a record of when unions become officially certified for a contractor, but especially during this early period, many contractors may already have been operating under a union agreement and certifying them at the LRB a mere legal formality. Nonetheless, several of LiUNA Local 1611’s major road contractors’ certifications do date to this period, for example Emil Anderson Construction in 1954, BA Blacktop in 1956, Another sector of the Union is the rail division. and Dawson Construction in 1957. We maintain lines all over the province. Over time, many of these companies came to realize the benefits of a union workforce, as described below by Scotty McNicol talking about his last years working for Dawson: “Some of the old time bosses and companies weren’t too happy. But most of the more enlightened ones would sooner go along with the union, because they get experienced help and a stable workforce and they had no problem recruiting people. Some of the older ones thought it was terrible that they had to hire union and couldn’t hire who they wanted. One of their problems was that somebody always has a son or a son-in-law or somebody and he wants to get him a job. They would try to start the job non-union and get their few guys in there and when the union organized them it would have to take these guys in as members. “So they pulled a fast one there the odd time, but generally the proper companies, the ones that were in for the long haul, would sooner have union people.
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