East Asian History

NUMBER 24 . DECEMBER 2002

Institute of Advanced Stu dies Au stral ian National University Editor Geremie R. Barme

Associate Editor Helen Lo

Editorial Board Mark Elvin (Convenor) John Clark Andrew Fraser Helen Hardacre Colin Jeffcott W.]. F. Jenner Lo Hui-min .j Gavan McCormack David Marr Tessa Morris-Suzuki Michael Underdown

Design and Production Helen Lo Business Manager Marion Weeks Printed by Goanna Print, Fyshwick, ACT

This is the twenty-fourth issue of East Asian History, printed August 2003, in the series previously entitled Papers on Far Eastern History. This externally refereed journal is published twice a year

Contributions to The Editor, East Asian History Division of Pacific and Asian History Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200 , Australia Phone +61 2612 53140 Fax +61 2612 5 552 5 email [email protected]

Subscription Enquiries to Subscriptions, East Asian History, at the above address, or to [email protected]

Annual Subscription Australia A$50 (including GST) Overseas US$4 5 (GST free) (for two issues)

ISSN 10 36-6008 iii

.Jt CONTENTS

1 Birds and the Hand of Power: a Political Geography of Avian Life in the Gansu Corridor, Ninth to Tenth Centuries

Lewis Mayo

67 A Tempestuous Tea-Port: Socio-Political Commentary in Yokahama-e, 1859-62

To dd S. Munson

93 Taiwan's Search for National History: a Trend in Historiography Q. Edward Wang

117 Rai San'yo's Philosophy of History and the Ideal of Imperial Restoration

BarryD. Steben iv

Cover calligraphy Yan Zhenqing �Ji:���n, Tang calligrapher and statesman

Cover illustration Av ian signature from the time of Cao Yanlu liE!J� - see p. 52 CS.24741, reproduc ed by permission of the British Library) TAIWAN'S SEARCH FOR NATIONAL HISTORY: A TREND IN HISTORIOGRAPHY

Q. Edward Wang £[fjtE

In March 2000, a political earthquake shook the island of Taiwan: in its The author is grateful to the Center for Chinese second direct presidential election, Chen Shui-bian �7J<.m,the Democratic Studies in Taiwan for a fellowship and to the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, Progressive Party (DPP) (Min-chin tang candidate, won a .I3!j�t.) for enabling him to do research on the subject as stunning victory. Chen's success ended the Kuo-min-tang (KMT) ��. a visiting research fellow for six months in 1999. rule of the island that had lasted for fifty years. It also brought to the fore He is also indebted to many scholars for their assistance, interviews and encouragement, the identity question facing the Taiwanese people since the 1980s (if not particularly Hsu Cho-yiin, YO Ying-shih, Li Yih­ earlier), for the DPP had always advocated and pursued Taiwan's yuan, Tao Jing-shen, Tu Cheng-sheng, Huang independence. Although Chen did not win the presidency by a large Kuan-chung, Thomas H. C. Lee, Ku Wei-ying, margin, his victory demonstrated that the idea of independence had gained Huang ChOn-chieh, Huang Chin-hsing, Wang Fan­ shen, Lu Chien-jung, Chou Wan-yao, ChenJo-shui, more and more support from the electorate. 1 Since his inauguration on 20 Peng Ming-hui, Angela K. C. Leung, Chang Lung­ May 2000, Chen of course has not declared Taiwan's independence. But chih, Huang Ko-wu, Shen Sung-chiao, Chu Ping­ his presidency has brought more tension to the island's already precarious yi, Chang Ning, and Chiang Chu-shan. He also wishes to thank Paul Barclay and Linda Pirolli for relations with mainland China. their suggestions, and two EAH reviewers for their In this article, I propose to trace and analyze the identity issue by comments on an earlier version of this article. looking at the changes in Taiwan's historical writings over the last few decades. I will focus attention on the rise of Taiwan history (Taiwan 1 The election was a close one. Of the total votes shih il r.t 5t9since the 1980's, and examine how the study of Taiwan cast in the election, Chen received 39 per cent, the history reflects the public interest in searching for a Taiwan identity and KMT candidate Lien Chan �� 23 per cent and the independent candidate Soong Chu-yu Games shapes its outcome2 My research concentrates on three areas: (1) how Soong) *�fllrJ 36 per cent. the changing interests of academic historians in Taiwan over the last 2 Min-kuo i-lai kuo-shih yen-chiu Ie hui-ku yu two decades gave rise to the study of Taiwan histolY; (2) the challenge chan-wangyen t 'ao-hui lun-wen-chi [Proceedings involved in the study of Taiwan history as a political discourse on of the conference on the past and future study of national identity; and (3) the controversy over the Knowing Ta iwan national history in the Republic of Chinal, ed. History Department, National Taiwan University (Jen-shih Taiwan �2�il.) textbook series in 1997: how it mirrors (Taipei: Taiwan University, 1992), and "Taiwan the complex political life and the enduring influence of nationalist shih yen-chiu te hui-ku yi.i chan-wang yen t'ao­ historiography in today's Taiwan. What intrigues me is not only the hui chuan-hao" [Special issue on the past and obvious issue about the affinity between ideology and historiography, future study of Taiwan history], Ssu yu yen 23 1(1985).

93 94 Q. EDWARD WANG

3 Chang Peng-yOan, Kuo Ting-yee, Fei which is quite appa rent in the course of the development in Ta iwan's Cheng-ch'ing, WeiMu-ting: Taiwan yu mei­ post-WWII historica l pra ctice, but also how nationalist historians, on kuo hsueh-shuh chiao-liu ko-an ch'u-tan differen t sid es and of different gen era tion s, ha ve sha red the belief in their [Triangular partnership: Kuo Ting-yee,John Fairbank and C. Martin Wilbur and their commitment to nationalist id eology tha t their sea rch for national history contribution to Taiwan-US academic will en hance ra ther than depr eca te the agen cy of the historical pr of ession exchange] (Taipei: Institute of Modern in mod ern society. In other word s, wha t I hope to explore in this article History, Academia Sinica, 1997); Leonard is not on ly the external infl uen ce on , but also the in ternal development Gordon, ed. Taiwan: studies in Chinese local history(New York: Columbia University in , the historica l study ofTa iwan tha t accoun ts for this search for a Ta iwan Press, 1970); and Douglas L. Fix, "North id en tity. American memories of Taiwan: a For many decades prior to the 1980s, few Ta iwanese ever con cern ed retrospective of U.S. research on the history themselves with the id en tity question. They ha d id en tified themselves ofTaiwan," Min-kuo i-lai kuo-shih yen-chiu te hui-ku yu chan-wang yen t'ao-hui lun­ natura lly with China , or, more preCisely, a cultura lly more "authen tic" wen chi [Proceedings of the symposium on China , the Republic of China (ROC) , which they believed their govern men t the past and present study of national history still represen ted after retrea tin g to the island in 1949 , follOWing a since the founding of the Republic] (Taipei: National Taiwan University, 1970), vol.2, sha tterin g defea t by the Communists on the ma in land.In deed , in con tra st pp.1355-86. to the in cessant, fierce politica l ca mpa igns, and the disa strous Cultura l 4 Joseph W. Ballantine, Formosa: a problem Revolution la un ched by Ma o Tse- tun g ::§�* on the ma in land, the fo r United Statesfo reign policy (Washington, nationalist governmen t, or the KMT, led by Chiang Ka i- shek �fr"E, D.C., Brookings Institution, 1952). clung to the Con fucian lega cy in rulin g Ta iwan, rega rd in g the Communists 5 Thomas B. Gold, State and society in the merely as a puppet government under an alien cultura l spell. China Taiwan miracle (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1986); James C. Hsiung, ed. The Taiwan schola rs and lobbyists in the West, from the 1950s through the ea rly 1970s, experience, 1950-80 (New York: Praeger, also sha red the belief tha t the KMT, while a defea ted governmen t in exile, 1981); and Linda Chao and Ramon Myers, wa s the "legitima te" representa tive of China, deserving of its pla ce in the Thefirst Chinese democracy: political life in Free World. The on ce poignant question-" who lost China?"-Ied the ROC on Taiwan (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University, 1999). natura lly to the sea rch: sin ce China wa s "lost" on the ma in land, on e had to look for a "rea l" China elsewhere. Ta iwan beca me not on ly an anti­ Communist military ba se in Asia during the Cold Wa r per iod , especially during the Korean Wa r, but also an ed uca tional ba se for lea rn in g Chinese langua ge and culture, attra cting many Western stud en ts and schola rs.3 Cold Wa r world politiCS strengthened Ta iwan's ima ge as the "Free China," rein forcing the Chin ese id en tity on the island.4 Ha vin g ruled Ta iwan with an iron hand for about forty yea rs, however, the leaders of the KMT, the "Chiang dynasty," fa ced in cr ea sing pressure fr om the people who, beginning in the la te 1970s and con tin uin g well in to the 1980s demanded politica l freed om and democra cy. Wha t powered this dema nd for politica l change wa s the island's phen omenal econ omic success, kn own as the "Ta iwan mira cle," of the period, which helped cr ea ted a la rge midd le cla ss with an in dependent politica l con sciousness.s Unable to return to the ma in land for severa l decades, Chiang Chin g- kuo ��I�J, who succeed ed his father Chiang Ka i- shek in the KMT governmen t, also open ly procla imed himself a "Ta iwanese" (Taiwan jen -&.)J. Chiang's posture reflected the ha rsh rea lity in world politics tha t most Western powers, especia lly the US, ha d decid ed , sin ce at lea st the 1970s, to seek diploma tic rela tion s with the ma in land, the People' s Republic of China (PRC) (Chung-hua jen-min kung-ho- kuo 9=t.A� TAIWAN'S SEARCH FOR NATIONAL HISTORY 95

0{D �). The PRC' s repla cement of Taiwan in the Un ited Na tion s left both 6 JohnF. Copper, Aquiet revolution:political the Ta iwan govern men t and the people in a sta te of despa ir and development in the Republic of China abandonmen t. Severa l mon ths before his death in 1988, Chiang Ching­ (Washington DC: Ethics and Public Policy Center, 1988); Gunter Schubert, Taiwan­ kuo lifted ma rtia l la w in the island and ea sed for the first time the KMT Die chinesische Alternative: policy of politica l restriction . Opposition pa rties, such as the DPP, were Demokratisierung in einem ostasiatischen allowed to cha llen ge the KMT for sea ts in the Legisla tive Yuan and the Schwellenland (1986-1993) (Hamburg: Na tional Assembly, and priva tely own ed presses mushroomed.6 As Mitteilungen des Instituts fiir Asienkunde, 1994), #237; Steve Tsang, ed. In the shadow people in Taiwan ga in ed some freedom of speech, some of them began of China: political developments in Taiwan to ca st doubt on the on ce ta ken -for- granted Chin ese id en tity, especially since 1949 (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i beca use tha t id en tity had been associa ted closely with the KMT autocra tic Press, 1993); and Chao and Myers, Thefirst rule.7 In respon se to the public desire for a new id en tity reflecting the Chinese democracy. 7 island' s un iq ue historica l experience, a group of historians began Thomas Gold, "Taiwan's quest for identity in the shadow of China," In the shadow of plowing the field of Ta iwan history, a field tha t ha s since born e as its fruit China: political developments in Taiwan the most popular gen re amon g all historica l writings in toda y' s Ta iwan. since 1949, ed. Steve Tsang (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1993), pp.169- 92, and "Civil society and Taiwan's quest for identity," Cultural change in postwar 1. Whither Taiwan? Taiwan, ed. Stevan Harrell and Chlin-chieh Huang (Boulder, Col.: Westview Press, 1994), pp.47-68; and Alan Wachman, Taiwan: The KMT began to rule Ta iwan in 1945. Prior to tha t time, Taiwan had national identity and democratization (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1994). been a colon y of Japan, beginning in 1895 when China's Ch' in g if 8 Taiwan Imperial University had a history dynasty wa s defea ted in the Sin o-Japanese Wa r and forced to ced e the department, staffed only by Japanese island to Japan by the terms of the Shimonoseki Trea ty. Japan's colonial historians. See Academia, Taipeiti-kuo ta­ rule in Taiwan resulted in a lot of con struction and developmen t, hsueh yen-chiu tung-hsun 1 (April 1996). in cludin g the founding of Ta iwan Un iversity (1928). As a con seq uen ce, 9 Lee Tong-hwa, "Hsiin-chi chin-tsui, ssu­ Japanese colonia l rule is now cred ited by some Ta iwanese historians with erh hou-i: Fu Ssu-nien hsien-sheng tsai Tai­ ta" [Dedicated until death: Mr. Fu Ssu-nien la yin g the foundation for Taiwan' s mod ern iza tion. In the post-WWII era , in Taita], Tai-ta /i-shih hsueh-pao 20 (996): historica l studies in Ta iwan experien ced a tremendous growth when a 129-62, and Tu Cheng-sheng and Wang la rge number of Chin ese historians followed the KMT government in its Fan-sen, eds, Hsin hsueh-shuh chih lu: retrea t to the island.s These historians helped turn history in to an chung-yang yen-chiu yuan /i-shih yu-yen yen-chiu suo chi-shih chou-nien chi-nien academic subject for both resea rch and tea ching. Fu Ssu-nien �WT4 wen-chi [Along new pathways of research: (1896-1950), a ren own ed historian in Republican China, pla yed a key essays in honor of the 70th anniversary of role during this transitional period. As both the presiden t of Ta iwan the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica] (Taipei: Institute of History Un iversity CTa i-ta and the director of the In stitute of History and El� and Philology, Academia Sinica, 1998), vols. Philology (IHP) CLi-shih yii-yen yen -chiu-soM.5t:. Mf�niJf�pfT) in Academia 1 and 2. Sinica (the IHP wa s found ed by Fu on the ma in land in 1928 and moved 10 The only notable difference is that since by him to Ta iwan in 1949), FuSs u-n ien wa s respon sible for design in g the the 1980s, many IHP research fellows also history curriculum at Tai-ta and for recruitin g history graduates and have earnedPhDs from leading universities in the United States after receiving their BA tra in in g them in his In stitute.9 Despite his un timely death atfifty-four, Fu's and/or MA from Tai-ta. In recent years, influen ce ha s been fa r-reachin g in Ta iwan's historica l circles; the IHP still Taiwan historians have organized a number recruits top graduates in history from Tai-ta.10 of conferences on Fu Ssu-nien. In addition to his administra tive con tribution to the stud y of history, Fu Ssu-nien wa s also influentia l in esta blishing academic standards for historica l resea rch. Even before his reloca tion from the ma in la nd to Ta iwan, Fu wa s respected amon g Chin ese academics, la rgely on account 96 Q. EDWARD WANG

11 Georg G. Iggers, "The image of Ranke in of the sloga n he coined: "hist or ica l st udy equals the st udy of histor ica l American and German historical thought," sources" Cshih-hsueh chiu-shih shih-liao hsueh 9:�gtl�:9:*4�). History and Theory 2 (1962) 17--40. That sloga n empha sized source criticism, the crit ica l historiogra phy 12 Wang Fan-sen, Fu Ssu-nien: a life in exemplifi ed by the Ra nkea n School, which Fu wa s supposed to ha ve Chinese history and politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). lea rned during his sojourn in Germany during the 1920s. Bu t Fu seemed 13 Arif Dirlik, Revolution and history:origins unaware that despite Ra nke's "wie es eigentlich gewesen" cla im, Ra nke of Marxist historiography in China, 1919- rema ined int erested in "gra nd na rratives" in hist or y.ll Fu fa iled to gra sp 1937 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, Calif.: Ra nkea n historiography in it s ent iret y; before he went abroa d, Fu ha d University of California Press, 1978), and Q. been the protege of HuShih (1890-1961) at Peking Universit y CPei­ Edward Wang, "Historical writings in 20th­ m � century China: methodological innovation ching ta -hsu eh ::It**�), anot her key figure in modern Chinese and ideological influence," An assessment histor iogra phy. Hu in his la ter yea rs served as president (1958--62) of of 20th-century historiography: profession­ Aca demia Sinica in Ta iwa n. When Hu pu rsued his gra duate study wit h alism, methodologies, writings, ed. Rolf Torstendahl (Stockholm: Royal Academy of John Dewey at Colu mbia University in the 1910s, he ha d alrea dy begun Letters, History and Antiquities, 2000), pp.43- his search for the adopt ion of scientifi c methods in the st udy of Chinese 70, and id., Inventing China through history: history. Hu's sea rch led him to discover the "scientifi c spirit" in Ch'ing the May Fourlh approach to historiography schola rship on evidentia l resea rch Ck'a o-cheng �illD. To bot h Hu and (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2001). Fu, source crit icism wa s the key to scientifi c hist or y, which req uires 14 YO Ying-shih, "Chung-kuo shih-hsueh te pa insta king exegetic resea rch and refut es unverifi ed sources in hist or ica l hsien-chieh-tuan: fan-hsing yu chan-wang" na rratives. The most relia ble sou rces, in Fu Ssu -nien's opinion, wer e [The status quo of Chinese historiography: unea rt hed archa eologica l findings. 12 Hu and Fu's advoca cy of scientifi c reflections and expectations), Shih-hsiieh history, aimed at a scientifi c and na tiona list understa nding of China 's pa st , ping-Iun 1 (1979) 1-14. ga ined moment um in the 1920s and the 1930s before the ou tbrea k of World Wa r II. After the Wa r, Hu and Fu bega n to fa ce the cha llenge of Ma rxist historia ns who sought a more direct linka ge bet ween hist ory and politics.1 3 Ha ving ret reated to Taiwa n from the ma inla nd, Fu Ssu- nien and Hu Shih were able to rega in some influ ence wit hout the presence of their opponent s-the Marxist s. What they represent ed wa s the "Hist orical Sou rce School" Cshih-lia o hsu eh-p'a i 9:*4�rJlb, if we use YU Ying­ shih's #(�� term, which, while not immune to ideologica l influence, empha sized the minute ex amination of bot h writt en and ma terialsour ces. The "Hist orica l Source School" st ood in cont ra st to the "Hist orical Int er pretation School" Cshih-k ua n hsu eh- p'a i 9:B�Vlb known for it s gra nd theoretical st ipu la tions, as exemplifi ed by Ma rx's theor y of social development.14 Due to the domina nce of the Hist orica l Sou rce School in 1950s Taiwa n, most historica l publications at the time, such as the Bulletin oj the Institute oJ History and Ph ilology CLi-shih yii-yen yen-chiu­ so jika n )fjf9:��liJf�pfTmfU) at Aca demia Sinica and theJournal oj Literature, History and Philosophy oj Ta iwan University CTaiwan Ta ­ hsueh wen-shih che-hsueh bao -Et'�*�X9:!f�¥ID, wer e works of source analysis. Source crit icism wa s also the ma jor component in all history courses taught atTai-ta and ot her colleges. In Hist orica l Methodology Cshih-hsueh Jang-Ja lun 9:�1Jr:ft�) Ca course requ ired for hist ory ma jors), ta ught by Yao Tsung-wu t!jE1::t� (1894-1970), st udent s also TAIWAN'S SEARCH FOR NATIONAL HISTORY 97 learned bas ic skills in comparing, examin in g an d an alyzin g sources , or 15 Wang, Inventing China through history, th e heur istics in historical study15 Yao was a frien d of Fu Ss u-n ien wh o pp.89-100. 6 had studied history in German y for eleven years an d taugh t th e course 1 Lin Yu-sheng, Yin Hai-kuang, Lin Yii­ for many years at both Pekin g Un iversit y an d T'ai-t a. Lin Yu -s heng sheng shuh-hsin lu [Yin Hai-kuang and Lin Yu-sheng correspondence] (Shanghai: Yuen­ *fffm1:, th en a T' ai-ta history major, recalled: tung Ch'u-ban-she, 1994), p.4. The history department at Tai-ta proudly claimed that its faculty was 17 When Hsu said this, he had probably composed of the best members of Peking University, Tsing-hua University read Georg Iggers' important article "The image of Ranke in American and German and Chung-yang (Central) University. Yet the courses offered by the historical thought," which discussed Ranke's department, with few exceptions, were humdrum and uninspiring, all theoretical framework, often overlooked in centering on source verification. To be sure, source verification, particularly historiography. verifying important sources, is quite meaningful, and is the basic work of the 18 See "Ssu-shlieh ko-tsou chih lu" [The new historian. But the research of the Tai-ta history faculty at the time appeared direction of historical study], Ssu yii yen 2.4 trivial and tiresome [to mel.16 (Nov 1964); 1.

Like man y of his coh orts , Lin Yii-sheng left Tai-ta aft er graduation an d sought advanced degrees in the Un it ed States. Durin g the 1960s, the first group of u. S. -t rained histori ans ret urn ed to Tai wan . Amon g th em were Hsu Ch o-yiin �{�� an d Tao Jing-sh en [T' ao Ch in-sheng] �Wl11f�, wh o in troduced man y new ch an ges to the historical circle. HsLi ChO -yllO, the new ch air of Tai-ta's history depart ment (1962-70), havin g received his Ph D from the Un iversity of Ch icago in an ci en t Chinese history an d focused in social science, open ly ch allen ged the domin an ce of the Historical Source School in the joumal Ssu yiiyen (Thoughts an d Words). In foun din g the journ al in 1963 , HsLi an d his frien ds wh o had had similar training in social scien ces in the Un it ed States, advocated the mult idis ciplinary approach an d the alli an ce bet ween history an d the social scien ces . A leadin g art icle written probably by HsLi stated that the source-centered approach of th e Historical Source School overlooked the importan ce of hist orical interpretat ion an d th erefore failed to comprehen d the legacy of the Ran kean School. 17 Although source verifi cat ion , the article said, is important for reconstruct in g the past, "we however do not have time to piece together the en tire past; we must cat ch it s spirit with the sket ch tech nique in order to rebuild its body in as lively a ,, form as possible. 18 In ot her words, Hsii was campaign in g for interpretation (chieh-shih :m�) in historical st udy. In th e early 1970s, the Ssu yiiyen journ al als o sponsored, with the help of Tao Jin g-shen an d oth ers , a series of con feren ces explorin g the implications of new social science meth ods for the study of history. Tu Wei-ylin ;f±f.lt�, wh o succeeded Yao Ts un g-wu in teach in g th e Historical Meth odology cours e at Tai-ta, published extensively in the field of historiography. In his speech at on e con feren ce, Tu Wei-yun crit icized the Historical Sour ce School for its bi as against historical narrat ive. Due to th is bias, Tu lamented, "someon e can spend an entire life studyin g the history of th e Sprin g an d Autumn period, but he/she is still un able to write a history of the Spring an d Aut umn period." Li En -h an *�j�, an oth er participant, further declared that "the age of 'h is tor ical study eq uals the Q. EDWARD WANG j 98

19 "Erh-shih nien lai shih-hsiieh fa-chan tao­ st udy of hist orical sources' ha s pa ssed. ... We must be gin to se arch for lun-hui" [Symposium on the development ,, j historical in te rpretation. 19 Bot h Tu and Li ha d be en educ ate d abroa d. of historiography in the last twenty years], Like Hsli Cho-ytin and Ta o Jing-shen, they trie d to foll ow the trend of Ssu yu Yen 10. 4 (1972). historiographical change in the We st by in troducin g soc ia l sc ie nce 20 Georg G. lggers, Historiography in the 20th century: from scientific objectivity to theories int o the st udy of history. Accordingl y, during the 1960s and the the post modern challenge (Hanover, NH: 1970s, hist orians in Ta iwan be ga n to take a st ron g inte rest in soc ia l Wesleyan University Press, 1997). hist ory, extendin g the tren d of historiography in the We st .2 0 2 1 Dirlik, Revolution and history. The st udy of soc ia l history not on ly in te re sted youn g, We ste rn -tra ined 22 Tao Hsi-sheng published the Shih-huo as historians like Hsi..i Cho-ytin an d Ta o Jing-shen. It also achie ve d a twice-monthly journal in 1934; it ceased endorsement from Ta o Hsi-shen g 1lfiU:ffi-�, a se nior sc holar and a KMT publication in 1937 due to the outbreak of the Sino-japanese War 0937-45). The new vete ran who ha d ma de his na me in the Soc ia l Histor y Disc ussion of the Shih-huo journal was issued monthly from 1930s as publishe r of the journal Shih-huo ��.21 In 1971 , Ta o Hsi­ 1971 to 1988. It closed down after Tao's sheng and his son Ta o Jing-shen de cide d to re sume the publication of death. the journal wit h fa mily fun din g.22 The new Shih-huo journal attracte d 23 I am indebted to Huang Kuan-ch'ung many contribution s, not on ly from those intere sted in soc ia l hist ory but Jf�m,director of the IHP, for information about Shih-huo and the discussion group also from ot he rs who we re simply in te re sted in new theories and held at the journal's office in the 1970s and methods. The fact that many young hist orians we re shunne d by othe r the 1980s. A young historian at the time, establishe d, me thodologically more conserva tive , journals, such as the Huang had taken an active part in both the group and the editorial work of the journal Bulletin of the Institute of History and Ph ilology, also contribute d to the and kept good records of its activities. success and popula rit y of Shih-huo. For many historians in Ta iwan, the journals Shih-huo and Ssu yii.yen provide d the chance to publish their ma iden works. As a KMT ve te ran, Ta o Hsi-sheng's stat ure also provided I a sa fe ha ve n for foregatherin gs of young historians at the journal's office in 1970s and 1980s Ta iwan, whic h wa s then un de r ma rtia l la w. In most ca ses, a pre se ntation given at one of these private gatherings would j subsequently be publishe d in the journa P3 The ne w soc ia l sc ie nce notwit hstandin g, both US-t ra ined historians an d Shih-huo contributors re ma ine d committed to the st udy of Chinese history. In fact, it wa s in the field of Chinese history that they esta bl ishe d j their ca reers in Ta iwan and abroa d. Hsi..i Cho-ytin be came an acclaime d sc hola r of ancient China who, since completing his te rm as chair of the Hist ory Department at Ta i-ta in 1970, ha s ta ught at the Un ive rsity of Pittsburgh for the la st thir ty ye ars. Ta oJi ng-shen, an expert on the history of middle imperia l China , holds a teaching position at the Un ive rsit y of Arizona . Many of the ir st udents followe d suit, teachin g an d re searchin g Chine se history. Hsi..i's student Tu Cheng-shen g tf:lEMJ, a flamboyant j advoca te of the history of Ta iwan, se rved as IH P director and is now the director of the National Palace Muse um. Tu first ea rned his re putation as an expert on ancient Chine se hist or y. Durin g the 1950s an d the 1960s, it wa s natura l for history st udents to se ek a career in Chine se history, for this wa s what they ha d st udie d in colle ge an d gra duate sc hool. An un de rgra duate history ma jor in Ta iwan during the pe riod would spend two ye ars le arning Chinese history, from the birth of Chine se civilization toth e early twentieth century, by re adin g texts written by such historians TAIWAN'S SEARCH FOR NATIONAL HISTORY 99

as Ch'ien Mu �:f�(18 95-1990), before taking specialized courses wh ich 24 Peng Ming-hui, Taiwan shih-hsueh te were als o predominantly Chines e history courses focUSing on dynastic Chung-kuo chan-chi [The China question in the study of Taiwan history] (Taipei: Mai­ history. Prior to 1970 over 93 per cent of history maj ors selected topics t'ien, 2002), pp. 151-206. in Chines e history for their MA and Ph D th eses. During the 1970s and the 25 Chang Peng-yuan, Kuo Ting-yee, Fei 1980s, over 80 per cent of students still ch os e the field of Chines e history, Cheng-ch'ing, Wei Mu-ting, p.l. wh ereas those focUSing on the history of Taiwan number ed less than 10 26 John W. Hall, "Changing conceptions of per cent.24 the modernization of Japan," Changing For Taiwan scholars, it was politically necessary and financially wis e Japanese attitudes toward modernization (Princeton, NJ : Princeton University Press, to identify cult urally and historically with China and make their is land a 1965), p.7-42. bas e of Chines e studies for Western scholars. Bes ides the well-known 27 In 1972, American China scholars also Stanford/Tai-ta language cent er, wh ich trained numerous Western China organized a symposium on a similar theme, scholars over many years , Taiwan's resear ch instit ut es and univers it ies "Taiwan in Chinese history," in Asilomar, als o es tablished cooperative relations with their counter parts in the West California. See Ralph Croizier, "Symposium: Taiwan in Chinese History,"Journalof Asian wh ich included generous funding. Th e most famous example is th e Studies 34.2 (1975): 387-90, and Douglas L. Institute of Modern History (IMH) of Academia Sinica. Founded in 1955, Fix, "North American memories of Taiwan: the IMH was awarded over $42 0, 000 by the Ford Foundation between a retrospective of U.S. research on the 1962 and 1971. Th is funding played a crucial role in its growth and als o history of Taiwan," Min-kuo i-Iai kuo-shih yen-chiu te hui-ku yii chan-wang yen t'ao­ turned it into a convenient res earch base for American China scholars . hui lun-wen chi, pp.l367-9. Chang Peng-yDan 5:RM�, a res earch fellow at the IMH, remarked that 28 The author of the paper was Chen Shao­ although John K. Fairbank and C. Martin Wilbur (two scholars wh o hsin I!JII.*B�. For the conferences men­ helped the IMH) were instrumental in securing the funding, "they did it tioned above, see Chang Yen-hsien, 'Taiwan not becaus e they particularly liked the Institute, but becaus e they want ed shih yen-chiu te hsin chin-shen" [A new spirit in the study of Taiwan history], Chien­ to strengthen it with the support of th e foundation and make it a bas e of , Ii Taiwan te kuo-min kuo-chia [Establishing China studies for the Unit ed States. ,25 Noticeably, as Fairbank and Wilbur Taiwan as a nation-state], ed. Wu Mi-cha involved Taiwan scholars in China studies , AmericanJapan scholars tried and Chang Yen-hsien (Taipei: Chien-wei, to involve Japanes e colleagues in the study ofJapan. Wh at prompted the 1993), pp.104-14. 2 American scholars to take a stronger int erest in East As ia at the time was 9 Leonard Gordon, Taiwan: studies in Chinese local history, and Douglas L. Fix, of course Cold War polit ics . Yet the trend als o suggested a new int erest "North American memories of Taiwan: a in modernizat ion theor y, 26 wh ich led th e IMH to launch its ver y first retrospective of U.S. research on the history collective proj ect in the early 1970s. of Taiwan," Min-kuo i-Iai kuo-shih yen-chiu In 1965, an epoch-making conference was held at Tai-ta, "Th e te hui-ku yU cban-wang yen t'ao-bui lun­ wen chi, pp.1355-86. Signifi cance of Taiwan Studies for the Study of ChineseHi story," sparking 30 Stephen O. Murray and Hong Keelung, th e int erest of academic historians in Taiwan. Taiwan scholars began to Taiwanese culture, Taiwanese society: a justify the study ofTaiwan by connect ing it toth e study of Chinese history. critical review of social science research Th is was new. In subs equent years , many similar conferences were done on Taiwan (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1994), p . 38. organized by Taiwan scholars and supported by funding from the Unit ed States .27 One paper delivered at th e 1965 conference bore the title: "Taiwan: a Labor at ory for the Study of Changing Chines e Cult ure. "28 Th e title clearly suggests that the history of Taiwan is a microcos m of the history of China.29 Th is image, analyzed by Steph en Murray, was pr omoted by both the KMT government and American scholars ; the former were seeking foreign investment, wh ile the latter "wer e grateful for a ch ance to study at least something they could call 'China'."30 100 Q. EDWARD WANG

31 "She-hui ko-hsiieh yii Ii-shih hsiieh tao­ 2. From China to Taiwan lun hui" [Symposium on history and social sciences], Ssu yii Yen 12:4 (974), p.624. Th e attent ion Taiwan scholars paid to the stu dy of Taiwan su ggests 32 Hsii Cho-yiin, "She-hui hsOeh yO Ii-shih hsiieh" [Sociology and history], Ch'iu-ku an import ant ch ange in their notions of history and historiography. Th is pien [In search of ancient history] (Taipei: ch ange resulted from their int erest in th e alliance bet ween history and Lien-ching, 1984), p.624. social sciences and their pu rsu it of social history. Compared with their 33 Tu Cheng-sheng, "Chung-kuo she-hui predecess ors of th e Historical Source School, Taiwan his torians of shih yen-chiu te tan-suo: te-tsung Ii-Iun you nger generations were no longer willing to confineth eir res earch to fang-fa yii tzu-liao ko-ti lun" [Explorations on the study of Chinese social history: th e examination of histor ical texts; they had developed an int erest in theories, methods, sources and topics], Ti­ applying social th eories to interpreting social ch anges in history. Th is new san chieh shih-hsueh-shih kuo-chi yen-tao interest led them to expand th eir historical horizons . In order to examine hui Lun-wen chi [Proceedings of the 3rd International Symposium on the History of society as a wh ole, they stu died the upper, middle and lower classes. Historiography] (Tai-chung: History Th ey sought to apply social theories. At a conference or ganized by the Department, National Chung-hsing journal Ssu yu yen, Chang Peng-ylianac utely obs erved: "what differentiat ed University, 1991), pp.25-76. today's historical stu dy fr om th at of the past is its su bject. We are no longer stu dying an emperor or a great man; we are studying the common masses. To stu dy the masses, it is necessary to have social theories , for oth erwise we cannot find any import ant is sues ."3! To apply a th eoretical framework does not mean to accept Marxism. As a pioneer of social history in Taiwan, Hsii Cho-ylinso ught a marriage bet ween history and sociology. In cont rast to early sociological th eories aimed at es tablishing general causal relations , Hs li points ou t, "sociological theories nowadays ar e middle-ranged, wh ich can be applied to seeking certain causal relations in certain societ ies ." 32 In oth er words , although int erested in theories , Hsii and like-minded historians were not sure if they cou ld dis cover a general law in Chinese history. Tao Hs i-sheng als o declared that wh at he was looking for was not dogmatis m and Marxis m, bu t a "free exercis e" of historical methods, or something between source verifi cat ion and th eoretical stipu lat ion, soth at he cou ld establish a "theory of social history" (she-hui shih kuan :fiWi'5t:.1JD. To be sure, althou gh Taiwan historians es ch ewed Marxism, they took a strong int er es t in new theories and methods of Western his toriography. Th e Shih-huo jou rnal of the 1970s, as Tu Cheng-sheng not ed, bor e traces of the American social science of the 1960s.33 Two projects lau nch ed du ring the early 1970s clearly showed the influ ence of Western/ American cu lture and edu cat ion, and the impact of the Cold War on As ia. One was th e "Int erdis ciplinary Res earch Project on the Natu re and History of the Chuo-shui and Ta-tu River Regions in the province of Taiwan" (Taiwan sheng chuo-shui ta-tu liang-hsi liu-yu tzu­ yan yu wen-hua-shih ko-chi yen-chiu chi-hua), or the "Chu o-ta Project" (Chuo-ta chi-hua �*§tl�) for short, and the ot her was the "Chines e Modernization Regional Stu dies Pr oject," or the "Modernization Proj ect" (hsien-tai-hua chi-hua :f]. {-I;;{[::;§tl�). Both projects were lau nch ed to implement the not ion of Taiwan as a laboratory of Chines e stu dies. Yet TAIWAN'S SEARCH FOR NATIONAL HISTORY 101 they also gave rise to academic interest in Taiwan studies, especially the 34 Chang Lung-chih, Tsu-chiin kuan-hsi yii Chuo-ta Project. The Chuo-ta Project was led by Chang Kuang-chih hsiang-ts'un Taiwan: i-ko Ch 'ing-tai Taiwan p'ing-p'u tsu-chiin kuan-hsi yii hsiang­ a renowned Chinese archaeologist in the United States, who �*lL ts'unTaiwan: shih te ch'ung-chien yii /i­ collaborated closely with Li Yih-yiian *1J\� and Wang Sung-hsing chieh (Ethnic relations and country Taiwan: .:E�Jij. at Academia Sinica.34 Raised in Taiwan, Chang hoped that the constructing and understanding Taiwan's Chuo-ta Project would help shed light on the lives of the Chinese ethnic history of the Ping-pu group in the Ch'ing dynasty], Literature and History Series, immigrants who moved to Taiwan in the Ming and Ch'ing dynasties, and #87 (Taipei: National Taiwan University, offer comparative views on the Chinese societies across the Taiwan Strait. 1997). The Modernization Project was initiated by Kuo Ting-yee �� ffJ;), the 35 Chen Ch'i-nan, "Ch'ing tai Taiwan han­ founding director of the IMH, but executed by Li Kuo-ch'i *�:t� and jen she-hui te chien-li chi-ch'i chieh-kou" [The establishment and structure of Chinese Chang Peng-yiian, Kuo's colleagues at the IMH. Some of the history society in Taiwan in the Ch'ing dynasty] (MA faculty from the Taiwan Normal University also participated. The interest diss., Department of Anthropology, National in modernization theory and the interdisciplinary approach showed the Taiwan University, 1975), and Taiwan te intent of Taiwan scholars to follow the development in Western/ chuan-tung chung-kuo she-hui [Traditional Chinese society in Taiwan] (Taipei: Yun­ American social sciences at the time. chen Wen-hua, 1987). As their names reveal, neither project was exclusively a study of Taiwan. The Chuo-ta Project, which regarded Taiwan as a virtual province of China, was aimed at offering a case study of Chinese society in a "frontier region." The Modernization Project simply grouped Taiwan with other provinces along China's southeast coast and divided China into several regions. In both projects, Taiwan was studied only because it enabled scholars to make comparisons with China's other provinces and regions. Yet the execution of these projects shifted the attention of Taiwan scholars from the mainland to the island, helping create the first generation of bonafide Taiwan scholars. Having compared the composition and structure of society in China and Taiwan, these scholars began to notice some of its distinct traits. Chen Ch'i-nan �Jlf;ttl¥i, a young participant in the Chuo-ta Project, was credited with developing the "indigenization" (tu-chu hua ±lf1b theory of Chinese society in Taiwan. While pursuing his master's degree in anthropology at Tai-ta, Chen participated in the Chuo-ta Project and later worked with Chang Kuang-chih for his PhD in anthropology at Yale. His work, Tr aditional Ch inese Society in Ta iwan (Taiwan te chuan-tung Chung-kuo she-hui i=l.i¥J1'� $ �t±fn, was based on his 1975 MA thesis and was officially published in Taiwan in 1987. Chen had already formulated his "indigenization" theory in his Master's thesis. As an anthropologist, he concentrated his research on the changes in group behavior and religious beliefs of Chinese immigrants in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Taiwan. He concluded that by the mid-nineteenth century, the Chinese living in Taiwan had gradually severed their ties with their ancestral places in the mainland and begun to identify themselves with Taiwan, hence the "indigenization" thesis.35 As its title indicates, Chen Ch'i-nan's work was not aimed at championing a Taiwan identity. But his thesis certainly did serve to awaken "Taiwanese consciousness" (Taiwan i-shih i=l.�� among academics. 102 Q. EDWARD WANG

36 Li Kuo-ch'i, Ch 'ing tai Taiwan she-hui te Although the so- ca lled "Ta iwa nese consciousness" ha d crept into the chuan-hsin [The social transformation of minds of Ta iwa n schola rs, especia lly the anthropologists, in the 1970s, Taiwan in the Ch'ing] (Taipei: Dept. of ma ny decided to resist it. Around the sa me time asChen Ch'i-nan put forth Education, 1978). his "indigeniza tion" thesis, Li Kuo-ch'i, the lea der of the Moderniza tion 37 Martin Lasater, The Taiwan conundrum in U. S. China policy (Boulder, Colo.: Project, proposed a contra ry view, ca lled "Mainla ndiza tion" (nei-ti hua Westview Press, 2000). This policy change, i1'3tfu1l:J.36As mentioned ea rlier, the Ta iwa n study in the Moderniza tion as some have argued, can be taken as a Project wa s pa ra lleled to the studies of other provinces. Li Kuo-ch'i and gesture encouraging Taiwan's indepen­ his collea gues found tha t at both the politica l and socia l levels, Ta iwa n dence. See Pao Shao-lin, Tai-tu mu-hou­ Mei-kuo len te chang-tao yl1 cheng-tse bore grea t resembla nce to its neighboring provinces such as Che-chia ng [Behind Taiwan independence: American #!frI and Fu-chien tM}!, for it wa s ruled, during most of the Ch'ing encouragement and policy] (Hong Kong: dy na sty, by the Fu-chien governor and wa s popula ted predomina ntly by Chung-hua Shu-chii, 1992). immigra nts from the ma inla nd. Ta iwa n wa s therefore not only compa ra ble to its geogra phica l neighbors on the ma inla nd, it also beca me an integral pa rt of the ma inla nd due to the eff ort of Chinese immigra nts at sinicizing the loca l indigenous popula tion. Chen's "indigeniza tion" thesis beca me moot. Over the years, immigra nts ha d succeeded in esta blishing a Chinese society in Ta iwa n. According to Li, once the "Ma inla ndiza tion" process wa s complete, it beca me unnecessa ry to continue paying homa ge and ma king pilgrima ges to the shrines of ancestra l gods and/or goddesses in the ma inla nd. The rea l difference between Chen Ch'i-na n and Li Kuo-ch'i is not whether the Ta iwa n society under the Ch'ing dy na sty wa s Chinese or non-Chinese (Chen also considers it a Chinese society), but the assessment of the degree of "Chineseness" in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Ta iwa n. Li Kuo-ch'i and others wa nted to pla ce Ta iwa n on a pa r with its neighboring provinces in the ma inla nd, whereas Chen Ch'i-na n hoped to dra w attention to the "uniq ueness," or "Taiwa nness," of the society. Wha t rea lly differentia tes them is the identity issue. While ma ny wished to cling to the Chinese identity, ma inta ining the belief tha t Ta iwa n wa s a la bora tory for Chinese studies, Chen and like-minded young schola rs were beginning to seek a new identity. This wa s not coincidenta l but rela ted to the cha nges ta king pla ce both within the isla nd and without. During the 1970s, world politics ha d ma de it increasingly diffi cult for Ta iwan schola rs to entertain the Western notion tha t Ta iwa n wa s a la bora tory for Chinese studies, for the United Sta tes ha d cha nged its policy towa rd China , which consequently ca used its abandonment of Ta iwa n. Although the U.S. ha d tried to prevent China from entering the United Na tions, when it ultima tely ha ppened in 1971, the US government decided to ta ke a realpolitik approa ch towa rd the "two China s" across the Ta iwa n Stra itY President Richa rd Nix on's visit to China in 1972, Japan's norma lizing of diploma tic rela tions with China in 1973, and the esta blishment of diploma tic rela tions between the U.S. and China in 1978, all ha d a deva sta ting eff ect on Ta iwa n's ima ge as the "rea l" China . As a result, Ta iwa n, or the ROC, wa s now left in isolation, bidding TAIWAN'S SEARCH FOR NATIONAL HISTORY 103 fa rewell to the foreign amba ssadors being reca lled, on e after another, by 38 Huang Chun-chieh, Taiwan i-shih yu their govern ments. The ha rsh rea lity is, if no country would associate Taiwan wen-hua [Taiwanese consciousness and Taiwanese culture] (Taipei: Cheng­ Ta iwan wi th China, what was the need of maintaining the Chinese chung Shu-chu, 2000). identity in Taiwan? Having witnessed the devasta ti on Ta iwan wen t 39 Tu Cheng-sheng, "Tao Taiwan chih lu" through, young schola rs born and ra ised on the island, who had no [My discovery of Taiwan], Tzu-yu shih-pao, memory of the mainland as thei r fathers or grandfathers did, natura lly felt 10 January 1999 that it was ti me for them to look for a new identity of thei r own .3 8 40 A-chin Hsiau, Contemporary Taiwanese In an emoti ona l recollecti on of his "discovery" of Ta iwan, Tu Chen g­ cultural nationalism (London: Routledge, 2000), p.6. shen g con fess ed that it was the changing politi cs of the world that hel ped 41 Wakabayashi Masahiro, Taiwan ni tsuite turn his eyes from China, where he wa s on ce a devoted and reputed Taiwan shi kenkyii: seido, kankyo, seika Chinese hi storian, toTa iwan, the land where he was born and ra ised and [On the study of Taiwan history in Taiwan: had both physical and ps ychologica l ties to. He wrote: system, environment and accomplishment] [Tokyo: Tokyo Koryo Kyokai, 1996], and Due to the increasing isolation of Taiwan in the world, I have gradually "Taiwan shih yen-chiu te hui-ku yO chan­ realized the real status and position of my identity. Can I continue to claim wang yen t'ao-hui chuan-hao." to be Chinese? Do other peoples in the world see me as Chinese? The more 42 Wu Mi-cha �W�, a specialist in Taiwan foreigners I have met, the less certain my answers have become. As Taiwan history at Taiwan University, expressed such society thawed politically, Chiang's authoritarian government gradually frustrations in an interview with me on 14 softened, and the "Taiwanese consciousness" burgeoned, I, an intellectual April 1999 at Taiwan University, Taipei, steeped in Chinese cultural tradition who had experienced both internal Taiwan. introspection and external changes, came to notice the existence of Taiwan, as if awakened by the gentle breeze and fragrant earth of an early spring. 39

Tu is not alon e. Many Ta iwan intellect ua ls went through the same identity crisis when the KMT was forced to sever its di plomatic ti es with many of its "old fri ends" around the world. According to A- chin Hsiau, Ta iwan's diploma ti c failure was a cata lyst for radi cal changes in domestic politi cs : opposition forces sharply criticized the KMT and ca lled ea gerly for "Taiwanesenatio nalism," whi ch led to the the Kao-hsiung In ci dent of 1979 and culminated in the founding of the DPP in 1986 .40 From the ea rly 1980s on wa rds, Ta iwan studies wi tnessed tremend ous progress.41 In the field of history, this progress could be seen in three areas. Fi rst, the term "Taiwan history" ca me into existence as a field of its own, no lon ger considered a sub-field of Chinese history. In colleges, cours es on "Taiwan history" were offered regula rly, and stud en ts were induced to write thei r thes es on the subj ect. Since the ea rl y 1990s, some un iversities made the "Taiwan history" cours e on e of the ba sic history surv ey courses , and many have simply made it a req ui red cours e for all history ma jors. As a res ult, professors res ponsible for tea ching the Ta iwan history course in manysc hools includingTa i-ta were ov erwhelmed by the enthusiasm of thei r students as well as ov erburd ened by the ext ra work that enthusiasm en gendered .42 The percenta ge of bot h the MA and PhD thes es on Ta iwan history has ri sen steadily since the 1980s. From the ea rly 1980s on , ov er 10 per cent of hi story grad uate students consistently focused on Ta iwan hi story. Between 1991 and 2000, the percentage of those chOOSing Taiwan hi story ros e to 23.17 per cent . The in creasing 104 Q. EDWARD WANG

43 Peng Ming-hui, Taiwan shih-hsueh te popularity of Taiwan history among stude nts was ac hieve d at th e cost of Ch ung-kuo ch 'an-chi, pp.l9B-9. inte re st in Ch ine se history (down from over 90 pe r cent pre-1970 to 66 44 Wakabayashi, Taiwan ni tsuile Taiwan pe r ce nt in th e 1990s), wh ile the pe rcentage of stude nts studying fore ign shi kenkyfl. history has re maine d unch ange d ove r the past four de cade s, being maintaine d at ab out 10 pe r cent43 The se cond tre nd in th e de ve lopme nt of Taiwan hist ory was the appe arance of a large number of pub lic ations on Taiwan history and culture . Taiwan' s book storesha ve made an extra effort re ce ntly to display these pub lic ations in a special loc ation, usually labe led"Taiwan studies," wh ose size is comparable to th at of eith er the soc ial sc iences or th e humanities section, if not larger. There are book store s th at specialize in Taiwan studies loc ate d ne ar Tai-ta and othe r maj or campuse s. Under the big umb re lla of "Taiwan studies," one finds book s th at cove r a gre at varie ty of topic s, ranging from language , culture , and costume to history, re ligion, and anth ropology. Pub lic ations in history boast both varie ty and quantity. There are book s of ge ne ral history, such as Sh ih Ming's 9:.fY3 Four Hundred Year Historyof the Ta iwan People and OngJ ok-tik (W ang Yu -te 3:W1�)'s Ta iwan: A Gloomy History, th e two earlie st historie s of Taiwan th at we re originally published ove rse as in the 1940s and the 1950 s, and we re thenba nnedby the KMT until the 1980s. The re have also bee n ne w additions in more re cent ye ars. As Taiwan studie s became a booming fie ld, unive rsitie s, cultural age nc ie s, pub lic and private foundations, and gove rnme ntal offices at diffe re nt le ve ls sponsore d and organized many conferences, work sh ops, and le cture s. As a re sult, there are many pub lished confe re nce proceedings, le cture se rie s and essay collections. But comparative ly spe ak ing, the collec tion of source mate rials on Taiwan history and culture constitute s by far the largest proportion of all public ations in history. Taiwan studies enjoys strong pub lic support; the incentives for collecting historic al sources often come from below. Many countie s and even townsh ips have their own historic al soc ie tie s th at take the initiative to collec t and organize, with profe ssional supe rvision, valuable loc al sources. Th ese soc ie tie s are ofte n ab le to proc ure the funding to ge t th e mate rial pub lished. As we will se e in the ne xt se ction, the pub lic interest in Taiwan studie s has also infl ue nc ed the work of ac ade mic historians. The th ird tre nd in the de ve lopme nt of Taiwan history was the appe arance of a number of age nc ie s, institute s and associations in Taiwan studies44 In re sponse to pub lic inte re st, many age nc ie s and offices we re se t up with or with out gove rnment approval. It is impossible to count them with any ac curac y. The number of offic ial and se mi- offic ial institutes and associations also inc re ase d greatly. In 1977 th e governme nt estab lishe d the Re se arch Ce nte r of Historic al Re lic s in Taiwan, wh ich assume d the re sponsibility of supporting and monitoring th e collection of historic al sources at the loc al le ve l. In 1987 th e Assoc iation of Taiwan History TAIWAN'S SEARCH FOR NATIONAL HISTORY 105

(Taiwan shih yen-chiu hui E!�5t:Wf�wJ) wa s formed. During 1994 45 Gunter Schubert, Taiwan-Die chinesische and 1995 , there appea red, ra ther abruptly, three academic orga niza tions, Alternative: Demokratisierung in einem ostasiatischen Schwellenland (1986- 1993) competing with the existing China associa tions: the Ta iwa n Politics and, with Axel Schneider, ed., Taiwan an Associa tion (Taiwan cheng-chih hsueh-hui -g..l&ii:l*ff), Ta iwa n der Schwelle zum 21. jahrhundert: Historical Associa tion (Taiwan Ii-shih hsueh-hui E!��5t:�f() and Gesellschaftlicher Wandel, Probleme und Perspektiven eines asiatischen the Ta iwa n Sociological Associa tion (Taiwan she-hui hsueh-hui Schwellenlandes (Hamburg: Mitteilungen E!�t±1t�1t).The Ta iwa n Historica l Associa tion is not the sa me as des Instituts fiir Asienkunde, #270, 1996); the Associa tion of Ta iwa n History; the former pursues a different politica l Chang Mao-kuei, "Political transformation and the 'ethnization' of politics in Taiwan," agenda . All the associa tions publ ish their own journalsan d/ or monogra phs. Taiwan an der Schwelle zum 21. In addition, there is Ta iwan: A Radical Quarterly in Social Studies jahrhundert: Gesellschaft licher Wandel, (Ta iwa n she-hui yen- chiu chi-k'an E!�t±Wr1iJf�*fU) 0988-) , a Prohlemeund Perspektiven eines asiatischen comprehensive academic journa l edited ma inl y by the Tsing-hua University Schwellenlandes, ed. Gunter Schubert and Axel Schneider, pp.135-52; Thomas Gold, fa culty. More significa ntl y, Aca demia Sinica , often rega rded by Ta iwa n "Civil society and Taiwan's quest for identity," schola rs as a conserva tive agency, esta blished the "Fieldwork Office in pp.47-68; and Chao and Myers, The first Ta iwa n History" (Ta iwa n-shih t'ien-yeh yen-chiu kung-tso-shih Chinese democracy. E!.5t: 1i7f�B3!f I 1'F � in 1988 and la ter turned it into theInstitute of Ta iwa n History (Prepa ra tory Office) in 1993. The esta blishment of the Institute suggests tha t the study of Ta iwa n history ha s been forma ll y recogniz ed as a legitima te field of resea rch by academic historia ns. To account for the rema rka ble progress of Ta iwa n studies in the 1980s and the 1990s, we must consider the nota ble cha nge in government politics. Facing interna tiona l isola tion and domestic opposition, the KMT in the 1980s bega n its so-ca lled "Ta iwa nization" (Taiwan hua E! �1b project, recruiting na tive Ta iwa nese (e.g. Lee Teng-hui) into the echelons of government. Chia ng Ching-kuo's dea th- bed decision to lift ma rtia l la w in 1987 also removed a big obsta cle to Ta iwa n's democra tiza tion. Many new members were elected into the Legisla tive Yuan, replacing ageing KMT members from the ma inla nd 45 Most of the new members, especia lly those belonging to the DPP, were born and ra ised in Ta iwa n in fa milies tha t ha d lived on the isla nd for hundreds of yea rs. These members fel t the strong need for an independent Ta iwa n and took the initia tive of promoting Ta iwa n studies to hel p forge a new Ta iwa n identity. Provided with generous funding approved by the Legislative Yi.ian, therefore, Ta iwa n studies prolifera ted, ga ining tremendous popula rity. The boom of Ta iwa n studies, or the rise of Ta iwa n history, also benefited from cha nges in academic and litera ry circles from the mid 1960s onwa rds. There wa s cultura l development both within and outside the discipline of histor y. The deba te on so-ca lled "Country Litera ture" (Hsiang-t'u wen-hsueh �� ±x�) during the 1970s, for exa mple, which wa s initia ll y a rea ction against Western-influenced, modernist litera ture, drew both public and schola rly attention to the question of na tional identity. Whil e ma ny associa ted this identity with Chinese culture, some, especiall y in the la te 1970s, bega n to advoca te "Ta iwa nese consciousness, " 106 Q. EDWARD WANG

46 Cheng Ch'in-jen, "Taiwan-shih yen-chiu pitting it against "Chinese co ns ciousness." This kind of search fo r identity yu li-shih i-shi te chien-t'ao" [The study of eventu ally led to a quest fo r a history of Taiwan. In 1983 historian Cheng Taiwan history and the critique of historical Ch'in-j en l��.X{- pu blished an essay in Ta iwan Literature, one of the consciousnessl, Ta iwan wen-i 84 (1983) 7- 17. main pu blicatio ns in the "Cou ntry Literatu re Debate," calling fo r a re­ 47 See "Chung-yang yen-chiu-yuan Taiwan evalu ation of Taiwan's historical stu dy and the need ofstu dying Taiwan's shih t'ien-yeh yan-chiu-shih chien-pao" own history.46 Cheng's essay was "a pio neering exposition of the 'pro­ , ,, [Newsletter of the Field Work Office of Taiwan' view of history . 47 Taiwan History in Academia Sinical, (4 March In the historical wo rld, having broken away from the do minance of 1993); and "Taiwan shih yen-chiu-so she-so kuei-hua-an" [Proposal for the establishment the Historical Source School, scho lars began to take an int erest in source of the Institute of Taiwan History], 19 March materials outs ide the co nventio nal, nam ely the vo lu minous dynastic 1993. Both are kept in the library of the reco rds kept by co urt historians in im perial China. They were lo oking fo r Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica. something more lo cal and more im mediate. This int erest in new historical 48 Hsiau, ContemporaryTaiwanese cultural sources reflected the changing histo rical int erests . In Hsu Cho -yi.in's nationalism, pp. l65-6 . opinio n, since the 1960s a gradu al pro cess of "topic expans io n" Cchu-t'i 49 Hsu Cho-yun, "Tsou-hsiang shih-hsueh te hsin tu-ching" [A new approach to k'uo-san .:tIHRUjjo in Taiwan's historical circle; historians expanded historical study], Shih-hsueh-ch 'uan-ch'eng their int erest from the cent er to the periphery, or China to Taiwan, du e yu pien-chien hsueh-shih t'ao lun-hui lun­ to the shift in their int erest from po lit ical and institutional history to social wen-chi [Proceedings of the conference on the continuity and change of historical study] and eco no mic histo ry48 This shift in int erest was largely du e to the (Taipei: National Taiwan University, 1998), influence of the social sciences , not only through the wo rk s of Hsu Cho­ pp.5-8. yu n and Tao Jing-shen who were co ncerned wit h social theory and method, bu t also throu gh those ofth e social scientists themselves . Chang Ku ang- chih, fo r exam ple, who had promoted the int erdisciplinary "Chuo­ taPr oj ect " in the 1970s, played a leading ro le in the pro cess of establishing both the Field Wo rk Officeand the Institute in Academia Sinica. Not only did he su ggest the idea but he also secu red the co llabo rat io n and support of other institutes in Academ ia Sinica, inclu ding the two history institutes (IHP and IM H) as well as the Institutes of Ethno lo gy and So cial Sciences , in their establis hm ent . More im port ant , he helped pro cu re the initial fu nding from bothth e National Science Council in Taiwan and the Henry Lu ce Fou ndation inth e U.S. fo r bot h the Fieldwo rk Officeand the Institute of Taiwan HistolY in Academ ia Sinica49 Thus viewed, the ris e of Taiwan history to some degree parallels historio gr aphical develo pm ents in Taiwan over the previous few decades. The nu rturing enviro nm ent pro vided by po lit ical demo cratizatio n since 1987 has enabled it to ent er a perio d of explosive gro wt h.

3. Toward a Na tional Hi story

Although the gro wt h is truly im pressive, historians wo rk ing in the field of Taiwan history have not reached a co ns ensu al view of the is land's past that satisfies all its cu rrent inhabitants. The des ire to know about the past co mes, of cou rs e, from co ncerns about identity. But the des ire is neit her TAIWAN'S SEARCH FOR NATIONAL HISTORY 107

simpl e no r singular; there are many divergent views on the identit y 50 Lu Chien-jung, Fen-lieh te kuo-tsu jen­ question. 50 At a political level, there has been a general int erest in creating tung, 197�199 7 [The ambivalence of national identity in Taiwan] (Taipei: Mai­ a nat io nal identity fo r Taiwan, in respo nse to the effo rt made by the tien, 1999); Shelley Rigger, "Competing current go vernment under Chen Shui- bian to seek defacto independence conceptions of Taiwan's identity," Across fo r the island. But this general int erest seems to have only divided people, the Taiwan Strait: mainland China, Taiwan, not unit ed them, fo r the creation of a new nat io nal identity in Taiwan and the 199� 1996 crisis, ed. Zhao Suisheng (London: Routledge, 1999), pp.229-42; and ent ail ed a new relationship wit h mainland China. Given the PRC's Politics in Taiwan: voting fo r democracy insistence on it s so vereignt y over the isl and and the unreliabil it y of the (London: Routledge, 1999). ambiguo us assurance of safet y to Taiwan byth e United States (fo llo wing 51 Zhao, Across the Taiwan Strait; David it s "betrayal" in the 1970s), many Taiwanese think a decl arat io n of an Tawei Lee and Robert Pfaltzgraff, Jr., eds. independent national identity wo ul d only invit e military invasio n by the Taiwan in a transfo rmed world (Washington: Brassey's, 1995); and Lasater, PRc.51 Although many Taiwanese readily dismiss the idea of unificatio n The Taiwan conundrumin U.S. Chinapolicy. wit h the PRC , they too are unwilling to make any radical mo ves toward 52 Thomas Gold, "Civil society and Taiwan's independence. The DPP, fo r ex ample, having made remarkable gains in quest for identity," p.56. the 1989 electio n, in which it wo n over 30 per cent ofth e vote fo r the seats 53 Jiang Yi-huah, "Tang-chien Taiwan kuo­ in the Legislative Yu an and other assemblies, "stumbled badly as a result chia jen-tung lun-shuh chih fan-hsing" of placing Taiwan independence at the cent er of it s platfo rm" in 1991.52 [Reflections on the discourses of national identity in Taiwan], Taiwan she-hui yen­ Mo re recent publ ic po lls al so indicate that there has always been a chiu chi-kan 29 (1998): 218-19; Chang Mao­ co nsistent majo rit y of the peo ple who wo uld like to maint ain the st at us kuei, "Political transformation and the quo; they are simply uninterest ed in making any change with regard to 'ethnization' of politics in Taiwan," pp.135- the island' s relation wit h the PRc .53 All this helps ex plain why the new 52; and "Report on the recent poll on the Taiwanese opinions on unification or president Chen Shui-bian has since his inaugurat io n ado pt ed a cautio us independence," The China Press, 4 and prudent po licy toward the issue of independence. December 2000. Apart fro m the fear of military invasion fro m the outside, there remain 54 John Robert Shepherd, Statecraft and other pro bl ems int ernally. Taiwan' s peo ple are divided into fo ur majo r political economy on the Taiwan fr ontier, 1600-1800 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford semi- et hnic gro ups (tsu-ch 'un 1J!j(f:F). The majo rit y is the Hoklo ;f:ljH� (70 University Press, 1993). per cent), who immigrat ed to the island fro m China' s Fu-chien Pro vince 55 Chen Chung-min, Chuang Ying-chang, during the seventeent h and the ninet eenth cent uries. The seco nd is the and Huang Shu-min, eds, Ethnicity in Hakka �* (14 per cent) who, mo st ly fro m Kuang-t ung _* pro vince, Taiwan: SOCial, histOrical, and cultural came to Taiwan a little later than the Hokl0 54 The third is the so-call ed perspectives (Taipei: Institute of Ethnology, Mainlanders, referring to the one and a half millio n Chinese who retreated Academia Sinica, 1994), and Chou Wan­ yao, Taiwan Ii-shih tu-shuo [Taiwan: an to the island wit h the KMT go vern ment in 1949 and no w co nstit ut e nearly illustrated history] (Taipei: Lien-ching, 1997). 14 per cent of the po pulatio n. Fourt h are the Aborigines who, acco rding to a recent st udy by both Taiwan and fo reign scho lars, have lived on the island fo r over fiveth ousand years and belo ng to the same et hnic gro up as the Po lynesians in the South Pacifi c.55 Ethnically and historically, therefo re, the first three gro ups are Han Chinese and were fro m China original ly. But with regard to their identifi cat io n wit h Taiwan, the Hoklo appear mo st ent husiastic, followed by the Hakka, fo r bot h gro ups have lived on the isl and fo r over a cent ury and are co mfo rt able wit h the term "Taiwanese." Although interested in findinga Taiwan identity, the Hakka are also suspicio us and war y abo ut the po ssibl e do minance ofth e Hoklo in Taiwan, which wo uld remindthem of their diffi cult, so metimes painful, ex perience ofth e past in co mpeting with the Hoklo in coloniz ing Taiwan, 108 Q. EDWARD WANG

56 Monanen Malialiaves, "Ah Neng's not to mention the soc ia l and cultura l prejudic e they often feel they are critique," Positions 8:1 (Spring 2000): 179- subjec te d to in their da ily life. By compa rison, the Ma inla nders, mostly 200. former serv ic emen and civilia ns of the KMT government, are ambiva lent; 57 Hill Gates, "Ethnicity and social class," while ma ny of the m dislike the PRC, they seem also unc omforta ble with Th e Anthropology o/ Ta iwanese Society, ed. Emily Martin Ahern and Hill Gates (Stanford, the DPP. Then, there is the question about including the Aborigines. Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1981), Although they only constitute less tha n 2 per cent of the current pp.242-81; Chang Mao-kuei, "Political popula tion, as the first inha bita nts in Taiwa n, the ir voic es and presenc e transformation and the 'ethnization' of are cruc ia l to the endea vor for crea ting a new identity for both historica l politics in Taiwan," pp.135-52; Harrell and Huang, Cultural change inpostwar Ta iwan, and political re asons. However, as we sha ll disc uss below, in sta nda rd pp.1-21; and Wakabayashi Masahiro, accounts of Ta iwa n's history the Aborigines ha ve been ma rginaliz ed, if Ta iwan: Bunretsu kokka to minshuka not neglec ted. 56 This is ironic , sinc e from a purely na tivist point of view, [Taiwan: its division and democratization] they would be considere d the only "bona fideTa iwa nese" on the isla nd. (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1992). How to media te rela tions among these groups, therefore, ha s bec ome a 58 Harrell and Huang, Cultural change in postwar Ta iwan, pp.1-21, and Gold, "Civil challenge to anyone who seek s a unifiedTa iwa n identity.57 society and Taiwan's quest for identity," Perc eived ethnic differenc es aside, there are linguistic differenc es. ibid., pp.47-68. Although the Hoklo, Hakka, and Ma inla nde rs are Ha n 11i Chinese, they 59 Wakabayashi Masahiro, Ta iwan: bunretsu speak different la nguages, whic h are inc omprehensible to one another. kokka to minshuka. In genera l, all the Hoklo are able to communicate among themselves, as are the Hakka. However, the two groups ca nnot understa nd each other. The Ma inlanders and the Aborigines are even more problema tic , for there are ma ny dia lec ts used within each group. Over the la st severa l decades, the KMT government ha d pushed ha rd for linguistic unity, dema nding tha t Ma nda rin be ta ught in sc hools and spok en in public. As a result, most Ta iwa ne se speak Ma nda rin better tha n ma ny Chinese in the PRC whose mother-tongue is not Ma nda rin. However, in the eyes of some Taiwa nese who seek political independe nc e for Ta iwa n, Ma nda rin is a "fore ign" la ngua ge imposed on them by an "alien" KMT government from the ma inla nd. Ma ny DPP lea ders thus chose to speak Hokkien in public , as a challenge to the Ma inla nders who are una ble to understa nd them. 58 A problem rema ins: if Hokk ien is the Ta iwa nese la ngua ge, wha t about Hakka and the severa l other la ngua ges spok en by the Aborigines? At present, it seems tha t beca use of the demogra phic ma jority, Hokkien is ga ining popula rity, pa rtic ula rly among politic ia ns who use it to stump for votes in the Hok lo communities. But the re are alrea dy protests against it from other ethnic groups. Due to these ethnic , political, and cultura l differe nc es, it seems unlikely tha t a consensua l view of Ta iwan's pa st can be reached any time soon.59 Conversely, if historical viewpoint is a reflec tion of historical experienc es, different historica l viewpoints suggest the diverse experienc es the people ha ve ha d in both the isla nd's remote and recent pa st. Prior to the 1980s, as the KMT government empha sized the nec essity of rec ove ring the ma inla nd, the teaching of Chinese history oc cupied the center of the sc hool curric ulum at all levels. Ta iwa n wa s re ga rded asa frontier region; its history wa s mentione d oc casiona lly. To be prec ise, there were three TAIWAN'S SEARCH FOR NATIONAL HISTORY 109

oc casion s on whic h Taiwan, most lik ely, would be men tion ed in Chin ese 59 Kuo Ting-yee, Ta iwan shih-shih kai-shuo histor y courses: Chen g Ch'eng- kung � RX;:rfJ (Koxinga) 's use of Taiwan [General remarks on Taiwan history] 0954; r60rint ed., Taipei: Cheng-chung Shu-cho, as his base for resisting the Ch'ing dyn asty in the seventeen th cen tury; the 1990), pp.1-3. Ch'ing dyn asty's cession of the island to Japan after its defeat in the Sin o­ 61 John R. Shepherd, Statecraft andpolitical Japan ese War in 1895; an d the KMT's rec laiming of Taiwan after World economy on the Ta iwan frontier, 1600- War II in 1945. These three even ts also demarc ated the gen eral histor y of 1800. Taiwan, as considered by the authors who wrote Taiwan histor y prior to 62 "Li-shih chiao-yo yii hsiang-tu-shih chiao­ the 1980s. These authors, in cludin g Kuo Tin g-yee,60 sometimes mention ed yo" [Historical education and local history education], Ta ng-tai 120 (Aug. 1997) 32- a few contac ts Chin a made with Taiwan in an earlier period, e. g. the Three 67, and "Li-shih chiao-ko-shu yo Ii-shih Kingdoms of the third centur y, in order to demonstrate the islan d's chiao-hsoeh tso-tan-hui" [A discussion on historic al ties with the main lan d before it bec ame Chen g Chen g- kung's history textbooks and history teaching], Hs in­ an ti-Ch'in g base in the seventeen th century, when immigran ts from the shih-hsueh 11.4 (Dec. 2000): 139-94. main lan d began to colon ize the island on a large sc ale.61 63 Laura Hein and Mark Selden, "Intro­ duction: the lessons of war, global power, Given the many chan ges tak in g plac e in Taiwan 's politic al an d and social change," Censoring history: ac ademic life from the 1980s on , this Chin a-c en tered historic al approach citizenship and memory inJapan, Germany, is no lon ger ac ceptable to most Taiwanese. Yet the ethn ic an d lin guistic and the United States, ed. Laura Hein and diversity an d cultural an d politic al differences in its population also Mark Selden (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2000), pp.3-52. mean s that an altern ative-n amely, a balanced an d coheren t view of Taiwan's history-is hard to effect. Over the past dec ade, although the study of Taiwan history enj oyed tremen dous popularity among both history students an d the public, Taiwan historians in Taiwan have yet to provide a comprehensive an d sc holarly ac coun t of the island's history. However, this has not preven ted them from writing new textbooks on Taiwan' s history as well as on other histories, includin g world history, for both sec on dar y an d college levels. This in terest in textbook writing, needless to say, is related to their overall conc ern about Taiwan 's historic al educ ation over the past few dec ades an d the effort to re­ en visage Taiwan's position vis-a-vis its Asian neighbors an d Western powers in today's world.62 Like nation alist historian s in other coun tries, Taiwan historians are fully aware of the twofold importance assoc iated with textbook writing in modern soc iety: the formation of citizen ship an d the promotion of patriotism 63 The former seek s to offer a narrative that rec ogn izes an y existing differenc es in a given soc iety, while the latter addresses the issue of nation al identity by relating it to the coun try's foreign relation s. While these two issues seem to be concern ed with different areas, domestic an d foreign, they are of ten in separable, espec ially when we look at the case of Taiwan. For Taiwan textbook authors, findin g a un ifi ed historic al narrative mean s to rec ogn ize an d rec oncile different historic al experiences of the island's curren t in habitan ts, whic h req uires them to desc ribe the island's colonization, an d consequen tial oc cupations, by various peoples an d ethn ic groups over the last four hundred years. At the same time, they also need to work out a coheren t un derstan din g of the lives of the Aborigines, despite the latter's margin alized presence in today' s soc iety. At presen t, it appears that authors have chosen , rather, 110 Q. EDWARD WANG

64 fe n-shih Ta iwan-Ii-shih pien [Knowing to focus their attention on the is land's colonization, namely the immigration Taiwan: History] (Taipei: Kuo-li Pien-yi­ experienc es of large demographic grou ps such as the Hok lo and Hakka. chli, 1997), p.34. This pres entis t approach to textbook writing was shown in the 65 Monanen Malialiaves, "Ah Neng's pu blic ation of a new series of middle-school textbooks entitled "Knowing critique," Positions 8: 1 (Spring 2000): 179- 200. Taiwan" (fen-shih Ta iwan), whic h covers such subjec ts as his tory, society , and geography. In Knowing Ta iwan: History, stu dents are tau ght that the is land's his tory has gone throu gh several major periods: prehis toric; international competition (inc lu ding the partial occu pation of the is land by the Netherlands in the sixteenth centu ry) ; Cheng Ch' eng-ku ng's oc cu pation of the is land; the ru le of the Ch' ing dynas ty du ring the eighteenth and nineteenth centu ries; Japan's oc cupation between 1895 and 1945; and the RO C period from 1945 to the pres ent. This his toric al framework and periodization clearly su gges t the pres entis t approac h adopted by the au thors' textbook . Chang Sheng-yen �MJg, a noted his torian of Taiwan his tory who wrote the first half of the book, states that the goal of the book is to let students "know abou t the his toric al fac ts of , the colonization of Taiwan and its satellite is lands by all ethnic grou ps .,64 Althou gh he tries to inc lu de "all ethnic grou ps," he als o wants to plac e Taiwan's colonization at the center of the book, whic h may well leave ou t the Aborigines . It is worth noting that Chang was ac tu ally assigned to write the firs t half of the book that su ppos edly deals with the period from the is land's remote pas t, when the Aborigines were ac tive, up to its bec oming a provinc e under the Ch'ing. This pres entis t and colonization-focused approach is shown not only in Knowing Ta iwan: History, bu t als o in other texts in the series , henc e natu rally arousing the objec tion of the Aborigines. Monanen Malialiaves, for example, protes ted on different oc casions agains t the attempts of the textbook au thors at "marginalizing" the experienc e of the Aborigines: "We find that The History [in Knowing Ta iwan] situ ates indigenous people in prehis tory; indigenous people bec ome 'prehistorical men' and ceas e to exis t onc e his tory begins ." He strongly dis agrees with the textbook writers' charac terization of Taiwan his tory as a his tory of "dis covery" and Taiwan society as an "immigrant society," for this kind of charac terization fails to ac count for the presenc e of the Aborigines in both the is land's pas t and pres ent.65 For the textbook writers, their dec is ion to tak e the pres entis t approac h by conc entrating on Taiwan's colonization from the seventeenth centu ry onward seems to be both ac ademic and politic al. Over the pas t few dec ades, three periods of Taiwan his tory rec eived most attention: the ru le of the Ch'ing, the Japanes e oc cu pation, and the pos t-WWII years .66 By comparis on, the Aborigines and their integration with the immigrants have engendered interest mainly among anthropologis ts , archaeologis ts and linguis ts ; his torians are yet to make more effort to inc orporate the res earc h findings of their neighboring discipl ines into their writings . It is j TAIWAN'S SEARCH FOR NATIONAL HISTORY 111 also poli tical because by characterizing Taiwan's hi story as a hi story 66 This statement reflects the consensus among of "di sc overy, " it forc es on e to rethink the island's ti es wi th the many practising Taiwan historians whom I interviewed in both 1999 and 2001. There are mainlan d, henc e challen gi ng the conventional belief in its Chinese also a few corroborating articles and statistical iden ti ty. In deed, in Knowing Ta iwan: History, the authors intend to studies on this finding, such as Peng Ming-hui, de- empha si ze the Chinese influenc e in Taiwan hi stor y. In contra st to Ta iwan shih-hsiiehte Chung-kuo chan-chi; Liao Kuo Tin g- yee's work, for instance, the textbook ev en -handedly Su-hsiang, "Taiwan ti-ch'u ko-ta-hsueh yen­ chiu-suo yu-kuan Taiwan-shih yii Taiwan min­ desc ri bes the rule of the Dutc h, the Chinese (inc luding the Manchu su chih po-shuo-shih lun-wen hsuan-mu" rulers of the Ch'ing), and theJa panese in different hi storical peri ods. [Selected topics of doctoral and MA theses on Bycr ea ting the image of Ta iwan asan "interna tiona l" island, they have Taiwan history and folklore in the historical down pla yed the once dominant Chinese infl uenc e.67 The authors' research institutes ofTaiwan's universities], Shih­ lien ts a-chih 30/31 (Dec. 1997): 189-214; and inten ti on is most clearly shown in thei r creation of an "internaio t nal Shih Chih-wen, "Taiwan shih yen-chiu te fan­ competi ti on " peri od, in which they desc ri be colon ization by the SZU, 1983-1992" [A reflection on the study of Dutc h, the Spaniards, the Ja panese, and the Chinese pri or to Cheng Taiwan history], Kuo-li Ta iwan shihjan la­ Ch'eng- kung's ta keover, hence minimizing the isla nd's hi storical hsiieh Ii-shih hsiieh-pao 22 (June 1994): 413-46. 6 connec ti on wi th the ma inlan d. In so dOing, the textbook drives home 7 Jen-shih Ta iwan-Ii-shih pien. 6 the poin t tha t the island, ev er sinc e the si xteenth century, ha s been 8 Some of these new interpretations of Taiwan history have been incorporated by American ruled mostly by outsi ders and tha t it now deserves an indepen den t scholars in a recent publication on Taiwan sta tus in the world.68 history. See Murray Rubinstein, ed. Ta iwan: a But thi s attempt at "de-sinicization" (ch 'u Chung-kuo hua new history (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1999). 1b seems more controversial than the presen ti st foc us, for it Taiwan's media had extensive coverage of the *9=' � Knowing Ta iwan textbook controversy. Soon revokes many not so di stant yet quite differen t hi storical memori es in afterwards, Taiwan scholars of different the minds of the people. Moreover, as di fferen t ethnic groups develop disciplines began to study it, such as Peter Kang, di fferent in terpreta ti on s wi th rega rd to the island's hi story, sha ped by "Knowing whose Taiwan? Construction of the Chinese identity in the high school history their di stinct hi storical ex peri ences an d cultural/poli ti ca l predilec ti on s, education ofTaiwan," Hua-lien shih-yuen hsiieh­ there is also a thorny and important issue tha t alwa ys looms large in pao 8 (June 1998): 217-36; Lu Chien-jung, Fen­ thei r minds: namely, Taiwan's rela ti on wi th the PRC, or the "t'ung" ii lieh te kuo-tsu jen-tung, 1975-1997; Wang (unifica ti on) an d "tu" J;j(i ndepen dence) questi on . To many Chinese Fu-chang, "Min-tsu hsiang-hsiang, tsu-chun i­ $"'Hi�, shih yii li-shih: 'Jen-shih Taiwan' chiao-ko-shu nati on alists, especially Li Ch'ing-hua the son of a KMT cheng-i fe ng-po te nei-jung yii mai-lo fen-hsi" veteran, who wa s then s a New Party (hsin-tang :JfJf :fO represen ta ti ve [National imagination, ethnic consciousness, and in the Legi slative Yuan, the publication ofKnowing Ta iwan amoun ted history: content and context analyses of the Knowing Ta iwan textbook disputes], Ta iwan­ to a delibera te yet dangerous step towa rd the dec la ra ti on of Taiwan's shih yen-chiu 8.2 (Dec. 2001): 145-208; and independenc e.69 Esta bli shed in 1993 by a group ofKMT members who Peng Ming-hui, Taiwan shih-hsiieh te Chung­ di sa pproved of Lee Teng-hui's pro-independence policy, the New kuo chan-chi. As an author of the sociology Party represen ts the pro- reunificati on and Chinese na tionalist poli tical textbook in the series, Peng's study is particularly interesting because it tries to stay neutral, which voice in Taiwan?O After the publica ti on of the textbook, it wa s Li is indicative of the political sensitivity of the Ch'ing-hua who firstch allen ged the authors and sta rted the deba te?) textbook issue in today's Taiwan society. See A strong advocate of "de-siniciza ti on " in Taiwan hi stor y is Tu pp.207---{j0. By contrast, Tu Cheng-sheng openly Chen g- shen g, who served on the edi torial boa rd of the Knowing defends his thesis and his role in the controversy, as shown here. Ta iwan seri es. A student of Hsu Cho- yiin, Tu esta bli shed hi mself in 69 Peter Kang, "Knowing whose Taiwan?," and the field ofanci ent Chinese hi story an d, ironically, ha d not ma de any Wang Fu-chang, "Min-tsu hSiang-hsiang, tsu­ study ofTa iwan hi story un ti l the 1990s. However, Tu's posi ti on as the chun i-shih yu li-shih," pp.145-208. di rec tor of the IHP 0996-2000), sti ll the most respec ted resea rc h 70 Murray Rubinstein, Ta iwan: a new history, insti tute in Taiwan's hi storical circle, an d hi s sta tus asan academician pp.457-9. (yuan-shih wt±) in Academia Sinica add considera ble wei ght to hi s 71 Lien-ho pao, 4 June 1997. 112 Q. EDWARD WANG

72 Tu Cheng-sheng, Ta iwan hsin, Ta iwan voice. Before he got involved in text book writing, Tu had propos ed an hun [Taiwan: my heart and soul] (Taipei: int erpret at ive theory, the "Concentric Circles" (t'ung-hsin yuan �)l,' iii) Ho-pan Chu-ban-she, 1998). theory, for the teaching of Taiwan history. The theory is quit e simple: the 73 Karen Wigen, "Teaching about home: center is Taiwan and its surrounding circles are formed by China, As ia, geography at work in the prewar Nagano classroom," Jo urnal of Asian Studies 59.3 and then the world, res pe ctively. Tu int ends that Taiwan students begin (Aug. 2000): 550-74 their le arning process from knOW ing Taiwan, the land where they live­ 74 Hsiang-tu-shih chiao-yu hsueh-shu yen hence the text book title-t he n gradually expand their knowledge to t'ao-hui lun-wen-chi [Proceedings of the include China, As ia and the world72 conference on local history educationl Tu's propos al is reminiscent of the int roduct ion of "ky6dok a" ��±� (Taipei: Kuo-li Chung-yang Tu-shu-kuan Taiwan Fen-kuan, 1997), and "Li-shih chiao­ (native-place studies) to elementar y schools in early twentiet h- cent ury yO yii hSiang-tu-shih chiao-yli" [Historical Japan, in which the teaching of national history be gan wit h the study of education and local history educationl, Ta ng­ one's native place 73 But what prompted Tu to propos e such a pedagogical tai 120 (Aug. 1997): 32-67 idea seems to have more to do wit h the general int erest of today's Taiwan 75 Hein and Selden, "Introduction: the ��±!i:.). lessons of war, global power, and social historians in local history (hsiang-tu-shih The origin of this change," p.4. interest can be traced back at leas t to the 1970s in both literary and 76 Tu Cheng-sheng, Ta iwan hsin, Ta iwan academic circles . As the "C ountry Lit erature Debate" drew people's hun, pp.149-69, and Lu Chien-jung, Fen­ at tent ion to the lives of the inhabitants of small farms and villages , the lieh te kuo-Isu jen-t'ung, 1975-1997, pp.273- inf luence of the social sciences, es pecially anthropology, sociology, and 4. et hnology, encour aged historians to tak e an empirical, hands -on approach 77 Tu Cheng-sheng, Ta iwan hsin, Ta iwan hun. and study the daily and local life of the is land's past. Since the early 1990s, Taiwan his torians have organized several conferences on local history, which ge nerated a large number of res earch papers and articles . A key is sue in their dis cussion appears to be the link age between local and national his tory, in which they often draw on the experiences of other countries for comparison. Some have als o investigated their own pas t experience of, for example, the role of local history studies in Taiwan's public education during the colonial rule of JapanJ4 Although the Concentric Circles theory seems to ref lect the general int erest in adopting a Taiwan-cent ered historical view, it caus ed a great public stir aft er Tu and his colle agues int roduced it int o text books in 1997. This is not at all surprising becaus e, as Laura Hein and Mark Selden analyze, "textbooks are carried into neighborhood schools and homes , and becaus e, directly or indirectly, they carry the imprimat ur of the state, they have enormous authority."75 Indeed, the publication of theKnowing Ta iwan textbook series seemed to have att racted wide public at tent ion in Taiwan. In res pons e tothe int ense, emotional, and somet imes agitated, public react ion (a large number of readers from different walks of life wrote to the news papers) , the major news papers and magazines organized several debates. In the meant ime, the media als o us ed ot her means to cover the controversyJ6 Tu Che ng-s heng was the main target of the crit ics , for he strongly defended the purpose of thes e text books and his Concentric Circles theory. His pos it ion was clear; he wanted st udents to identify wit h Taiwan (jen-t'ung Ta iwan &!lJ, .)� .g. 77 The critics however charged that this identification was achieved by trivializing the brutality TAIWAN'S SEARCH FOR NATIONAL HISTORY 113 and oppression of Japanese colonial ru le be cause it tre ats this pe riod as 78 Lien-ho pao, 4 and 8 June 1997; Monanen just anothe r epoch, like the Du tch, Che ng, and Ch'ing pe riods 79 Indeed, Malialiaves, "Ah Neng's critique," pp.l88- 90 in the Knowing Ta iwan te xtbooks , the Japanese colonial ru le of the is land 79 Lien-ho pao, 6 June 1997. is re fe rre d to as "jih-chih" B m (Japanese ru le) rathe r than according to 80 Lu Chien-jung, Fe n-lieh te kuo-tsu jen­ the traditional usage "jih-chit" B � (Japanese occu pation) , su gges ting tung, 197�1997, p.277. the au thors ' inte ntion of tre ating the Japanese occu pation in parallel with 81 Ch ung-kuo shih-pao, 4 June 2000. the ru le s of the Dutch, Che ng Ch'e ng-ku ng, and the Ch'ing on the is land. 82 Chen Kung-Ii et aI., Jen-shih Ta iwan Along with this change in nome nclatu re , the au thors, while noting the chiao-ko-shu p'ing-hsi [A critique of the "dark side " ofJ apanese colonialis m, als o praise the mode rnization proje ct textbook Knowing Ta iwan] (Peking: Chiu­ lau nche d by the Japanese afte r 1895 and acknowledge its contribu tion ch'ou Tu-shu Chu-pan Kung-si, 1999). towards the de ve lopme nt of Taiwan his tory,79 The Japanese me dia, 83 Lien-ho pao, 9 and 11 June 1997. indeed, noticed the ne w pos ition take n by the te xtbook au thors and 84 Chen Chao-ying, "Tu-che tou-shu" [Letter we lcomed the change .s o In 2000, Japanese scholars trans lated and to the editor], Lien-ho pao, 7 June 1997. pu blis he d the te xtbook-the first time a Taiwan te xtbook had a Japanese re ndition.81 The re was als o re action across the Taiwan Strait, as expe cte d. In 1999 a grou p of mainland his torians, mos tly Taiwan expe rts , pu t toge the r a pamphle t, excoriating the te xtbook and de nou ncing the authors .82 Be sides the atte ntion the te xtbook re ce ive d from the ou ts ide, its critics ins ide Taiwan have state d that its au thors place too mu ch emphas is on various eras of fore ign ru le on the is land and the re fore ne gle ct the ce ntral role of the Taiwanese pe ople the mselves in the is land's his tory. Thu s the effe cts of the te xtbook we re paradoxical: it trie d to present an au tonomous Taiwan, or "Taiwan's au tonomy" (Taiwan chu-t'i-hsing .g..j:fttb, by minimizing its Chinese he ritage , bu t ultimate ly failed be cause it de nie d age ncy to the majority of the is land's inhabitants .83 More ove r, as one critic points ou t, the emphasis on foreign ru le in Taiwan shows the inte ntion of arousing a "tragic se ntime nt" (pei-ch 'ing�l 'IW) among the Taiwanese pe ople whe n vie wing the pas t, which is by no me ans he althy nor re comme nde d for Taiwan society84 It shou ld be noted that in the te xtbook controve rs y, its critics we re not all China sympathize rs , or unifi cationists ; the re we re als o DPP le ade rs who dis like d the te xtbook for its faile d promotion of Taiwan's au tonomy. Facing the criticisms , one au thor re sponded de fe ns ive ly that the criticism of the te xtbook by both China sympathizers and the ir oppone nts actu ally showe d its "neutrality and obje ctivity," and implied the kind of qu ality de sirable in a te xtbook 85 Ne verthe le ss, the te xtbook had to be re vise d again, in re sponse to the criticisms from many side s. Although the te xtbook editors seem unable to de fend the mselve s by re sorting to academic "neu trality and obje ctivity"-the latter re minds us of the claim made by Ranke and Fu Ssu-nie n's "His torical Sou rce School"-the y be lie ve that by re fu ting the China-ce nte re d approach and re storing "Taiwan subje ctivity," the y are presenting a his tory that is based on his torical facts and he nce close r to his torical tru th. In othe r words, like 114 Q. EDWARD WANG

85 Huang Hsiu-cheng, "Tu-che tou-shu" their pre de ce ssors of the "Historical Source School, " these historians, [Reader correspondence], Chung-kuo shih­ mostly working in academic circle, th ink it possible to construct a national pao, 6 June 1997; Lu Chien-jung, Fen-lieh te history on the basis of rigorous source criticism. In his re colle ction of the kuo-tsu fen-tung, 197�1997, pp.275-6; Wang Fu-chang, "Min-tsu hsiang-hsiang, tsu­ 1997 te xtbook controve rsy, Tu Ch eng-she ng state s th at the goal of chOn i-shih yO Ii-shih," pp.145-20S. historical study is "seeking truth" Cch 'iu-chen *JD and th at his 86 Tu Cheng-sheng, Ta iwan hsin, Ta iwan Concentric Circles theory, com pare d with the KMT's nationalist, Ch ina­ hun, pp.149-61. ce nte re d inte rpre tation, is a be tte r means to th at goal.86 By exercising 87 Ibid, pp.177-S5. source criticism, Tu pie ce d toge the r historical source s, mostly from 88 Chou Wan-yao, "Ming Ch'ing wen-hsien officialCh ine se dynastic histories and local gaze tteers, to offe r proof th at ch'ung 'Taiwan fei Ming pan-tu' Ii-cheng" Taiwan was inde pe nde nt prior to the Ch 'ing.87 Adopting the same [Evidence of "Taiwas not part of the Ming" from Ming and Ch'ing historical sources], method wh ile also including private writings, Ch ou Wan-yao fi!f1�i1J Cheng Ch 'in-fen chiao-shou fung-tui chi­ re ached the same conclusion: Ming rule rs ne ve r conside re d Taiwan their nien lun-wen-chi [Essays in commemoratiion own te rritory.88 Th e style of their re se arch re semble s, a gre at de al, th at of Professor Cheng Ch-in-jen's retirementl (Taipei: Tao-hsiang, 1999). of the "Historical Source Sch ool," as doe s their attempt at national history. But the difference is also cle ar: wh ile their method migh t be the same, Tu 89 Chang Mao-kuei, "Political transformation and the 'ethnization' of politics in Taiwan," Cheng-she ng and his followe rs are now writi ng a history of Taiwan. p.151, and Wang Fu-chang, "Min-tsu hsiang­ The difficulty in the form ation of a Taiwan ide ntity and the te xtbook hsiang, tsu-chOn i-shih yO Ii-shih," pp.145- controve rsy sugge st th at Taiwane se national history has come of age . 20S. Activists, historians, and educators alike have discove re d th at no one master nar rative will encom pass the comple xity of live d expe rie nce on Taiwan, nor will it satisfy the pe dagogical and political de mands of a population wh ose diverse class, ge nde r, and ethnic positions de fy unilinear , exclusionist historical narrative s. Give n the comple xity wh ich has been re ve ale d th rough the turn to social history, the fre sh bodie s of evide nce produce d by a ne w ge ne ration of sch olars, and the efforts of local historical societie s, some have argue d th at in or de r for the ide ntity discussion to re ach some fruitful outcome, there is a ne ed to oppose "both the concept of cultural assimilation prom ote d by Ch ine se nationalism and Hoklo-Taiwanese nationalism."89 In othe r words, the existe nce of the four main se mi-e th nic groups in Taiwan, along with the island's com ple x historical and cultural le gacy, has made the nationalist discourse on ide ntity insufficie nt to addre ss the problems facing Taiwan society.

4. Concluding Remarks

90 Homi Bhabha, "Introduction: narrating Despite the ch al le nge s and criticisms, most te xtbook auth ors, popular the nation," and "DissemiNation: time, historie s, and academic works th at provide synthetic accounts remain narrative, and the margins of the modern large ly committe d to the task of re ve rsing the island' s histor y by de ­ nation," Na tion and narration, ed. Homi K. Bhabha (London: Routledge, 1990), p.3. linking it from th at of Ch ina. Their work, as sh own above, has bee n ce ntere d on cre ating a coherent maste r-narrative for the island's history, or "an evolutionary narr ative of historical continuity" th at supports such grand concepts as tradition, pe ople, and nation.90 In so doing, they de lve TAIWAN'S SEARCH FOR NATIONAL HISTORY 115 int o the is la nd's remote past in order to find it s "roots" wh ich they believe 91 19gers, HistOriography in the 20th century. are distinct from those of Ch ina proper. They also characterize the is la nd's 92 Bhabha, Na tion and narration, pp.291- history as int ernationa l and ocea n-oriented, in order to ma ke a contrast 322, and id., Thelocation of culture(London: to the self-insulated and la nd-cent er ed ima ge convent iona lly associated Routledge, 1994). with Ch ines e civilizat ion. Th eir endeavor is best shown in the Concent ric 93 Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, The post­ colonial critic: interviews, strategies, Circles theory put forth by Tu Ch eng-sheng, wh ich ma nifests a clea r dialogues, ed. Sarah Harasym (London: int ent ion of repla cing the Ch ina- focus wit h a Ta iwa n-focus in historica l Routledge, 1990), pp.59-66. education and res ea rch . 94 Hill Gates, "Ethnicity and social class," From the pers pect iv e of historiogra ph y and at th e supra -national lev el, pp.242--81; Harrell and Huang , Cultural th is new focus ext ends the genera l trend in Western historical writings, change in postwar Ta iwan; Lu Chien-jung, Fen-lieh te kuo-tsu jen-tung, 1975-1997; ma rked by the rise of socia l history and/or socia l science history.9 1 The Chang Mao-kuei, et a!., eds. Ts u-ch 'un kuan­ ef forts of some America n-educated histor ia ns , wh o drew attent ion to the hsi yii kuo-chia jen-t'ung [Ethnic relations study of loca l history, led to the ris e of Ta iwa n history. Compa red to the and national identity] (Taipei: Yeh-chiang, 1993); and Wang Fu-chang, "Min-tsu hSiang­ Western experience in historiograph y, howev er , the boom of Ta iwa n hsiang, tsu-ch'iin i-shih yii Ii-shih," pp.145- history has not res ult ed in the dissemination of historica l na rrat iv es .92 208. Instead, due to the tens e situation along the Ta iwa n Stra it , historia ns in 95 Tu Cheng-sheng, Ta iwan hSin, Ta iwan Ta iwa n have been ma king a valia nt attempt to ma ke history availa ble to hun. the formation of a na tiona l ident it y. To that end, therefore, th ey have bas ica lly adopt ed the same "colonia l" pra ct ice of homogenization,93 hoping to ev oke a "common" historica l experience and memory for all the "Ta iwa nes e." But their effort is bound to res ult in certa in exclusions. Th e Aborigines, the Ma inla nders , and, toa lesser degree, the Ha kka , oft en refus e to share such "common" historica l lega cy either beca us e of their Chines e ties or beca us e of their unwil lingness to be subj ect to Hoklo cult ura l assimilation. In other words , the Concentric Circles are suppos ed to share a cent er, but this cent er so fa r has appeared dubious, fa iling to support all the circles . Rather, it looks tempora l and indetermina te, for th e term "Ta iwa nes e" itself is ambiguous .94 Apa rt from the int ent ion to follow th e pra ct ice of nationa l history, historia ns in Ta iwa n have also been influenced by the tradit ion of the Historical Source Sch ool, esta blished by Fu Ss u-nien and Hu Shih in Ch ina in the ea rly half of the twent ieth cent ury. Th is tra dition ma nifests itself ma inly in two areas, as shown in the current work of Ta iwa n historia ns . One is the attempt to dis cover/recover historica l truth and the other is the emphasis on the critica l us e of historica l sources . In expla ining his Concentric Circles theory, Tu Ch eng-sheng simply says that the China­ focus in Ta iwa n' s historical education has not been able to reflect the historica l truth .95 Of course, the Ch ina -focus indeed has in the past been res pons ible for blocking th e attent ion of historia ns from the is la nd. But ca n one be sure that the Concentric Circle centering on Ta iwan is able to refl ect adeq uately the historical truth of the is la nd's pa st? Th e emphasis on historical sources, too, has a gr ip on the schola rly out put of Ta iwa n hist oria ns . Due to its inf luence, most academic historians in Ta iwa n rega rd th e work of source analys is as the most importa nt and prestigious 116 Q. EDWARD WANG

96 Angela K. C. Leung, "Li-shih hsueh-men in historic al research. In a rec en t po ll of the quality of ac ademic histo ry cheng-chiu ping-hi pao-kao" [Report on jo urnals, the Bulletin of the Institute of History and Ph ilology, a jo urnal the accomplishment in the discipline of fo unded by FuSsu -nien, well known fo r publishing wo rk s of penetrating historyl,Jen-wen yii she-hui ko-hsueh chien­ hsun [Humanities and social sciences so urc e analysis, earned the highest marks, whereas theo ry-o riented newsletter quarterly], Taipei: National jo urnals suc h as the Ta iwan: a Radical Quarterly in Social Studies was Science Council, 2.1 (1999), pp.l7-21. rank ed close to the bo tto m against its peers.96 This emphasis on so urc e 97 Chou Wan-yao and Chang Lung-chi, two collectio n and critic ism has created mo re pro blems fo r histo rians interested research fellows at the Institute of Taiwan in Taiwan histo ry. On the one hand, they are interested in explo ring new History, Academia Sinica, expressed such feelings in my interviews with them in April, theo ries in their researc h, fo r the subjec t itself (given its no velty) often 1999 demands it. On the other hand, ho wever, they are often given the 98 Michel Foucault, "Truth and power," The respo nsibility of tak ing charge of many so urc e collec tio n pro jec ts, which Fo ucault reader, ed. Paul Rabinow (New prevent them fro m developing mo re tangible interpretative framework s York: Pantheon Books, 1984), pp.51-75. in their studies 97 To be sure, the desire fo r histo ric al truth, alo ng with the emphasis on so urc e critic ism, has lo ng been an impo rtant driving fo rc e fo r impro ving the wo rk of the histo rian. This is true fo r many histo ric al cultures ac ro ss different parts of the wo rld. But the desire itself, in mo dern times, has also been amplifi ed and mystifi ed to the extent that it has lent suppo rt to the prac tic e ofcu ltural hegemo nizatio n, which link s knowledge with po wer 98 That is, the truth-c laiming process in histo ric al study is often mo re to do Q. Edward Wa ng with the pursuit of po wer than of knowledge. The searc h fo r an History Department autochtho no us, ho mo geno us people who inhabit a uniq ue landsc ape, a i e sit Rowan Un v r y pursuit of nationalist historians aro und the glo be, can only support the 201 Mullica Hill Road Glassboro, NJ . 08028-1701 USA do minanc e of a majo rity gro up at the expense of the rest, be they [email protected] Abo rigines, Mainlanders, or Hakka.

EAST ASIAN HISTORY 24 (2002)