THAILAND General Election 3Rd July 2011
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The Pluralistic Poverty of Phalang Pracharat
ISSUE: 2021 No. 29 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 12 March 2021 Thailand’s Elected Junta: The Pluralistic Poverty of Phalang Pracharat Paul Chambers* Left: Deputy Prime Minister and Phalang Pracharat Party Leader General Prawit Wongsuwan Source:https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Prawit_Wongsuwan_Thailand%27s_Minister_of_D efense.jpg. Right: Prime Minister and Defense Minister General Prayut Chan-ocha Source:https://th.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E0%B9%84%E0%B8%9F%E0%B8%A5%E0%B9%8C:Prayu th_2018_cropped.jpg. * Paul Chambers is Lecturer and Special Advisor for International Affairs, Center of ASEAN Community Studies, Naresuan University, Phitsanulok, Thailand, and, in March-May 2021, Visiting Fellow with the Thailand Studies Programme at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. 1 ISSUE: 2021 No. 29 ISSN 2335-6677 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • Thailand’s Phalang Pracharat Party is a “junta party” established as a proxy for the 2014-2019 junta and the military, and specifically designed to sustain the power of the generals Prawit Wongsuwan, Prayut Chan-ocha and Anupong Paochinda. • Phalang Pracharat was created by the Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC), and although it is extremely factionalized, having 20 cliques, it is nevertheless dominated by an Army faction headed by General Prawit Wongsuwan. • The party is financed by powerful corporations and by its intra-party faction leaders. • In 2021, Phalang Pracharat has become a model for other militaries in Southeast Asia intent on institutionalising their power. In Thailand itself, the party has become so well- entrenched that it will be a difficult task removing it from office. 2 ISSUE: 2021 No. -
Thailand's Red Networks: from Street Forces to Eminent Civil Society
Southeast Asian Studies at the University of Freiburg (Germany) Occasional Paper Series www.southeastasianstudies.uni-freiburg.de Occasional Paper N° 14 (April 2013) Thailand’s Red Networks: From Street Forces to Eminent Civil Society Coalitions Pavin Chachavalpongpun (Kyoto University) Pavin Chachavalpongpun (Kyoto University)* Series Editors Jürgen Rüland, Judith Schlehe, Günther Schulze, Sabine Dabringhaus, Stefan Seitz The emergence of the red shirt coalitions was a result of the development in Thai politics during the past decades. They are the first real mass movement that Thailand has ever produced due to their approach of directly involving the grassroots population while campaigning for a larger political space for the underclass at a national level, thus being projected as a potential danger to the old power structure. The prolonged protests of the red shirt movement has exceeded all expectations and defied all the expressions of contempt against them by the Thai urban elite. This paper argues that the modern Thai political system is best viewed as a place dominated by the elite who were never radically threatened ‘from below’ and that the red shirt movement has been a challenge from bottom-up. Following this argument, it seeks to codify the transforming dynamism of a complicated set of political processes and actors in Thailand, while investigating the rise of the red shirt movement as a catalyst in such transformation. Thailand, Red shirts, Civil Society Organizations, Thaksin Shinawatra, Network Monarchy, United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship, Lèse-majesté Law Please do not quote or cite without permission of the author. Comments are very welcome. Requests and inquiries concerning reproduction and rights should be addressed to the author in the first instance. -
Thailand White Paper
THE BANGKOK MASSACRES: A CALL FOR ACCOUNTABILITY ―A White Paper by Amsterdam & Peroff LLP EXECUTIVE SUMMARY For four years, the people of Thailand have been the victims of a systematic and unrelenting assault on their most fundamental right — the right to self-determination through genuine elections based on the will of the people. The assault against democracy was launched with the planning and execution of a military coup d’état in 2006. In collaboration with members of the Privy Council, Thai military generals overthrew the popularly elected, democratic government of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, whose Thai Rak Thai party had won three consecutive national elections in 2001, 2005 and 2006. The 2006 military coup marked the beginning of an attempt to restore the hegemony of Thailand’s old moneyed elites, military generals, high-ranking civil servants, and royal advisors (the “Establishment”) through the annihilation of an electoral force that had come to present a major, historical challenge to their power. The regime put in place by the coup hijacked the institutions of government, dissolved Thai Rak Thai and banned its leaders from political participation for five years. When the successor to Thai Rak Thai managed to win the next national election in late 2007, an ad hoc court consisting of judges hand-picked by the coup-makers dissolved that party as well, allowing Abhisit Vejjajiva’s rise to the Prime Minister’s office. Abhisit’s administration, however, has since been forced to impose an array of repressive measures to maintain its illegitimate grip and quash the democratic movement that sprung up as a reaction to the 2006 military coup as well as the 2008 “judicial coups.” Among other things, the government blocked some 50,000 web sites, shut down the opposition’s satellite television station, and incarcerated a record number of people under Thailand’s infamous lèse-majesté legislation and the equally draconian Computer Crimes Act. -
Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012
Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 1 Module 4: Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012 Country: Thailand Date of Election: July 3, 2011 Prepared by: King Prajadhipok’s Institute Date of Preparation: June 2011 NOTES TO COLLABORATORS: . The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project. The information may be filled out by yourself, or by an expert or experts of your choice. Your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (e.g., electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and may be made available on the CSES website. Answers should be as of the date of the election being studied. Where brackets [ ] appear, collaborators should answer by placing an “X” within the appropriate bracket or brackets. For example: [X] . If more space is needed to answer any question, please lengthen the document as necessary. Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1a. Type of Election [x] Parliamentary/Legislative [ ] Parliamentary/Legislative and Presidential [ ] Presidential [ ] Other; please specify: __________ 1b. If the type of election in Question 1a included Parliamentary/Legislative, was the election for the Upper House, Lower House, or both? [ ] Upper House [x] Lower House [ ] Both [ ] Other; please specify: __________ Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 2 Module 4: Macro Report 2a. What was the party of the president prior to the most recent election, regardless of whether the election was presidential? - 2b. What was the party of the Prime Minister prior to the most recent election, regardless of whether the election was parliamentary? Democrat Party 2c. -
Thailand's First Provincial Elections Since the 2014 Military Coup
ISSUE: 2021 No. 24 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 5 March 2021 Thailand’s First Provincial Elections since the 2014 Military Coup: What Has Changed and Not Changed Punchada Sirivunnabood* Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, founder of the now-dissolved Future Forward Party, attends a press conference in Bangkok on January 21, 2021, after he was accused of contravening Thailand's strict royal defamation lese majeste laws. In December 2020, the Progressive Movement competed for the post of provincial administrative organisations (PAO) chairman in 42 provinces and ran more than 1,000 candidates for PAO councils in 52 of Thailand’s 76 provinces. Although Thanathorn was banned from politics for 10 years, he involved himself in the campaign through the Progressive Movement. Photo: Lillian SUWANRUMPHA, AFP. * Punchada Sirivunnabood is Associate Professor in the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities of Mahidol University and Visiting Fellow in the Thailand Studies Programme of the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. 1 ISSUE: 2021 No. 24 ISSN 2335-6677 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • On 20 December 2020, voters across Thailand, except in Bangkok, elected representatives to provincial administrative organisations (PAO), in the first twinkle of hope for decentralisation in the past six years. • In previous sub-national elections, political parties chose to separate themselves from PAO candidates in order to balance their power among party allies who might want to contest for the same local positions. • In 2020, however, several political parties, including the Phuea Thai Party, the Democrat Party and the Progressive Movement (the successor of the Future Forward Party) officially supported PAO candidates. -
Thailand's Puzzling 2019 Election
ISSUE: 2019 No. 44 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 29 May 2019 Thailand’s Puzzling 2019 Election: How the NCPO Junta has Embedded itself in Thai Politics Punchada Sirivunnabood* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The “mixed-member apportionment” system that Thailand’s 2017 Constitution introduced to parliamentary elections has led to the changes in the country’s political landscape. Although the system was designed to help the military-backed Phalang Pracharat Party garner a large number of parliamentary seats, it also enabled a number of medium-size and small parties, including the Future Forward Party, to gain more parliamentary seats than expected. Eleven small parties with one or two seats each have pledged to support the pro- junta Phalang Pracharat Party in forming a government and to back the incumbent prime minister continuing in power. If these small parties join a pro-military coalition, the new government will face challenges managing a coalition of more than 20 parties. *Punchada Sirivunnabood is Visiting Fellow in the Thailand Studies Programme of ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. 1 ISSUE: 2019 No. 44 ISSN 2335-6677 INTRODUCTION “Please let it be known about an important thing in governing, that in the country, there are both good and bad people. No one will make all people become good people. So to give the country normality and order is not about making everyone become good people, but it lies in supporting goodness, so that good people govern the country, and restraining bad people from having power, in order not to create confusion.” (Unofficial Translation) His Majesty King Vajiralongkorn’s statement 23 March 20191 On 23 March 2019, King Vajiralongkorn released an unexpected announcement on the eve of Thailand’s national elections, saying that voters should support “good people” to rule Thailand. -
Tax Payable to Political Party
Guide to Personal Income Tax Return 2012 (Form ภ.ง.ด.90) For taxpayers who received income not only from employment Bureau of Legal Affairs, Revenue Department, Bangkok Contents WHAT’S NEW FOR TAX YEAR 2012? ................................................................................................................................................. 2 WHO HAS TO FILE ภ.ง.ด.90? .......................................................................................................................................................... 3 PAGE 1 OF ภ.ง.ด.90 – TAXPAYER’S DETAILS ...................................................................................................................................... 5 TAXPAYER’S DETAILS ....................................................................................................................................................................... 5 SPOUSE’S DETAILS .......................................................................................................................................................................... 5 TAXPAYER’S STATUS ........................................................................................................................................................................ 6 DONATION OF TAX PAYABLE TO POLITICAL PARTY ......................................................................................................................................... 6 TAX PAYABLE .............................................................................................................................................................................. -
Ecological Structure of a Tropical Urban Forest in Bang Kachao Peninsula
Preprints (www.preprints.org) | NOT PEER-REVIEWED | Posted: 20 November 2017 doi:10.20944/preprints201711.0131.v1 Peer-reviewed version available at Forests 2018, 9, 36; doi:10.3390/f9010036 1 Article 2 Ecological structure of a tropical urban forest in Bang 3 Kachao peninsula, Bangkok 4 Montathip Sommeechai 1, 2, Chongrak Wachrinrat 1,2 *, Bernard Dell 3, Nipon Thangtam 4 and 5 Jamroon Srichaichana 5 6 1 Faculty of Forestry, Kasetsart University, Chatuchak, Bangkok, 10900, Thailand; [email protected] 7 2 Center for Advanced Studies in Tropical Natural Resources, National Research University-Kasetsart 8 University, Bangkok, 10900, Thailand; [email protected] 9 3 Murdoch University, Perth, Western Australia, 6150, Australia; [email protected] 10 4 Faculty of Forestry, Kasetsart University, Chatuchak, Bangkok, 10900, Thailand; [email protected] 11 5 Thaksin University, Songkhla Province, 90000, Thailand; [email protected] 12 * Correspondence: [email protected]; Tel.: +66-81-255-6340 13 14 15 Abstract: Rapid urbanization has changed the structure and function of natural ecosystems, 16 especially the floodplain ecosystems in SE Asia. This paper describes the ecological structure of 17 vegetation stands and the usefulness of satellite images to characterize a disturbed tropical urban 18 forest located in the lower floodplain of the Chao Phraya River, Thailand. Nine representative plots 19 were established in Bang Kachao peninsula in 4 tropical urban forest types: rehabilitation forest, 20 home-garden agroforestry, mangrove and park. The correlation between NDVI and LAI obtained 21 from satellite images and plant structure from field surveys were analyzed. The NDVI had the 22 highest relationship with stand factors for the number of families, number of species, Shannon- 23 Weiner’s diversity index and total basal area. -
1 2 3 4 5 6 3 H.M. Queen Suthida's Birthday (Holiday - No Classes) 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 7 the Most Holy Trinity 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 8 Classes Begin
ASSUMPTION UNIVERSITY Undergraduate Calendar ACADEMIC YEAR 2020 Semester 1/2020 (June - October 2020) SUN MON TUE WED THU FRI SAT Undergraduate Program 1 2 3 4 5 6 3 H.M. Queen Suthida's Birthday (Holiday - no classes) 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 7 The Most Holy Trinity 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 8 Classes begin JUNE 2020 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 14 The Most Holy Body and Blood of Christ (Corpus Christi) 28 29 30 19 Last day for late registration and adding classes, last day to withdraw TOTAL without record and to have 50% of tuition fees refunded , AVAILABLE 3 4 4 3 3 3 3 Semester 2/2019 Grade Release and The Most Sacred Heart of Jesus CLASSES 23 Retrieve and download registered student namelists via internet for clas attendance checklists SUN MON TUE WED THU FRI SAT 1 2 3 4 5 Asalha Bhucha Day (Holiday - no classes) 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 6 Buddhist Lent Day (Holiday - no classes) 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 7 A Substituted holiday for Asalha Bhucha Day (Holiday - no classes) JULY 2020 JULY 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 8 Submission of Mid-term Examination Papers 26 27 28 29 30 31 28 H.M. King Maha Vajiralongkorn's Birthday (Holiday - no classes) TOTAL 30 Mid-term Examination (till August 07, 2020) AVAILABLE 3 3 2 5 4 4 4 CLASSES SUN MON TUE WED THU FRI SAT 1 8 Classes resume 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 12 H.M. -
Thailand, July 2005
Description of document: US Department of State Self Study Guide for Thailand, July 2005 Requested date: 11-March-2007 Released date: 25-Mar-2010 Posted date: 19-April-2010 Source of document: Freedom of Information Act Office of Information Programs and Services A/GIS/IPS/RL U. S. Department of State Washington, D. C. 20522-8100 Fax: 202-261-8579 Note: This is one of a series of self-study guides for a country or area, prepared for the use of USAID staff assigned to temporary duty in those countries. The guides are designed to allow individuals to familiarize themselves with the country or area in which they will be posted. The governmentattic.org web site (“the site”) is noncommercial and free to the public. The site and materials made available on the site, such as this file, are for reference only. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals have made every effort to make this information as complete and as accurate as possible, however, there may be mistakes and omissions, both typographical and in content. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals shall have neither liability nor responsibility to any person or entity with respect to any loss or damage caused, or alleged to have been caused, directly or indirectly, by the information provided on the governmentattic.org web site or in this file. The public records published on the site were obtained from government agencies using proper legal channels. Each document is identified as to the source. Any concerns about the contents of the site should be directed to the agency originating the document in question. -
Youthquake Evokes the 1932 Revolution and Shakes Thailand's
ISSUE: 2020 No. 127 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 6 November 2020 Youthquake Evokes the 1932 Revolution and Shakes Thailand’s Establishment Supalak Ganjanakhundee* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • Grievance and frustration resulting from the government’s authoritarian style, its restrictions on freedom of expression and the dissolution of the Future Forward Party have been accumulating among students and youths in Thailand since the 2014 military coup. • While high school and college students are overwhelmingly represented among participants in the ongoing protests, young people from various other sectors across the country have also joined the demonstrations. • The flash-mob style of demonstration is a venting of anger against the political system, expressed in calls for the resignation of Prime Minister Prayut Chan-ocha, a new Constitution and, more importantly, reform of the Thai monarchy. • The protests are a flashback to the 1932 Revolution, in that they are conveying the message that ordinary people, not the traditional establishment, own the country and have the legitimate right to determine its future course. • In response, the crown and the royalists are using traditional methods of smears and labels to counteract the youths. * Supalak Ganjanakhundee was Visiting Fellow in the Thailand Studies Programme, ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute from 1 October 2019 to 30 June 2020. He is the former editor of The Nation (Bangkok). 1 ISSUE: 2020 No. 127 ISSN 2335-6677 INTRODUCTION A number of Thais have gathered annually at Thammasat University’s Tha Phrachan campus and at the 14 October 1973 Memorial site on nearby Ratchadamnoen Avenue to commemorate the student uprising on that date which restored democracy to the country. -
Thai Freedom and Internet Culture 2011
Thai Netizen Network Annual Report: Thai Freedom and Internet Culture 2011 An annual report of Thai Netizen Network includes information, analysis, and statement of Thai Netizen Network on rights, freedom, participation in policy, and Thai internet culture in 2011. Researcher : Thaweeporn Kummetha Assistant researcher : Tewarit Maneechai and Nopphawhan Techasanee Consultant : Arthit Suriyawongkul Proofreader : Jiranan Hanthamrongwit Accounting : Pichate Yingkiattikun, Suppanat Toongkaburana Original Thai book : February 2012 first published English translation : August 2013 first published Publisher : Thai Netizen Network 672/50-52 Charoen Krung 28, Bangrak, Bangkok 10500 Thailand Thainetizen.org Sponsor : Heinrich Böll Foundation 75 Soi Sukhumvit 53 (Paidee-Madee) North Klongton, Wattana, Bangkok 10110, Thailand The editor would like to thank you the following individuals for information, advice, and help throughout the process: Wason Liwlompaisan, Arthit Suriyawongkul, Jiranan Hanthamrongwit, Yingcheep Atchanont, Pichate Yingkiattikun, Mutita Chuachang, Pravit Rojanaphruk, Isriya Paireepairit, and Jon Russell Comments and analysis in this report are those of the authors and may not reflect opinion of the Thai Netizen Network which will be stated clearly Table of Contents Glossary and Abbreviations 4 1. Freedom of Expression on the Internet 7 1.1 Cases involving the Computer Crime Act 7 1.2 Internet Censorship in Thailand 46 2. Internet Culture 59 2.1 People’s Use of Social Networks 59 in Political Movements 2.2 Politicians’ Use of Social