FORWARD Towards ASEAN Community - Centrality - Connectivity
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Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012
Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 1 Module 4: Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012 Country: Thailand Date of Election: July 3, 2011 Prepared by: King Prajadhipok’s Institute Date of Preparation: June 2011 NOTES TO COLLABORATORS: . The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project. The information may be filled out by yourself, or by an expert or experts of your choice. Your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (e.g., electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and may be made available on the CSES website. Answers should be as of the date of the election being studied. Where brackets [ ] appear, collaborators should answer by placing an “X” within the appropriate bracket or brackets. For example: [X] . If more space is needed to answer any question, please lengthen the document as necessary. Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1a. Type of Election [x] Parliamentary/Legislative [ ] Parliamentary/Legislative and Presidential [ ] Presidential [ ] Other; please specify: __________ 1b. If the type of election in Question 1a included Parliamentary/Legislative, was the election for the Upper House, Lower House, or both? [ ] Upper House [x] Lower House [ ] Both [ ] Other; please specify: __________ Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 2 Module 4: Macro Report 2a. What was the party of the president prior to the most recent election, regardless of whether the election was presidential? - 2b. What was the party of the Prime Minister prior to the most recent election, regardless of whether the election was parliamentary? Democrat Party 2c. -
Thai Freedom and Internet Culture 2011
Thai Netizen Network Annual Report: Thai Freedom and Internet Culture 2011 An annual report of Thai Netizen Network includes information, analysis, and statement of Thai Netizen Network on rights, freedom, participation in policy, and Thai internet culture in 2011. Researcher : Thaweeporn Kummetha Assistant researcher : Tewarit Maneechai and Nopphawhan Techasanee Consultant : Arthit Suriyawongkul Proofreader : Jiranan Hanthamrongwit Accounting : Pichate Yingkiattikun, Suppanat Toongkaburana Original Thai book : February 2012 first published English translation : August 2013 first published Publisher : Thai Netizen Network 672/50-52 Charoen Krung 28, Bangrak, Bangkok 10500 Thailand Thainetizen.org Sponsor : Heinrich Böll Foundation 75 Soi Sukhumvit 53 (Paidee-Madee) North Klongton, Wattana, Bangkok 10110, Thailand The editor would like to thank you the following individuals for information, advice, and help throughout the process: Wason Liwlompaisan, Arthit Suriyawongkul, Jiranan Hanthamrongwit, Yingcheep Atchanont, Pichate Yingkiattikun, Mutita Chuachang, Pravit Rojanaphruk, Isriya Paireepairit, and Jon Russell Comments and analysis in this report are those of the authors and may not reflect opinion of the Thai Netizen Network which will be stated clearly Table of Contents Glossary and Abbreviations 4 1. Freedom of Expression on the Internet 7 1.1 Cases involving the Computer Crime Act 7 1.2 Internet Censorship in Thailand 46 2. Internet Culture 59 2.1 People’s Use of Social Networks 59 in Political Movements 2.2 Politicians’ Use of Social -
A Coup Ordained? Thailand's Prospects for Stability
A Coup Ordained? Thailand’s Prospects for Stability Asia Report N°263 | 3 December 2014 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Thailand in Turmoil ......................................................................................................... 2 A. Power and Legitimacy ................................................................................................ 2 B. Contours of Conflict ................................................................................................... 4 C. Troubled State ............................................................................................................ 6 III. Path to the Coup ............................................................................................................... 9 A. Revival of Anti-Thaksin Coalition ............................................................................. 9 B. Engineering a Political Vacuum ................................................................................ 12 IV. Military in Control ............................................................................................................ 16 A. Seizing Power -
Protest Law & Public Order Policing in Hybrid Regimes
Protest Law & Public Order Policing in Hybrid Regimes Pat Niyomsilp Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Law University of East Anglia September 2019 This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution. i Abstract Hybrid regimes are those in which only the formalities of representative electoral politics are observed. Consequently, political legitimacy is determined on the basis of whether the incumbent political leaders have the backing of non-representative political ‘guardians’ (such as the monarchy and the military) rather than through the popular vote exclusively. The incumbents need to win elections. They stay in power by manipulating the political sphere to gain unfair advantages over their political competitors. Individuals in hybrid regimes do not enjoy freedom of assembly in the same way as individuals in consolidated democracies. This thesis highlights how hybrid regimes in Southeast Asia (Cambodia, Malaysia, and Thailand) use legal mechanisms governing public assemblies to thwart the effective realisation of the freedom of assembly stipulated by international human rights law. Such legal factors are often overlooked by scholars in political science and social movement studies in seeking to explain both regime resilience and the repression of opposition protest movements. While hybrid regimes may appear to adopt international human rights standards on public assemblies, these are inconsistently implemented in practice. -
GLOBAL REPORT 2021 • 3 Table of Contents
GLOBAL REPORT ON MISSING PERSONS 2021 GLOBAL REPORT ON MISSING PERSONS 2021 Authors Noor Hamadeh Alicia Decker Charlotte McDonald-Gibson Arely Cruz Santiago Baik Tae-Ung Melanie Klinkner Publisher International Commission on Missing Persons For the Publisher Kathryne Bomberger Reviewers Eric Stover Nadim Houry (Middle East and North Africa) Melanie Klinkner (Middle East and North Africa, Americas) Sharon Nakandha (Africa) Paula Gaviria (Americas) LeAndra Nephin (Americas) Alessandra La Vaccara (Indicators) Sanji Monageng (Africa) Editor Andreas Kleiser Associate Editor Kevin Sullivan Citation Editor Kerri Lee Coleman Graphic Design and layout Maricarmen Rubí Baeza ISBN 9789083152417 This publication reflects the views of the author alone and not necessarily those of ICMP and the Global Report. Only contents not signed by authors may be attributed to the organization. Cover image by Jana Romanova, Building a Monument, Creative Court, The Hague 2020 – from the collective project Parts Unknown https://parts-unknown.co/ This publication has been made possible through the generous support of the United Kingdom. Foreword This year we are marking the 25th anniversary of the of the circumstances of the disappearance of the missing International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP). person is an indispensable investment in peace, and in The organization was established at the initiative of US human development and societal well-being. President Bill Clinton during the 1996 G-7 Summit in Lyon, France, with a mandate to secure the cooperation of I am honored to introduce this first edition of the Global governments and assist them in locating missing persons, Report, which will now be published annually. It will enable originally following the wars in the former Yugoslavia. -
Thailand: End Harassment and Prosecutions of Opposition Members
www.amnesty.org AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL PUBLIC STATEMENT 20 January 2020 ASA 39/1684/2020 THAILAND: END HARASSMENT AND PROSECUTIONS OF OPPOSITION MEMBERS Amnesty International calls on the Thai authorities to stop instrumentalizing the legal process to intimidate and harass the leaders and members of the Future Forward party, as the country’s Constitutional Court prepares to deliver a judgment on 21 January 2020 on a judicial case that could see the party banned and its leaders prosecuted. The spate of prosecutions targeting the party appear to be in clear retaliation for activities of the party that fall within the exercise of the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and association. The Future Forward Party faces disbandment on 21 January. The case was initiated on 18 June 2019 by a petition filed with the Constitutional Court by Natthaporn Toprayoon, former advisor to the Chief Ombudsman. The party’s leader, Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, its secretary-general, Piyabutr Saengkanokkul, and several party executives are alleged to have violated Section 49 of the 2017 Constitution through acts deemed to have the intention of overthrowing the constitutional monarchy. Natthaphon further accused the party of having links to the Illuminati, a name given to both real and fictitious groups, citing a vague resemblance between the logos. Despite the party’s request for a full inquiry, the Court concluded that there was sufficient evidence to issue a ruling in the case, and refused to summon witnesses or examine evidence. The party could face disbandment if the court upholds the complaint, which would violate Thailand’s human rights obligations, including the rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association of the party’s members. -
General Prayut Chan-O-Cha Voted in As the New Prime Minister (6/6/2019)
General Prayut Chan-o-cha Voted in as the New Prime Minister (6/6/2019) Prime Minister General Prayut Chan-o-cha will continue to serve as Prime Minister of Thailand for a second term, as he was elected the new prime minister in Parliament late at night on 5 June 2019. The voting was conducted at the joint sitting of senators and members of the House of Representatives. The parliamentary session began at 11.00 hr at the TOT Public Company Headquarters on Chaeng Watthana Road. Two persons were proposed for the election of the prime minister. The Palang Pracharath Party proposed General Prayut Chan-o-cha, while the Future Forward Party proposed Mr. Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, leader of the party. General Prayut, Thailand 29th Prime Minister, received 500 votes, while Mr. Thanathorn got 244 votes, with three abstentions. After a long debate of 13 hours, the parliamentary session was closed at 23.55 hr. According to the Constitution, the person to be voted as the prime minister must win at least 376 votes, a majority of the combined membership of the 500-member House of Representatives and the 250-member Senate. The next step is that the new government, led by the Palang Pracharath Party, will be formed. It will be a coalition, comprising many parties. On the same day, before the parliamentary session began to vote for the prime minister, former leader of the Democrat Party and former Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva announced his resignation as a member of parliament. The announcement came after the Democrat Party, during its meeting on 4 June 2019, decided to join the coalition, with General Prayut as the Prime Minister. -
Lèse-Majesté Charges
Breaking the Silence Thailand’s renewed use of lèse-majesté charges March 2021 ARTICLE 19 Free Word Centre 60 Farringdon Road London EC1R 3GA United Kingdom T: +44 20 7324 2500 F: +44 20 7490 0566 E: [email protected] W: www.article19.org Tw: @article19org Fb: facebook.com/article19org 2 © ARTICLE 19 2021 This work is provided under the Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-ShareAlike 2.5 licence. You are free to copy, distribute and display this work and to make derivative works, provided you: 1) give credit to ARTICLE 19; 2) do not use this work for commercial purposes; 3) distribute any works derived from this publication under a licence identical to this one. To access the full legal text of this licence, please visit: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/2.5/legalcode. ARTICLE 19 would appreciate receiving a copy of any materials in which information from this report is used. 3 CONTENTS Preface 5 Introduction 6 International standards on freedom of expression 7 Section 112 – A history of silence 9 A new wave of lèse-majesté cases 11 Recommendations 14 4 PREFACE This ARTICLE 19 report about the renewed use of Thailand’s draconian lesè-majesté provision is exceptionally timely. Now, as before, Thai authorities are using lesè-majesté charges to stifle political speech and punish those calling for democratic reforms. ARTICLE 19’s analysis of the lesè-majesté law is essential, and this report makes clear that the law is fundamentally incompatible with the right to freedom of expression. In 2017, when I was the UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the rights to freedom of opinion and expression, I issued a statement expressing my concern after the Thai authorities charged student activist Jatupat Boonpatararaksa with violating Section 112 of the Criminal Code — Thailand’s lesè-majesté provision. -
Thailand's Inequality: Myths & Reality of Isan
1 THAILAND’S INEQUALITY: MYTHS & REALITY OF ISAN 2 3 THAILAND’S INEQUALITY: MYTHS & REALITY OF ISAN AUTHORS Rattana Lao omas I. Parks Charn Sangvirojkul Aram Lek-Uthai Atipong Pathanasethpong Pii Arporniem annaporn Takkhin Kroekkiat Tiamsai May 2019 Copyright © 2019 e Asia Foundation 4 5I ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS is report on contemporary life in Isan, ailand’s Northeast Region, was produced with the support of a great many people. e study was co-funded by the United Kingdom and the Asia Foundation. e research team wishes to thank omas Parks, the Foundation’s Country Representative in ailand, for providing vision and encouragement through all stages of the study, including formulation of the methodology, analysis of the ndings, and drawing conclusions for this report. Important contributors during the early stages of the study were Sasiwan Chingchit, Patrick Barron, and Adrian Morel; and throughout the process, the Foundation’s sta in ailand provided crucial administrative and moral support. Most grateful thanks go to the farmers, students, and academics in Isan who participated in the survey, focus groups, and interviews, and generously provid- ed their time and valuable insights. We beneted too from the intellectual support of faculty at Khon Kaen University, Mahasarakam University, and Ubonratchathani University, and especially thank Dr. Rina Patramanon, Dr. Orathai Piayura, Dr. John Draper, Dr. Nattakarn Akarapongpisak, Dr. Titipol Phakdeewanich, and Dr. Preuk Taotawin. Dr. Atipong Pathanasethpong contributed his insight on the health section and oered critical understanding on Isan. Invaluable assistance was provided too by: William Klausner helped us to under- stand what Isan used to be and how it has changed; Sukit Sivanunsakul and Suphannada Lowhachai from the National Economic and Social Development Council and Dr. -
'Thailand's Amazing 24 March 2019 Elections'
Contemporary Southeast Asia 41, No. 2 (2019), pp. 153–222 DOI: 10.1355/cs41-2a © 2019 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute ISSN 0129-797X print / ISSN 1793-284X electronic Anatomy: Future Backward DUNCAN McCARGO The most popular man in Thailand appears out of the bushes on Thammasat University campus, dripping with sweat and with no staff in sight: Future Forward leader Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit is promptly mobbed by fans clamouring for selfies and autographs. Voters on Bangkok’s Charoenkrung Road look delighted to see a former prime minister out on the campaign trail: eager to show off his fitness, Abhisit Vejjajiva practically runs up some footbridge steps, leaving the local candidate panting behind. A Pheu Thai candidate asks a village crowd in Ubon Ratchathani to raise their hands if they are better off now than they were five years ago: everyone roars with laughter at a woman who puts her hand up by mistake, since nobody could possibly be better off. In Pattani, thousands of people stay until midnight at a football ground to hear prominent speakers from the Prachachart Party. No big outdoor rallies like this have been held after dark in the three insurgency-affected southern border provinces since 2004. The weeks leading up to the 24 March 2019 elections were a time of excitement; after almost five years of military rule following the 22 May 2014 coup d’état, Thais were finally free to express themselves politically. Around 51 million people were eligible to vote, while a record total of 80 political parties and 13,310 candidates from across the ideological spectrum were listed on their ballot papers. -
July 10, 2020 Thai Enquirer Summary Political News • the Gang of “4 Angels”---Comprising Finance Minister Uttama Savanayan
July 10, 2020 Thai Enquirer Summary Political News The gang of “4 angels”---comprising Finance Minister Uttama Savanayana, Energy Minister Sontirat Sontijirawong, Higher Education, Science, Research and Innovation Minister Suvit Maesincee and deputy secretary-general of the Prime Minister’s Office Kobsak Pootrakul--- announced surprising resignation from the Phalang Pracharat Party (PPRP). The announcement was made at Centara Grand at Central Plaza Ladprao Bangkok yesterday (July 9). Uttama who announced his resignation as the PPRP leader said this is the right time for him to resign after working with the party for 2 years and lead the party to form a coalition government successfully. He said their move is to allow the new executive committee to start its duties. Uttama said he has no plans to form a new political group or party for the time being. As all 4 members who resigned from PPRP are part of the economic team engineered by Deputy Prime Minister Somkid Jatusripitak, Uttama ensured the public that their resignation would have no effect on the performance of the executive branch. The former 4 Phalang Pracharat members said they would continue working in their cabinet portfolios. Uttama said a decision to reshuffle the cabinet is for the prime minister to make. Sontirat told reporters that they will continue in our roles in the administration the best we can. What happens next is for the prime minister to decide. The 4 men held ministerial posts in the former military government before helping to establish the PPRP to take part in last year’s general election. They announced resignation from the former Prayut cabinet on August 29, 2019 to lead the PPRP’s campaign in the general election, helping the party secure enough votes to form a new government. -
THAILAND General Election 3Rd July 2011
THAILAND General Election 3rd July 2011 Report of the International Election Observation Mission by The Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) Published by The Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) 109 Suthisarnwinichai Road Samsennok, Huaykwang Bangkok 10320, Thailand Tel: (+66 2) 2773627 Email : [email protected] www.anfrel.org Written by Ryan D. Whelan & Michael Lidauer Some background content sourced from ANFREL’s 2007 Thai Election Report written by Mr. Adam Cooper Edited by Ryan D. Whelan & Orawan Yafa Layout by Pongsak Chanon Design by Suthida Buasukkasem Photos without credits are courtesy of mission observers ISBN: 978-616-90144-2-3 Book cover design by Akanit Srisuttiwong Printed in Bangkok, Thailand FOREWORD ANFREL was established in 1997 as Asia’s first regional network of civil society organisations promoting democratization. It has a strong network of over 20 partner organisations within Asia from whom it draws experienced election observers to take part in its various missions. ANFREL has significant experience coordinating international election observation missions in Thailand, receiving international funding to observe the 2001, 2005, and 2007 general elections. Through our work and the work of Thai election observation organizations such as the Open Forum for Democracy Foundation (PollWatch) and the People’s Network for Elections in Thailand (P-NET), I believe that election observers made a significant contribution towards not just the fairness of this election, but towards strengthening Thailand’s democracy in the long-term. This report is the product of information and analysis from the ANFREL observers and Secretariat. It covers the pre and post election periods as well as Election Day itself.