Introduction: Reading Persia in Renaissance England

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1. Chartered in 1555, its origins lie in the failed 1553 Willoughby and Chancellor voyage to the northeast passage, and the company was founded as the Mystery and Company of Merchant Adventurers to New Found Lands. 2. ‘The voyage to Cathaio by the East is doutlesse very easie and short’, the geogra- pher Gerardus Mercator wrote to Richard Hakluyt, ‘and I haue oftentimes mar- velled, that being so happily begun it hath bene left of[f], and the course changed into the West, after that more then half of your voyage was discovered’. Richard Hakluyt, The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts, 2 vols. (London: Hakluyt Society, 1935), vol. 1, p. 161. 3. He was not, however, the first Englishman sent on embassy to the Safavid court. The cloth merchant Robert Brancetour was sent by Charles V in 1529. See Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Three Ways to be Alien: Travails and Encounteres in the Early Modern World (Waltham, MA: Brandeis University Press, 2011), pp. 82–3. 4. Richard Hakluyt, The Principall Nauigations, Voiages, and Discoueries of the English Nation (London: George Bishop and Ralphe Newberie, 1589), sig. [2K6]r–v/ff. 361–2. 5. On Achaemenid iconography in Safavid royal ideology, see Colin Mitchell, The Practice of Politics in Safavid Iran: Power, Religion and Rhetoric (London and New York: I. B. Tauris, 2011). 6. Johannes Boemus, one of the few to lament the difference between the Achaemenids and Safavids, presents it as one of military culture. He is writing barely twenty years after the Safavid accession, however, having observed only the early days of the Persian campaign against the Ottomans: ‘It was once a warlike nation, and had for a long space the gouernment of the East: but now for want of excercise in armes, it fayleth much of his ancient glory.’ The manners, lawes, and customes of all nations, trans. Edward Aston (London: George Eld, 1611), sig. H1v. 7. Giovanni-Tommaso Minadoi The History of the Warres Betweene the Turkes and the Persians, trans. Abraham Hartwell (London: John Wolfe, 1595), sig. H2v; the English traveller to Persia John Cartwright repeats it in The Preachers Trauels (London: for Thomas Thorppe, 1611), sig. H2v. The translation is that of Abraham Hartwell, secretary to Elizabeth’s trusted friend and Privy Councillor, Archbishop Whitgift; by 1595 Elizabeth’s potential sources on Persia had improved greatly. On Minadoi and the introduction of his text to England even before its 1587 publication, see Abid Hafiz Masood’s unpublished doctoral dissertation, ‘From Cyrus to Abbas: Staging Persia in Early Modern England’ (University of Sussex, 2011), p. 84. 8. Both Elizabeth and Minadoi overstate Persian political and economic power, however: the Ottoman empire was undeniably the superpower in the region. See pp. 8–11. 9. Gerald MacLean and Nabil Matar, Britain and the Islamic World, 1558–1713 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), p. 14. 10. Lodowick Lloyd gives an extensive summary of the various classical accounts of Cyrus in The Consent of Time (London: George Bishop and Ralphe Newberie, 1590) at sig. Q1–Q3.

185 186 Notes

11. Richard III, 5.4.13; Philip Sidney, An Apology for Poetry, ed. Geoffrey Shepherd (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1989), p. 111; Thomas Wilson, The Arte of Rhetorique (London: Richard Grafton, 1553), sig. 2F1; Roger Ascham, The Schoolmaster (1570), ed. Lawrence V. Ryan (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1967), p. 38. 12. See Nabil Matar, Islam in Britain, 1558–1685 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 3. 13. On the medieval European constructions of Islam in which these representations partake, see Suzanne Conklin Akbari, Idols in the East: European Representations of Islam and the Orient 1100–1450 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2009). 14. The Faerie Queene, I.iv.7. These particular examples are cited by Samuel Chew in The Crescent and the Rose: Islam and England During the Renaissance (New York: Octagon Books, 1937; rpt. 1965), pp. 234–5, but there are many more. 15. See Jonathan Woolfson, ‘Thomas Hoby, William Thomas and Mid-Tudor Travel to Italy’, in The Oxford Handbook to Tudor Literature, 1485–1603, ed. Mike Pincombe and Cathy Shrank (Oxford: Blackwell, 2009), pp. 404–17. 16. Roger Savory, Iran Under the Safavids (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), p. 118. 17. Carole Levin and John Watkins, Shakespeare’s Foreign Worlds: National and Transnational Identities in the Elizabethan Age (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2009), pp. 51–2. 18. Anthony Parr, ‘Foreign Relations in Jacobean England: The Sherley Brothers and the “Voyage of Persia”’, in Travel and Drama in Shakespeare’s Time, ed. Jean- Pierre Maquerlot and Michèle Willems (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 14–31 (p. 20). 19. See also Su Fang Ng, ‘Pirating Paradise: Alexander the Great, Dutch East Indies, and Satanic Empire in Milton’s Paradise Lost’, Milton Studies 52 (2011): 59–91. 20. ‘Linguistic cues signaled the reader to engage the conceptual operation of relat- ing.’ Frances Dolan, True Relations: Reading, Literature, and Evidence in Seventeenth- Century England (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013), p. 15. 21. This compliment comes from Thomas Middleton’s translation of Andrew Leech’s pamphlet on Robert Sherley’s reception at Cracow. In ‘England’s complaint to Persia’, England apostrophizes Persia and reproaches her for keeping Sherley away from her: ‘O thou glorious kingdome, thou chief of empires, the palace where wisdom only kept her court, the land that was governed by none but wise men […] thou robbest me of my subject.’ ‘Sir Robert Sherley His Entertainment in Cracovia’, in Thomas Middleton: The Collected Works, ed. Gary Taylor and John Lavagnino (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 673–8 (p. 675). 22. See Stewart Mottram, ‘Reading the Rhetoric of Nationhood in Two Reformation Pamphlets by Richard Morison and Nicholas Bodrugan’, Renaissance Studies 19 (2005): 523–40. 23. See David Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 70–81. The 1580s also witnessed some of England’s foundational imperial moments: the Munster plantation in Ireland, the first settlements of what would become the Virginia colony. 24. Sidney, Apology, p. 103. 25. The Boke Named the Governour (1531), Book 2, chapter 9 is particularly closely modelled on the Cyropaedia. 26. David Harris Sacks, ‘The True Temper of Empire: Dominion, Friendship and Exchange in the English Atlantic, c. 1575–1625’, Renaissance Studies 26 (2012): 531–58 (pp. 531–2, 534–5). Notes 187

27. On Renaissance republican thought see Andrew Hadfield, Shakespeare and Republicanism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005); David Norbrook, Writing the English Republic: Poetry, Rhetoric and Politics, 1627–1660 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Markku Peltonen, Classical Humanism and Republicanism in English Political Thought, 1570–1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). 28. Minadoi, History of the Warres, sig. B4v. 29. On the strained efforts of Italian humanist scholars to identify some kind of classical origins for the Ottomans in the absence of evidence, see Margaret Meserve, Empires of Islam in Renaissance Historical Thought (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), pp. 117–54. 30. So, for example, the title of William Parry’s 1601 travel account refers to Anthony Sherley’s travels ‘to the Persian Empire’. 31. See Mitchell, The Practice of Politics, especially pp. 19–67 (p. 17) and Kathryn Babayan, Mystics, Monarchs, and Messiahs: Cultural Landscapes of Early Modern Iran (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002). 32. See Mitchell, The Practice of Politics, pp. 15–16. Access (albeit indirect) to the writings of Hetoum of Korikos also helped to consolidate that imperial link between ancient and Safavid Persia thanks to his evincing of Persian imperium in the period following the Arab invasions, especially under the Seljuks. See Meserve, Empires of Islam, pp. 163–8. 33. Daniel Vitkus critiques Fuchs’s ‘imperium studies’ model, arguing that we should call this an age of plunder rather than of empire. Turning Turk: English Theater and the Multicultural Mediterranean, 1570–1630 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), p. 3. 34. Samuel Daniel, Defence of Ryme, in A Panegyrike Congratulatory … (London: [R. Read] for Edward Blount, 1603), sig. G4v. 35. Mary Floyd-Wilson, English Ethnicity and Race in Early Modern Drama (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006; first published 2003), p. 107. 36. On British efforts to escape or rewrite its ‘barbarian’ past, see Neil Rhodes, ‘Shakespeare the Barbarian’, in Early Modern Civil Discourses, ed. Jennifer Richards (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), pp. 99–114; Sean Keilen, Vulgar Eloquence: On the Renaissance Invention of English Literature (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006); Jodi Mikalachki, The Legend of Boadicea: Gender and Nation in Early Modern England (London and New York: Routledge, 1998). On the tarnish of Roman Catholicism in English historical engagements with Rome, see John E. Curran, The Roman Invasions: The British History, Protestant Anti-Romanism and the Historical Imagination in England, 1530–1660 (Cranbury, NJ: Rosemont, 2002). 37. Willy Maley, ‘Postcolonial Cymbeline: Sovereignty and Succession from Roman to Renaissance Britain’, in his Nation, State and Empire in English Renaissance Literature: Shakespeare to Milton (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), p. 37. See also Rhodes, ‘Shakespeare the Barbarian’. 38. Cited in G. C. Moore-Smith (ed.), Gabriel Harvey’s Marginalia (Stratford-upon- Avon: Shakespeare Head Press, 1913), p. 10. 39. Richard Verstegen, A Restitution of Decayed Intelligence (Antwerp: Robert Bruney, 1605), sigs. D1v–D2, C1v–C3. See Floyd-Wilson, English Ethnicity and Race, especially pp. 60–6 and 89–110. 40. See especially Andrew Fitzmaurice’s Introduction and the essays by Philip Stern and David Harris Sacks. Renaissance Studies 26.4 (2012). 188 Notes

41. I am grateful to Danielle Clarke for pointing this out. 42. The large and important body of research on English conceptions of the ‘Turk’ and relations with the Ottoman empire includes the work of scholars such as Nabil Matar, Gerald MacLean, Daniel Vitkus, Matthew Dimmock, Matthew Birchwood, Jerry Brotton, Bernadette Andrea and Jonathan Burton (see Bibliography). 43. Thomas would be executed for treason under Mary for his alleged involvement in Wyatt’s rebellion, while Barker, too, would face charges of treason in relation to the Ridolfi plot. 44. Thomas probably came across Barbaro’s text in Venice, where it had been printed by Antonio Manuzio, son of Aldus, in his 1543 collection Viaggi fatti da Vinetia, all Tana, in Persia, in India, et in Costantinopoli. See Cathy Shrank, ‘“These fewe scribbled wordes”: Representing Scribal Intimacy in Early Modern Print’, Huntington Library Quarterly 67.2 (2004): 295–314. 45. Travels to Tana and Persia by Josafa Barbaro and Ambrogio Contarini, trans. William Thomas and S. A. Roy, ed. Lord Stanley of Alderley (London: T. Richards for the Hakluyt Society, 1873), pp. 1–101 (pp. 3–4). The original manuscript (Royal MS. 17.C.X) is held at the British Library. 46. Geoffrey Ducket’s 1569 description of Persepolis appears to mistake another site (probably Takht-e Jamshid) for Persepolis, as does Cartwright’s 1611 description. Thomas Herbert visits Persepolis in 1626 or 1627, and his detailed account appears in his Relation of Some Yeares Trauailes (1634). I owe these points to Ladan Niayesh, co-editor of the Persian sections of the forthcoming Oxford edition of Richard Hakluyt’s Principal Navigations. 47. Susanne Bayerlipp, ‘William Thomas and the Culture(s) of Translation in Early Modern England’, unpublished doctoral dissertation, Ludwigs-Maximilians Universitaet, Munich, Germany. 48. See Brenda Hosington, ‘“A poore preasant off Ytalyan costume”: The Interplay of Travel and Translation in William Barker’s Dyssputacion off the Nobyltye off Wymen’, in Travel and Translation in the Early Modern Period, ed. Carmen G. diBiase (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2006), pp. 143–55, and Woolfson, ‘Thomas Hoby’, pp. 407–8. 49. Filelfo’s Latin translation was the first to appear in print, in Milan (1477), but other editions, translations and collected editions appeared in Paris, Lyon, Bologna, Basel, Venice, Florence and Louvain over the next half-century, with the first vernacular translation (by Poggio Bracciolini) appearing in Florence in 1521. 50. Della vita di Ciro re di Persi was Domenichi’s fourth book of Italian translations of Xenophon’s work for the press of Gabriele Giolito in Venice, with whom he had a longstanding relationship. On Barker’s translation of Domenichi’s La nobilta, see Hosington, ‘“A poore preasant off Ytalyan costume”’. 51. Notable among the Italianate neologisms are ‘entrate’ (the Italian for ‘revenue’) and ‘alpheres’ (for ‘horseman’), a Spanish or Portuguese term of Arabic origin, that otherwise entered the English language in direct translations from Spanish. 52. On the background to Greek studies in England and the influence of the Cyropaedia, see Neil Rhodes, ‘Marlowe and the Greeks’, Renaissance Studies 27.2 (2013): 199–218. 53. On Greek studies at the grammar schools see Foster Watson, The English Grammar Schools to 1660: Their Curriculum and Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1908), pp. 487–53; Kenneth Charlton, Education in Renaissance England (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul; Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1965), pp. 43–4, 108–18. Notes 189

54. See Rhodes, ‘Marlowe and the Greeks’, p. 201. 55. See MacLean and Matar, Britain and the Islamic World, p. 14. 56. The date of 1552 is a tentative ESTC calculation, though one mid-sixteenth- century annotator of a copy at the Huntington Library (79939) twice adds the date 1550 to the title page. For a comprehensive account of European editions and translations of Xenophon see David Marsh’s essay in Catalogum Translationum et Commentarium, ed. Virginia Brown, 8 vols. (1960–2011) (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1992), vol. 7, pp. 73–145. 57. The bookes of Xenophon, contayning the discipline, schole, and institutio[n] of Cyrus, the noble kyng of Persie (London: Reynolde Wolfe, [1552]), sig. [A6]v. 58. Samuel Purchas, Purchas His Pilgrimage (London: William Stansby for Henry Fetherstone, 1617), sig. [2M4]v. As Lodowick Lloyd counselled, ‘Of the histories of Cyrus, reade Zenophon and Herodot, where you may be satisfied of the whole life of Cyrus, and also of his death.’ The Consent of Time, sig. Q2v. 59. The bookes of Xenophon (1552), sig A4v. 60. ‘Prophane’ histories is a common term for these histories of the ancient world beyond Greece and Rome, e.g. in the ‘Prologue’ to the first English translation of Thucydides (The hystory writtone by Thucidides, trans. Thomas Nicolls (London: William Tylle, 1550), sig. B. I also quote from the 1570 Geneva Bible, Ezra 1:8, but ‘stirred up’ by God is also the term used by Josephus in his history of the Jews. 61. Michael Mack argues that emulation of the biblical/classical Cyrus also oper- ates through the imitatio Christi tradition. See Sidney’s Poetics: Imitating Creation (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2005), pp. 137–56. 62. From North’s epistle to his readers in The Liues of the Noble Grecians and Romans (London: Thomas Vautrollier, 1579), sig. *2r–v. 63. On the endurance of classical paradigms alongside the ‘new geographies’ of Ortelius and Mercator in Shakespeare’s work, see John Gillies, Shakespeare and the Geography of Difference (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994). 64. Andrea Buonaccorso, Newes come latle from Pera (London: W. Copland, 1561), no signature. See Meserve, Empires of Islam, pp. 127–8. 65. A lively debate as to whether or not ‘Tauris’ was ancient Ecbatana, in turn encouraged scholars to seek to identify contemporary Persian settlements with other ancient sites and cities such as Hecatompolis and Ctesiphon. 66. George Manwaring notes the large number of ‘ruinated places’ that had fallen to Timur, and Tamburlaine had also been remembered on the Ortelian map of Persia. In E. Denison Ross (ed.), Sir Anthony Sherley and his Persian Adventure (London: Routledge, 1933), pp. 197–8. 67. Angus Vine, In Defiance of Time: Antiquarian Writing in Early Modern England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), pp. 139–68 (p. 143). The Habsburg ambassador Ogier de Busbecq describes pursuing his numismatic interests while in Persia in his popular Latin letters, published in 1581 and 1582 in Antwerp. 68. Hebrew studies at the universities (primarily Cambridge) spawned Arabic learning and Persian only later. See G. J. Toomer, ‘Eastern Wisedome’ and Learning: The Study of Arabic in Seventeenth-Century England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), especially pp. 53–104. 69. Thomas North’s 1570 translation of an Indian author, The Philosophie of Doni, came from Europe by way of Persia. See Marion Hollings, ‘Spenser’s “Men of Inde”: Mythologizing the Indian through the Genealogy of Faeries’, in Indography: Writing the Indian in Early Modern England, ed. Jonathan Gil Harris (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), pp. 151–68. On eastern scientific 190 Notes

learning, see Sonja Brentjes, Travellers from Europe in the Ottoman and Safavid Empires (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2010). The trading companies, particularly the consul at Aleppo, would later become an important source of books from the Arab world, including Persia. 70. See Javad Ghatta, ‘Persian Icons, Shi’a Imams: Liminal Figures and Hybrid Persian Identities on the English Stage’, in Early Modern England and Islamic Worlds, ed. Bernadette Andrea and Linda McJannet (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), pp. 53–72, and Mitchell, The Practice of Politics, p. 32. 71. See, for example, Verstegen’s Restitution where, in a break from tradition, Verstegen has Ham’s grandson Nemroth settle in Persia ‘and there making himself the first author of Idolatrie […] hee taught them to adore the fyre’ (ff. 7–8), or the roughly contemporaneous citizen romance, The Travailes of the Three English Brothers. See also Ghatta, ‘Persian Icons’. 72. Spenser remembers this in Virgil’s Gnat: ‘Nor Hellespont trampled with horses feete, / When flocking Persians did the Greeks affray …’ (ll. 49–50) in Edmund Spenser, The Shorter Poems, ed. Richard McCabe (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1999). 73. For example, John Speed’s map of Tartary, dated 1626 in A Prospect of the most Famous Parts of the World (London: John Dawson for George Humble, 1631), fits a curling narrative around the shape of the Don to explain ‘The river Tanais now called Don which divideth Asia from Europe, and hath great plenty of fish’. 74. Before Ortelius and Mercator the most readily available map of Persia was the Ptolemaic map rediscovered in the mid-fifteenth century; later editions and translations of the Geografia often took the opportunity to emphasize the return to Persia’s ‘ancient glory’ under the Safavids. So Leonardo Cernoti’s translation of Ptolemy’s Geografia (Padua: Paolo & Francesco Galignani, 1621) accompanies its map of Persia with the comment ‘Benche l’Imperio de’SOFI […] al secolo passato sotto’l Rè Ismaele ricuperò l’antico suo splendore.’ (fol. 179) 75. For a review of maps and geographies of Persia in sixteenth- and seventeenth- century Europe, see Sonja Brentjes, ‘Immediacy, Mediation, and Media in Early Modern Catholic and Protestant Representations of Safavid Iran’, Journal of Early Modern History 13 (2009): 173–207, especially pp. 186–96, and Sonja Brentjes and Volkmar Schueller’s introduction and translation, ‘Pietro della Valle’s Latin Geography of Safavid Iran (1624–1628)’, Journal of Early Modern History 10.3 (2006): 169–219. Curiously, Persia gets minimal attention in Anthony Jenkinson’s 1562 map of the northern world. 76. Gastaldi’s 1548 map of Persia Nova Tabula lay behind that again. See Brentjes, ‘Immediacy, Mediation’, p. 186. 77. The History of Trauayle (London: Richard Jugge, 1577), sigs. 2V1, 2V3. 78. On the Minadoi–Leunclavius exchange, see Nancy G. Siraisi, History, Medicine, and the Traditions of Renaissance Learning (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2007), pp. 257–8. 79. Earlier testimony of possible English travel to Persia comes from a 1540 letter from Thomas Wyatt on embassy in Paris which tells of the arrest in France on King Henry VIII’s request of a Robert Brancetour, who ‘hath been in Perse’ and who the English authorities accuse of treason and of encouraging Englishmen in Spain to revolt. ‘Henry VIII: January 1540, 1–10’, Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 15: 1540 (1896), pp. 1–19. Available at: http://www. british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=76157. Accessed 17 October 2012. 80. On Elizabeth’s letters to the Ottoman Sultan Murad III and Hakluyt’s English translations of them, see S. A. Skilliter, William Harborne and the Trade with Turkey, Notes 191

1578–1582 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977), and Matthew Dimmock, ‘English Responses to the Anglo-Ottoman Capitulations of 1580’, in Cultural Encounters Between East and West, 1453–1699, ed. Matthew Birchwood and Matthew Dimmock (Amersham: Cambridge Scholars Press, 2005), pp. 45–65. 81. Edmund Spenser, A View of the Present State of Ireland, ed. Edwin Greenlaw et al., 11 vols. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1949), vol. 10, p. 118. 82. See Muzaffar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Indo-Persian Travels in the Age of Discovery (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), p. 177. See also pp. 21–3 on Persian ‘as a language linked to state-building, but also to religious and intellectual ferment’ from the fifteenth century onward. 83. Alam and Subrahmanyam, Indo-Persian Travels, p. 177. 84. This was the experience of Arthur Edwards in 1565, a report first printed in 1577 in The History of Trauayle, sig. [2V5]–[2V8]r. 85. On the concept of the ‘firangi’, see Jonathan Gil Harris’s forthcoming study of the ‘first firangi’ in Mughal India. 86. The account is from Anthony’s French servant, Abel Pinçon. E. Denison Ross (ed.), Sir Anthony Sherley and his Persian Adventures (London: Routledge, 1933), p. 174. 87. Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, sig. *2v. 88. George Best testifies to the difficulty of the route in his argument for English superiority to Iberian imperializing on the basis of ‘difficiliora pulchriora, that is, the adve[n]ture the more hard the more honorable’ in his account of Frobisher’s three failed voyages to the northwest passage. A True discourse of the late voyages of discouerie, for the finding of a passage to Cathaya, by the northweast … (London: Henry Bynneman, 1578), sig. A3v. 89. Aleppo, where Harborne would eventually be sent as English ambassador, was the most important entrepôt for trade between Asia and Europe at the time, and taking advantage of the Ottomans’ cooled relations with the Venetians, the queen and her subjects had good reason to be hopeful of this new agreement. 90. On the Muscovy Company, see T. S. Willan, The Muscovy Merchants of 1555 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978); W. S. Page, The Russia Company from 1553 to 1660 (London: William Brown & Co., 1912); Robert Brenner, Merchants and Revolution: Commercial Change, Political Conflict, and London’s Overseas Traders, 1550–1653 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), p. 17. 91. On the Newberie and Fitch voyage on the Tiger made famous in Macbeth, see MacLean and Matar, Britain and the Islamic World, p. 67. Webbe’s notes on Persia in the Rare and Most Wonderfull Thinges … (London: for William Wright, 1590) are brief and sketchy, despite his having travelled with Anthony Jenkinson on the third voyage to Persia (1566–8). 92. Firmans were also obtained from Shah ‘Abbas for East India Company factories/ trade in Isfahan and Shiraz. See Rudolph P. Matthee, The Politics of Trade in Safavid Iran: Silk for Silver, 1600–1730 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 96–9. 93. Armitage, The Ideological Origins, p. 103. See Matthew Birchwood’s summary of the events of the 1620s as context for two 1640s plays of Persia in Staging Islam in England: Drama and Culture, 1640–1685 (Woodbridge: D. S. Brewer, 2007), p. 71. 94. The expanded second edition of Eden’s 1555 translation of Pietro Martire d’Anghiera’s De Orbe Novo (1530), The History of Trauayle, was the most important collection of travel writing in early modern England before Hakluyt, its Persian sections incorporating the first English translations of Polo and 192 Notes

di Varthema, as well as the Muscovy Company men and even the medieval Armenian historian Hetoum of Korikos, or ‘Haithon in his booke de Tartaris’, as the printed marginalia noted. 95. Giovanni Ramusio’s Navigazioni e viaggi … (Venice: Giunta, 1550–59), 3 vols. See Florio’s dedicatory epistle to his translation (from Ramusio) of Jacques Cartier, Navigations to Newe France (London: Henry Bynneman, 1580). For helpful tables showing the ownership of geographical and travel books in England in the period (and the continued dominance of ancient authors), see Lesley B. Cormack, Charting an Empire: Geography at the English Universities, 1580–1620 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), pp. 151–5. 96. For example, Buonaccorso, Newes come latle from Pera and later, Hartwell’s translation of Giovanni-Tommaso Minadoi’s Historia delle guerre fra Turchi et Persiana. 97. Thomas Coryate, Traueller for the English Wits (London: W. Jaggard and Henry Fetherston, 1616), sig. C3v–D1. 98. On Coryate’s travel writings, see Michelle O’Callaghan, The English Wits: Literature and Sociability in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 102–27. 99. Dee subsequently drew on Chancellor’s own notes and map in his ongoing consultations with Gerardus Mercator and Abraham Ortelius. The merchant and Spanish prisoner-turned-translator John Frampton seems to have undertaken a translation of Boemus’s more recent ethnography, Omnium gentium mores, leges, et ritus (1520), for the use of English travellers to the northeast passage, so ‘that falling on those coastes, foreknowing the nature of those people, they might the better shunne perilles’. A Discouerie of the countries of Tartaria, Scithia, and Cataya (London: Thomas Dawson, 1580), sig. ¶3v–[¶4] 100. London: Richard Jugge, 1577, unsigned prefatory page. 101. The nauigations, peregrinations, and voyages, made into Turkie, by Nicholas Nicholay, trans. Thomas Washington (London: Thomas Dawson, 1585), sig. [P6]–Q4. 102. See Cicero’s Letter to Paeta (Epistulae ad familiares 9.25). 103. Minadoi, The History of the Warres betweene the Turkes and the Persians sig. A3v–A4. See also Chew, The Crescent and the Rose, pp. 205–38. 104. See Meserve on fifteenth-century Italian constructions of Persia as ‘Christendom’s champion against the Scythian fury of the Turks’, in Empires of Islam, pp. 203–37 (p. 229). 105. William Parry, A New and large discourse of the Trauels of Sir Anthony Sherley Knight, by sea, and ouer land, to the Persian Empire (London: Valentine Simmes for Felix Norton, 1601), sig. C3v. See also Rudolph P. Matthee, ‘The Safavids under Western Eyes: Seventeenth-Century European Travelers to Iran’, Journal of Early Modern History 13 (2009): 137–71, especially pp. 162–8. 106. Meserve offers some scholarly and diplomatic reasons for this same habit in Italian civic and scholarly work in the late fifteenth century: Empires of Islam, pp. 215–36. 107. Navigations, peregrinations, and voyages, sig. Q1; the roughly contemporary reader’s comments are on the Huntington Library copy digitized on EEBO. 108. Jenkinson comments on Isma’il’s burial ‘in a faire Meskit, with a sumptuous sepulchre’ in a letter dated 14 May 1561, printed in Hakluyt, Principall Navigations (1589), sig. [2L4]/fol. 369. 109. Minadoi refutes Paolo Giovio’s speculation on the subject: History of the Warres, sig. H1v. Samuel Purchas suggests that ‘the Persians are a kinde of Catharists or Puritans in their impure Muhammedrie’ and compares the ‘contention’ Notes 193

between them and the ‘other Muhammedans’ as comparable to that ‘betweene the Samaritans & the Iewes’ (Purchas His Pilgrimage, 1617, sig. [2O5]v). Abid Masood notes that the Catholic William Barker’s 1557 translation of the works of St Basil also makes this point about the shared originary moment of ‘factions of religion’ in ‘Persia and Germania’ (‘From Cyrus to Abbas’, p. 99). 110. Giovanni Botero, Relations of the most famous kingdomes and common-wealthes …, trans. Robert Johnson (London: John Haviland, 1630), sig. 2P6r–v. 111. William Watreman’s 1555 translation of Boemus (The Fardle of Facions) cited in Dimmock, ‘New Turkes’: Dramatizing Islam and the Ottomans in Early Modern England (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2005), p. 56. Or, as the 1611 translation by Edward Aston put it, ‘The Persians at this day being ouercome by the Sarrasins, and infected with the madnesse of Mahomet, liue altogether in darkenesse’ (Boemus, The Manners, Lawes, and Customes of All Nations sig. H1v). See also note 6. 112. For example, the Catholic convert Uruch Beg (‘Don Juan of Persia’) whose Relaciones were published in Castilian in 1604, limits his account of the Sassanians and omits the Parthians entirely from his long narrative of Persian history, instead concentrating on links between the Achaemenids and Safavids. Relaciones de D. Juan de Persia (Valladolid, 1604); translated into English by G. LeStrange as Don Juan of Persia, a Shi’a Catholic, 1560–1604 (New York: Routledge, 1926). 113. Does one of the great heroes of the Shahnameh, Kai Khosrau, give his name to Marlowe’s Cosroe in the first Part of Tamburlaine? The Shahnameh shares with early modern European political thought a deeply-rooted interest in the question of good rule, and the subject’s duty under an unjust or incompetent ruler. 114. Hostilities between Ottomans and Persians recurred throughout the period, notably in 1512–20, 1548–55, 1577–90 and 1602–12. 115. This comes from Richard Willes’s introduction to Varthema in the History of Trauayle, sig. 2V2v. A small sub-set of these texts concerns itself with construing Shi’ism as closer either to Catholicism or to Protestantism, using arguments about idolatry, the status of the Prophet Mohammed’s successors, and so on. 116. Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, sig. [2L6]/fol. 373. ‘Murtezalli’ or ‘Mortus Ali’, as English texts sometimes put it, is a rendering of Murtaza Ali, identifying Ali, the cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet Mohammed, as his ‘elected’ or ‘chosen’ successor. In the event the fourth to succeed Mohammed, Ali became the first Shi’a imam; Shi’a Islam rejects the authority of the three Caliphs who preceded him, a rejection staged in public execrations, or so Jenkinson and early modern travellers to Persia liked to report. Jenkinson’s account appears in both editions of Hakluyt; his colleague Geoffrey Ducket, too, writes of these sectarian differences. 117. See Chloë Houston, ‘Turning Persia: The Prospect of Conversion in Safavid Iran’, in The Turn of the Soul: Representations of Religious Conversion in Early Modern Art and Literature, ed. H. Hendrix, T. Richardson and L. Stelling (Leiden: Brill, 2011), pp. 85–108. English readers were also aware of the Christian influences to which some Islamic rulers could be exposed through their Christian mothers or slaves. A translated history of the Albanian hero George Scanderbeg presents Mehmed II, conqueror of Istanbul, as ‘a meere Atheist’ for just this reason. Marin Barleti, The historie of George Castriot, surnamed Scanderbeg, trans. Zachary Jones (London: Richard Jones for William Ponsonby, 1596), sig. Y1v. 118. Cartwright, The Preachers Trauels, sig. [E4]v. 194 Notes

119. I quote here from Cartwright, The Preachers Trauels, sig. H2, but it is an idea expressed widely in Europe from the earliest days of Safavid power. Cartwright himself closely paraphrases Minadoi (History of the Warres (sig. B3r)) here. 120. On the English arms trade with the Ottomans, see Matthew Dimmock, ‘Guns and Gawds: Elizabethan England’s Infidel Trade’, in A Companion to the Global Renaissance, ed. Jyotsna G. Singh (Oxford: Blackwell, 2009), pp. 207–22. 121. As Meserve writes, ‘The ambiguity [of ‘Sophy’ being derived either from the family name Safawi or his role as head of a Sufi order, with claims to descent from Ali himself] was fortuitous, for Sanudo and other Italian observers tended to stress both Ismail’s impressive dynastic pedigree and his idiosyncratic religious ideas as evidence that Christian Europe might rely on him as a champion against the Ottomans.’ Empires of Islam, p. 232. 122. Thus, for example, Richmond Barbour writes of an assumption he shares with Kim F. Hall and others: ‘[w]hile “The Turk” was England’s primary eastern object of fear and fantasy, I move from the premise that attitudes about others were infectious: that the English were not so precise about constellations or locations of difference as one might infer from the strategic relations between England and other powers. Constructions of otherness, particularly when insular and ethnocentric, recombine promiscuously’ (Before Orientalism: London’s Theatre of the East, 1576–1626 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003, p. 15)). 123. Jean Howard, ‘Shakespeare, Geography and the Work of Genre on the Early Modern Stage’, MLQ 64 (2003): 299–322 (p. 304). 124. Joan-Pau Rubiès, Travel and Ethnology in the Renaissance: South India through European Eyes, 1250–1625 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 391. 125. Matthee, ‘The Safavids under Western Eyes’, p. 166. 126. Said has given this historical development a longer history and more inevitable shape than it warrants. Richmond Barbour describes the period as one ‘before Orientalism’; scholars of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century writing tend to concur. Barbour, Before Orientalism; Ros Ballaster, Fabulous Orients: Fictions of the East in England, 1662–1785 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008) 127. Reading in both directions is, of course, preferable (as Jonathan Burton argues in Traffic and Turning: Islam and English Drama, 1579–1624 (Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses, 2005)), but demands expertise in Persian language and culture which I lack. But it is worth noting that the ‘traffic’ between England and Persia is not fully bilateral by any measure before 1622. 128. Speed, A Prospect, sig. R1v. Johannes Boemus also asserts this idea, which originates in Herodotus (Histories, 7.150). See Chapter 3, note 71. 129. Introduction to Re-Orienting the Renaissance: Cultural Exchanges with the East, ed. Gerald MacLean (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), pp. 3–4. 130. For a recent review of the latest theoretical models of European engagement with the East, see the introduction by Bernadette Andrea and Linda McJannet to Early Modern England and Islamic Worlds (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), pp. 3–7. 131. I refer, of course, to Anthony Grafton and Lisa Jardine’s seminal essay, ‘How Gabriel Harvey Read his Livy’, Past & Present 129 (1990): 30–78. In many ways, this book attempts a similar task, to show how Renaissance England read its Xenophon and Herodotus, and how those readings intersected with the increased English contact and relations with Safavid Persia and the Ottoman empire. 132. Jonathan Gil Harris, ‘Four Exoskeletons and No Funeral’, New Literary History 42 (2011): 615–39 (pp. 615, 618). Notes 195

133. The energies of a certain kind of imagining of the ancient Persian empire endured in the most unexpected ways into the 1970s. The last Shah of Iran’s own anachronistic imaginings of Cyrus’s empire, pompously celebrated in a series of banquets, monuments and extravagant festivities in October 1971 to commem- orate ‘the 2,500-year anniversary’ of the Persian empire, stoked widespread anger and helped mobilize support for the Islamic Revolution a few years later. 134. ‘Imaginary’ is Louis Montrose’s helpful term for ‘the collective repertoire of representational forms and figures […] in which the beliefs and practices of Tudor political culture were articulated’. ‘Spenser and the Elizabethan Political Imaginary’, ELH 69 (2002): 907–46 (p. 907).

1 Classical Persia: Making Kings and Empires

1. In Gabriel Harvey’s Marginalia, ed. G. C. Moore-Smith (Stratford-upon-Avon: Shakespeare Head Press, 1913), p. 197. The comments appear in J. Foorth’s Synopsis Politica (London: H. Bynneman, 1582), and repeat Smith’s own closing comments in his De Republica Anglorum, that his account was ‘so as England standeth and is governed at this day’, not ‘in that sort as Plato made his common wealth, or Zenophon his kingdom of Persia, nor as Sir Thomas More his Utopia feigned common wealths, such as never was nor never shall be, vain imaginations, fantasies of Philosophers to occupy the time and to exercise their wits’. Sir Thomas Smith, De Republica Anglorum, ed. Mary Dewar (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. 144. 2. Humphrey Gilbert, A discourse of a discouerie for a new passage to Cataia (London: Henry Middleton for Richard Jones, 1576), sig. C2. Gilbert’s comments are partly motivated by his declared interest in a northwest passage to ‘Cataia’. 3. See Edith Hall, Inventing the Barbarian (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), pp. 1–18, and Lynette Mitchell, Panhellenism and the Barbarian in Archaic and Classical Greece (Swansea: Classical Press of Wales, 2007). 4. The division into Old and New World, the latter being those parts of the world ‘which the Ancients knew not’ that Samuel Purchas uses for his multi-volume collection of travel writings, Purchas his Pilgrimes (London: for Henry Fetherstone, 1625) (sig. [¶5]v) was already a familiar and long-established one. 5. See, for example, Alison Games, The Web of Empire: English Cosmopolitans in an Age of Expansion, 1560–1660 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008). On the Orientalist side, Bernard Lewis and even Anthony Pagden have been key figures in disseminat- ing a notion of inevitable and sharp conflict dating back to this era. 6. Anon. [Giles Fletcher?], The Policy of the Turkish Empire (London: John Windet for W.S., 1597), sig. C3v. The term ‘Turk’ in the period can be used in various ways: to describe a Muslim or Muslim convert, and/or to describe an Ottoman. See Gerald MacLean’s discussion of shifting terminology and its scholarly implications in Looking East: English Writing and the Ottoman Empire Before 1800 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), pp. 5–8. 7. François Hartog’s recognition of the structure of distant extremes in Herodotean ethnography lies behind John Gillies’s valuable work on the logic of the oikumene at work in classical geography and its legacy to early modern writing. See Hartog, The Mirror of Herodotus (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988) and Gillies, Shakespeare and the Geography of Difference (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994). 196 Notes

8. Ania Loomba, ‘Shakespeare and Cultural Difference’, in Alternative Shakespeares 2, ed. Terence Hawkes (London: Routledge, 1996), p. 176. 9. Deborah Shuger, ‘Irishmen, Aristocrats, and Other White Barbarians’, Renaissance Quarterly 50.2 (1997): 494–525 (pp. 506, 514). 10. Edmund Spenser, A View of the Present State of Ireland, in The Works of Edmund Spenser, ed. Edwin Greenlaw et al., 10 vols. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1949), vol. 10, p. 118. 11. See Richard Helgerson, Forms of Nationhood: The Elizabethan Writing of England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992). 12. Samuel Daniel, A Panegyrike Congratulatory […] with a Defence of Ryme (London: Valentine Simmes for Edward Blount, 1603), sig. [G6]v–H1. 13. Translated and reproduced in A Chronicle of the Carmelites in Persia and the Papal Mission of the XVIIth and XVIIIth centuries [compiled by Herbert Chick] (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1939), 2 vols.; vol. 1, p. 268. The letter seems to date from c.1626. 14. Hall, Inventing the Barbarian, p. 16. See also her essay ‘Aeschylus’ Persians via the Ottoman Empire to Saddam Hussein’, in Cultural Responses to the Persian Wars: Antiquity to the Third Millennium, ed. Emma Bridges, Edith Hall and P. J. Rhodes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 167–99. 15. See Hall, Inventing the Barbarian, pp. 68–72. 16. Mary Floyd-Wilson, English Ethnicity and Race in Early Modern Drama (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). The theory originates with Hippocrates and Galen. 17. See also Philip Hardie, ‘Images of the Persian Wars in Rome’, in Cultural Responses to the Persian Wars, ed. Bridges, Hall and Rhodes, pp. 127–43. 18. See Suzanne Conklin Akbari, Idols in the East: European Representations of Islam and the Orient, 1100–1450 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2009), and Chapter 2. 19. See Noreen Humble, ‘Parallelism and the Humanists’, in Plutarch’s Lives: Parallelism and Purpose, ed. Humble (Swansea: Classical Press of Wales, 2010), p. 256; Daniel Wakelin, Humanism, Reading and English Literature 1430–1530 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007); and Susann Saygin, Humphrey Duke of Gloucester (1390–1447) and the Italian Humanists (Leiden: Brill, 2002). 20. The History of Trauayle in the West and East Indies, ed. and trans. Richard Eden and Richard Willes (London: Richard Jugge, 1577), sig. 2V1v. 21. See Margaret Meserve, Empires of Islam in Renaissance Historical Thought (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), pp. 100–16, 223–34. 22. See P. J. Rhodes, ‘The Impact of the Persian Wars on Classical Greece’, in Cultural Responses to the Persian Wars, ed. Bridges, Hall and Rhodes, pp. 31–45. 23. For an important recent analysis of these efforts, see Meserve, Empires of Islam. 24. See also Anthony Parr, ‘Foreign Relations in Jacobean England: The Sherley Brothers and the “Voyage of Persia”’, in Travel and Drama in Shakespeare’s Time, ed. Jean-Pierre Maquerlot and Michèle Willems (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 14–18. 25. Robert Stillman, Philip Sidney and the Poetics of Renaissance Cosmopolitanism (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2008), p. 218. 26. John Cartwright, The Preachers Trauells (London: for Thomas Thorppe, 1611), sig. [I4]v–K1. 27. Cartwright, from another angle, explains contemporary Persians being ‘full of craftie stratagems’ by citing Achaemenid history under Artaxerxes, ‘for testimonie whereof we may auouch those ancient poysonings & wicked treacheries’. The Preachers Trauells, sig. [I4]. Notes 197

28. Cartwright, The Preachers Trauells, sig. H2v. See p. 2. 29. John Speed, A Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World (London: John Dawson for George Humble, 1627), p. 33. 30. From Abraham Hartwell’s ‘Epistle dedicatory’ to his translation of Minadoi, The History of the Warres betwene the Turkes and the Persians (London: John Wolfe, 1595). The point is obvious even with a cursory comparative search on EEBO: a basic search for ‘Xerxes’ from 1543–1630 for example, throws up 1622 hits in 308 records, whereas ‘Cyrus’ in the same period produces 5471 hits in 677 records. (In both cases, the names uniquely refer to the historical kings of Persia.) 31. Pierre Briant, ‘History and Ideology: The Greeks and “Persian” Decadence’, trans. Antonia Nevill, in Greeks and Barbarians, ed. Thomas Harrison (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2002), pp. 193–210 (p. 201). Briant’s Histoire de l’empire Perse de Cyrus à Alexandre (1996) appeared in English as From Cyrus to Alexander: A History of the Persian Empire, trans. Peter T. Daniels (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2002). 32. As the ‘Private Libraries in Renaissance England’ project testifies, availability of continental Greek and Latin editions of the Cyropaedia or Works of Xenophon was relatively widespread. The number of continental editions of Plato and Xenophon surviving in the libraries thus far analysed are roughly even, for example. Filelfo was one of the earliest and most influential Renaissance champions of Xenophon, completing translations and seeking to get them printed, and even naming his first son Senofante (see Meserve, Empires of Islam, p. 228). The major study of editions and translations of Xenophon in Renaissance Europe is that of David Marsh in the Catalogus Translationem et Commentariorum, ed. Virginia Brown et al. (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1992), vol. 7, pp. 75–196. I am grateful to Noreen Humble for drawing my attention to Estienne’s sources in his seminal 1561 edition of Xenophon’s works, reissued in 1581. 33. See Neil Rhodes, ‘Marlowe and the Greeks’, Renaissance Studies 27.2 (2013): 199–218. Rhodes also connects Richard Mulcaster – schoolmaster of Spenser, Kyd and Lancelot Andrewes at the Merchant Taylors’ School – to Cheke, recording that Mulcaster left to his own Cambridge college (King’s) copies of Xenophon and Euclid. See also Wakelin, Humanism, Reading, p. 192. 34. William Kempe, The Education of Children in Learning (London: Thomas Orwin for John Porter and Thomas Gubbin, 1588), sig. E3v. 35. See Leicester Bradner’s scepticism about this claim, first made by Horace Walpole, ‘The Xenophon Translation Attributed to Queen Elizabeth 1’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 27 (1964): 324–6. Elizabeth’s recent editors, Janel Mueller and Joshua Scodel, also deny the association (Elizabeth I: Translations, 1544–1589 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009), p. 12). On the popularity and influence of the Oeconomicus, the first work of Xenophon’s to be translated into English, see Lorna Hutson, The Usurer’s Daughter (London: Routledge, 1994). 36. George Puttenham, The Arte of English Poesie (1589), ed. G. D. Willcock and Alice Walker (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1936), pp. 40–1. See also O. B. Hardison, The Enduring Monument: A Study of the Idea of Praise in Renaissance Literary Theory and Practice (Westwood, CT: Greenwood Press, 1962), pp. 72–7. 37. See Leofranc Holford-Stevens, Aulus Gellius (London: Duckworth, 1988), p. 198. 38. Plato, Laws, Book III, 694–5. 39. In the Apology for Smectymnuus, Milton admires ‘the divine volumes of Plato, and his equal Xenophon’; similar views were expressed by Puttenham (Arte, p. 41) 198 Notes

and Sir John Harington in his translation of Ariosto’s Orlando Furioso (London: Richard Field, 1591), sig. ¶3. 40. Gavin Alexander tells of Robert Sidney commissioning Flemish tapestries of scenes from the life of Cyrus. See Alexander, Writing After Sidney: The Literary Response to Sir Philip Sidney, 1586–1640 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), p. 138. Lodowick Bryskett sets up his translation of Cinthio by addressing the question of the education of children and suggesting that his readers might either read his book or refer themselves to what ‘Xenophon in his Ciropedia hath left written of that subiect, hauing learnedly and diligently vnder the person of Cirus, framed an idea or perfect patterne of an excellent Prince’ (Discourse of Civill Life (London: [Richard Field] for Edward Blount, 1606), sig. I3 (p. 61)). 41. See G. A. Wilkes, ‘“Left ... to Play the Ill Poet in My Own Part”: The Literary Relationship of Sidney and Fulke Greville’, Review of English Studies 57 (2006): 291–309 (p. 292). Xenophon keeps his vigil above Lucy’s tomb with Virgil, Homer, Pliny and others. I am grateful to Hester Lees-Jeffries for spotting this, and bringing me to see it for myself. 42. Stillman, Philip Sidney, p. 225. The lengthy conclusion to Stillman’s book considers the European Philippist influences and contexts of Sidney’s use of the Cyropaedia (pp. 217–38). 43. In a published letter to Spenser, in The Works of Edmund Spenser: A Variorum Edition ed. Edwin Greenlaw, Charles Osgood and Frederick Padelford, 11 vols. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1932–57), vol. 10, p. 460. 44. Miguel Cervantes, History of the valorous and wittie knight-errant, Don-Quixote, trans. Thomas Shelton (London: William Stansby, 1612), sig. ¶4v. 45. William Alexander. See Critical Essays of the Seventeenth Century, ed. Joel Spingarn, 3 vols. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1957), vol. 1, pp. 186–7. 46. Hutson, The Usurer’s Daughter, p. 22. 47. The 1567 English translation now at the Huntington (79935) was owned and read in 1604 by Nicholas Moxsay, a London mercer. 48. The bookes of Xenophon contayning the discipline, schole, and education of Cyrus the noble kyng of Persie (London: Reynolde [i.e. Reyner] Wolfe, [1552?]). The date is ascribed by the STC. 49. The VIII. Bookes of Xenophon, containinge the institutio[n], schole, and education of Cyrus, the noble Kynge of Persye … (London: [Reginalde Wolfe], 1567), sig. A3v. All subsequent quotations (unless noted otherwise) are from the 1567 edition, the first six books of which are almost entirely a reissue of the 1552 text. 50. The VIII. Bookes, sig.[A6]. 51. See James Craigie (ed.), The Poems of James VI. of Scotland (Edinburgh and London: William Blackwood & Sons, 1955), pp. xv–xix. 52. Hutson, The Usurer’s Daughter, pp. 17–51. 53. Henry Holland’s epistle to his father’s translation of Xenophon uses the expres- sion, for example, though it seems to derive from the Suda, a tenth-century Byzantine encyclopaedia of the ancient world which the early moderns believed to be the work of one ‘Suidas’. 54. Xenophontis de Cyrus institutione (Eton: Melchisidec Bradwood, 1613). 55. Three separate issues of the French translation of Jacques de Vintimille appeared in the 1540s, as did reissues of the Italian translations of Jacopo, son of Poggio Bracciolini, and Ludovico Domenichi’s new translation of several individual works by Xenophon. For full details, see David Marsh, ‘Xenophon’, in Catalogus Translationem et Commentariorum, ed. Virginia Brown et al. Notes 199

56. So claims Henry Holland’s Epistle to King Charles when it was published in 1632 (sig. [¶¶7]v). 57. The VIII. bookes of Xenophon, sig. [A4]. 58. Xenophon, Cyrupaedia. The institution and life of Cyrus, the first of that name, King of Persians, trans. Philemon Holland. London: J[ohn] L[egat] for Robert Allot [and Henry Holland] (1632). 59. This portrait of Charles was modelled on Willem de Passe’s engraving of the king, and Marshall completed several quite varied portraits of King Charles before his most famous version: that of the Eikon Basilike. That the design is by Holland is attested in the ‘Hh invent’ inscription under the medallion portrait of his father Philemon beneath the frontispiece. 60. I owe this point to Marina Ansaldo and Sarah Lewis. Jyotsna G. Singh’s suggestive comparison of the Armada portrait of Elizabeth with a c.1618 Mughal portrait of the emperor Jahangir in an ‘imperial embrace’ with Shah ‘Abbas across a globe, in an established trope of Mughal painting, might be further enriched by Holland’s positioning of the ancient Persian emperor atop a globe in implicit dialogue with King Charles. ‘Introduction’, in Singh (ed.), A Companion to the Global Renaissance (Oxford: Blackwell, 2009), pp. 1–8 (especially pp. 2–3). 61. Those poets closest to King James and Prince Henry show themselves most profi- cient at making connections to Cyrus: William Alexander and Samuel Daniel. 62. London: for William Hope, 1654. 63. Xenophontos Kyrou paideias biblia 8 (London: Sam. Thomson, [1648]), reprinted 1660; Xenophontos Kyrou paideias biblia e. (Oxford: n.p., [1679]). 64. Kyrou Paideia: Or, the Institution and Life of Cyrus the Great. Written by That Famous Philosopher and General, Xenophon of Athens, trans. Francis Digby and John Norris (London: for Matthew Gilliflower and James Norris, 1685), sig. [A7]v. 65. On the question of how Spartan Xenophon’s Persia seems, see Christopher Tuplin, ‘Xenophon, Sparta and the Cyropaedia’, in The Shadow of Sparta, ed. S. Hodkinson and A. Powell (London: Routledge, 1994), pp. 127–81, and Noreen Humble’s forthcoming monograph on Xenophon and Sparta. 66. Doohwan Ahn, ‘The Politics of Royal Education: Xenophon’s Education of Cyrus in Early Eighteenth-Century Europe’, Leadership Quarterly 19 (2008): 439–52. 67. For a sample of approaches, see J. K. Anderson Xenophon (London: Duckworth, 1974); James Tatum, Xenophon’s Imperial Fiction: On ‘The Education of Cyrus’ (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989); Deborah Levin Gera, Xenophon’s ‘Cyropaedia’: Style, Genre, and Literary Technique (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993); Christopher Tuplin, ‘Xenophon’s Cyropaedia: Education and Fiction’, in Education in Greek Fiction, ed. Catherine Atherton and Alan H. Sommerstein (Bari: Levante Editori, 1996); Christopher Nadon, Xenophon’s Prince: Republic and Empire in the ‘Cyropaedia’ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001); Vivienne J. Gray, Xenophon’s Mirror of Princes: Reading the Reflections (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011). 68. ‘And you shall perceiue that histories were of three sortes, wholly true and wholly false, and a third holding part of either, but for honest re-creation, and good example they were all of them.’ Puttenham, Arte, pp. 40–1. 69. Buckingham’s speech appears first in the 1563 additions. See Thomas Sackville et al., Mirrour for Magistrates, ed. Lily B. Campbell (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1960), p. 321. On the grisly death of Cyrus recounted by Herodotus (to which Buckingham here alludes), see Chapter 2. 200 Notes

70. Cartwright, The Preachers Travels (1611), sig. [L4]v. Walter Ralegh, History of the World (London: William Stansby for Walter Burre, 1614), sig. [4C6v]. 71. ‘Optandum autem erat, plura de Cyro in Daniele extare, sed legamus quantum tradidit antiquitas, et virtutes Cyri diligenter in Xenophonte contemplemur.’ This point was made by Noreen Humble in a plenary paper on Xenophon’s reception in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Europe in Dublin, 23 November 2012. Carion’s Chronicle, which was structured according to Daniel’s prophecy of the four worldly empires, is important to the development of Protestant millenarian belief in the sixteenth century. An English translation of what Roger Ascham called ‘the whole story of time’ appeared in 1550, with its proudly Xenophontic account of Cyrus, sig. [D7]v–E4r. Roger Ascham, The Schoolmaster (1570), ed. Lawrence V. Ryan (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1967). Carion’s successor, Johann Sleidan, author of the first official history of the Protestant movement, also produced a popular universal history, De Quatuour Summis Imperiis (1556), translated into English by Stephen Withers as A Briefe Chronicle of the Foure Principall Empires (London: Rowland Hall, 1563). 72. Daniel: 2:27–45 (sig. 3T4). 73. ‘Tracing such practices will bring us back to a consideration of the role of the scriptures as a political thesaurus and mirror of the present.’ Kevin Killeen, ‘Chastising with Scorpions: Reading the Old Testament in Early Modern England’, Huntington Library Quarterly 73.3 (2010): 491–506. 74. Again, these are annotations from the 1560 Geneva Bible; the title page adver- tises its ‘moste profitable annotations’, while this gloss on Cyrus is attached to Ezra 1:2 (sig.2F3v). The attribution of ‘gods parte’ is noted multiple times in the Huntington copy of the 1552? Barker translation. 75. Ralegh, History of the World (1614), sig. [4C5v]. 76. Lodowick Lloyd, The Consent of Time (London: George Bishop and Ralph Newberie, 1590), fol. 243 r–v. 77. Desiderius Erasmus, The Education of a Christian Prince, ed. Lisa Jardine, trans. Neil M. Cheshire and Michael J. Heath (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 72. 78. Philip Sidney, An Apology for Poetry, ed. Geoffrey Shepherd (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1989), p. 103. Francis Meres repeats the formula, describing the Cyropaedia as ‘an absolute heroicall poem’ in Palladis Tamia, in G. G. Smith (ed.), Elizabethan Critical Essays (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1904), 2 vols., vol. 2, pp. 308–24 (p. 315). 79. ‘Cyrus ille a Xenophonte non ad historiae fidem scriptus sed ad effigiem iusti imperi’ (from Epistulae Ad Quintum Fratrem 1.1.23). Cicero also mentions the Cyropaedia approvingly in Brutus, 112; Tusculan Disputations ii.62, and in the Letter to Paetus (Epistulae ad Familiares 9.25) where he tells his friend that he has ‘well thumbed’ his own copy of the Cyropaedia while on campaign. Sidney, Apology, p. 103. 80. James VI and I, Basilikon Doron (1599) (Menston: Scolar Press, 1969), sig. [T4] v. Xenophon explicitly presents hunting as a formative military exercise for Persians. 81. This version is that of Richard Robinson in The Second Assertion and ys Prophane Hystoricall (1583), ll. 549–59, but it is a commonplace attested in both Xenophon (Book 1) and Herodotus (1.136). 82. Johannes Boemus, The manners, lawes and customes of all nations, trans. Edward Aston (London: George Eld, 1611), sig. [G8]v. Notes 201

83. See Marsh, ‘Xenophon’, pp. 116–17. 84. Markku Peltonen, Classical Humanism and Republicanism in English Thought, 1570–1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). 85. James Cleland, Heropaideia, or the Institution of a Young Noble Man (Oxford: Joseph Barnes, 1607), sig. [¶¶3]v. 86. Tatum, Xenophon’s Imperial Fiction, pp. 5–6. Both of the most recent major studies of Xenophon read it primarily as a work of instruction. Nadon, Xenophon’s Prince; Gray, Xenophon’s Mirror of Princes. 87. ‘When you hear of Achilles, Xerxes, Cyrus, Darius, or Julius, do not be at all overwhelmed by the enormous prestige of their names; you are hearing about great raging bandits.’ Erasmus, The Education of a Christian Prince, p. 62. 88. Erasmus, The Education of a Christian Prince, p. 72. 89. See Ascham, The Scholemaster, ed. Ryan, pp. 37–39, 42, 46. See also Rhodes, ‘Marlowe and the Greeks’. 90. This is Philemon Holland’s (more accurate) translation in Cyrupaedia, sig. Z1. Barker translates the closing words of Book 7 more loosely: that they ‘be euer- more trayned in the studies of vertue and honestye’ (sig. [2]B4). 91. John Cramsie has argued that this lesson is one that King James heeded, and that it formed an important part of his fiscal policies as King of England. Cramsie, ‘The Philosophy of Imperial Kingship and the Interpretation of James VI and I’, in James VI and I: Ideas, Authority, and Government, ed. Ralph Houlbrooke (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006), pp. 43–60. See also the 2009 special issue of Polis on Xenophon’s political thought, especially Gabriel Danzig, ‘Big Boys and Little Boys: Justice and Law in Xenophon’s Cyropaedia and Memorabilia’, Polis 26.2 (2009): 271–95. 92. Sir Thomas Elyot, The Boke Named the Governour (London: Thomas Berthelet, [1531]), Book 1, ch. 18. 93. Nadon, Xenophon’s Prince. It is one of Xenophon’s more striking achievements that he manages to demonstrate the contiguity of many of their activities and values. 94. Sidney, Apology, p. 101. 95. Boemus notes this, for example, though his Omnium Gentium Mores, Leges et Ritus was first published in 1520: ‘The Persians beleeue in Heauen, and in Iupiter: they haue the Sunne also in great veneration, whom they call Mitra, and worship the Moone, Venus, the Fire, Earth, Water, and windes, as gods and goddesses.’ The manners, laws and customes, trans. Aston, sig. [G7]v. 96. Thomas More, Utopia, ed. Robert M. Adams (New York and London: Norton, 1992), pp. 57, 72. 97. ‘I am content, to err with Plato, Xenophon, and M. Tullius […] as (according to that opinion) the Idea or figure conceyved in imagination of a perfect commune weale, and of a perfect king, and of a perfect Oratour are conteined: so it is also of a perfect Courtier.’ Baldessare Castiglione, The Book of the Courtier, trans. Thomas Hoby (London: Everyman, 1956), p. 13. See also note 114. 98. Classicists use the term ‘Medization’ to describe the tendency for wealthy and powerful countries to ‘soften’ thus. It is Herodotus who establishes as a central tenet of Greek historiography that ‘softer’ nations are overcome by ‘hardier’ ones, a moral calibration that classical geohumoral ethnography takes up with gusto. 99. Aristotle, Politics, Book 5 (1310b38 and1312a12). 100. So, for example, in an epigram on ‘knights of worthy memory’ targeted instead at landlords with too good a memory, John Davies of Hereford opens with 202 Notes

Cyrus: ‘Of Cirus thus the Histories report / He knew his Soldiers names by memory, / Although they were (almost) a countlesse sort, / Yet he by name knew all that Company!’ Wits Bedlam (London: George Eld, 1617), sig. [F6]. 101. The VIII. Bookes of Xenophon, sig. V1. For an overview of the arguments for and against Xenophon’s Cyrus having been constructed in the spirit of admiration or critique (and an argument for the latter), see David Johnson, ‘Persians as Centaurs in Xenophon’s Cyropaedia’, Transactions of the American Philological Association 135 (2005): 177–207. 102. Instead Barker links Cyrus’s encouragement of his friends and noblemen in ‘vertues and goodnes’ to his new tastes for luxurious dress and ornament, with ‘And not only in these things Cyrus thought meete to be better than his subiects, but also in apparrayll & aray of her person’ (sig. [2]B8v). Holland gives a more ominous rendering, ascribing Cyrus’s choice of dress (and that he encouraged of his ‘magistrates’) to serve to ‘charme also and enchaunt’ his subjects, ‘after a cunning sort’ (fol. 181). 103. The VIII. Bookes, sig. B4v–B5. 104. Elyot’s Boke Named the Governour translates and paraphrases long passages from various sections of the Cyropaedia, foregrounding its lessons on ‘justice and temperance’ (I.18), ‘continence’ and ‘benevolence’ (II.9). 105. Governour, Book II.9. The mid-sixteenth-century reader of the Huntington copy of the 1552(?) edition (shelf-mark 79939) carefully marks where Cyrus teaches his ‘captains’, ‘And thei their soldiers’ ([L5v]). 106. Cited in Sidney, Apology, p. 157. Cooper was among those recruited by Thomas Marshe to revise Thomas Lanquet’s Chronicle. See D. R. Woolf, Reading History in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 11–78 (especially 36–7). 107. Johann Carion, The thre bokes of Cronicles … (London: for Gwalter Lynne, 1550), sig. E4v. 108. From the Preface to William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, quoted here from the 1567 edition (sig. [A6]v; emphasis mine). The recommendation of ‘policie for courtlines’ reminds us that Barker had met Sir Thomas Hoby, translator of Castiglione’s Il Cortegiano, and travelled with him from Siena to Rome in 1549. 109. Richard Mulcaster, First Part of the Elementary (1582) (Menston: Scolar Press, 1970), p. 70. 110. Edmund Spenser, The Faerie Queene, ed. A. C. Hamilton (Harlow: Longman, 2007), p. 716. See Jane Grogan, Exemplary Spenser: Visual and Poetic Pedagogy in ‘The Faerie Queene’ (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2009), pp. 53–66. 111. Sidney, Apology, pp. 124–5. 112. The VIII. Bookes, sig. A3v; emphasis mine. 113. Epistle to Charles in Xenophon, Cyrupaedia, sig. [¶¶8], [ ¶¶7]v. 114. Castiglione, The Book of the Courtier, trans. Hoby, p. 69. See also note 97 for Castiglione’s own endorsement of Xenophon’s Cyrus as a ‘perfect king’. 115. Plutarch, Liues of the Noble Grecians and Romains, trans. Thomas North (London: Thomas Vautrollier, 1579), sig. 3P3. 116. Niccolò Machiavelli, Machiavelli: The Chief Works and Others, ed. and trans. Allan Gilbert (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1965), vol. 1, p. 57. The story of Scipio is widespread: Barnabe Riche puts it most succinctly in his Roome for a Gentleman (London: John Windet for Jeffrey Chorlton, 1609): ‘Scipio Affricanus would not goe without the bookes of Xenophon’ (sig. F2v). There are numerous other examples of this idea, even from unlikely exponents such as Jean Bodin. Notes 203

117. MacLean, Looking East, pp. 20–3 (p. 21). 118. Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimes (1625), sig. ¶3v. 119. James VI and I, Basilikon Doron, sig. V1. 120. James VI and I, Basilikon Doron, sig. P3v. 121. Cramsie, ‘The Philosophy of Imperial Kingship’. 122. Machiavelli, Discorsi 2.13, in Machiavelli: The Chief Works and Others, ed. and trans. Gilbert (vol. 1). 123. Sidney, Apology, p. 108. 124. James VI and I, Basilikon Doron, sig. K3v. 125. Cramsie, ‘The Philosophy of Imperial Kingship’. 126. Buchanan’s own radical, even anti-imperial thought seems to have left no posi- tive trace on James. See Arthur H. Williamson, ‘An Empire to End Empire: The Dynamic of Early Modern British Expansion’, in The Uses of History, ed. Paulina Kewes (San Marino, CA: Huntington Library, 2006), pp. 223–52 (p. 228). 127. Thomas Bilson, A Sermon preached at Westminster before the King and Queenes Maiesties, at their Coronations … (London: Valentine Simmes for Clement Knight, 1603), sig. B5v. 128. William Alexander, A Paraenesis to the Prince (London: Richard Field for Edward Blount, 1604). 129. Cleland, Heropaideia, sig. T3v–[T4] (p. 151). See also the prefatory epistle, sig. ¶3. 130. Barbara Fuchs, ‘Imperium Studies: Theorizing Early Modern Expansion’, in Postcolonial Moves: Medieval Through Modern, ed. Patricia Clare Ingham and Michelle R. Warren (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), pp. 71–90. 131. This is the opening line of Speed’s prose account, ‘The Description of the Turkish Empire’, in A Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World, sig. S1. MacLean, Looking East, p. 20. See also Jonathan Burton, ‘Anglo-Ottoman Relations and the Image of the Turk in Tamburlaine’, Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 30.1 (2000): 125–56. 132. See the Letter to Ralegh attached to the 1590 edition of The Faerie Queene. 133. David Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 70. On the origins and theorizing of English empire, see Stewart Mottram, Empire and Nation in Early English Renaissance Literature (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2008); Matthew Day, ‘Imagining Empire: Richard Hakluyt’s The Principal Navigations’, Journeys 3.2 (2002): 1–28; Armitage, Ideological Origins and David Armitage (ed.), Theories of Empire, 1450–1800 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998); Frances Yates, Astraea: The Imperial Theme in the Sixteenth Century (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975); Lesley Cormack, ‘Brittannia Rules the Waves? Images of Empire in Elizabethan England’, EMLS 4.2 (1998): 1–20; and Anthony Pagden, Lords of All the World: Ideologies of Empire in Spain, Britain and France. c.1500–c.1800 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), pp. 11–28. 134. King James contributed an elegy on the death of Sidney to a 1587 collection, and was, as Geoffrey Shepherd writes, ‘highly sympathetic with Sidney’s ideals of a Protestant poetry’ (Sidney, Apology, p. 212). Although James’s ‘Ane Schort Treatise’ on poetics seems more indebted to Gascoigne’s Certayne notes of instruction (1575) than to Sidney’s Apology, Sidney’s contacts with the Scottish court in the 1580s and James’s avowed respect for his writing, as well as the strong interest both men shared in the Cyropaedia, make it likely that James took his cue from Sidney’s Ciceronian reading of the text. See also Helena Mennie Shire, Song, Dance, and Poetry of the Court of Scotland Under King James VI (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969; reissued 2010), pp. 91–102. 204 Notes

135. See Bernard Weinberg, A History of Literary Criticism in the Italian Renaissance (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961). 136. For an alternative reading of that entwining of politics and poetics in Sidney’s recourse to the Cyropaedia, see Stillman, Philip Sidney, pp. 217–38. 137. Cicero, ‘The Republic’ and the ‘Laws’, trans. Niall Rudd (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 20–1 (Republic, Book 1, 43–5). 138. Cicero’s Scipio goes on to condemn all pure forms of government, arguing that they take ‘a steep and slippery path which leads to a depraved version of itself. Cyrus (to take the most conspicuous example) was a tolerable, even (I grant you) a likeable monarch. Yet below him stands the cruelly capricious Phalaris …’ (‘The Republic’, p. 20). 139. This appears in the reader’s own index to the 1552? Huntington copy of Barker’s translation (sig. [A8]). 140. Erasmus, The Education of a Christian Prince, p. 1. 141. Arrian’s biography of Alexander the Great prevaricates in describing Xenophon’s Cyrus ‘when he wrested the sovereignty of Asia from the Medes and established his control either by force or by consent over so many other peoples’ (5.4; my emphasis). Arrian’s Life of Alexander the Great, trans. Aubrey de Sélincourt (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1962), p. 167. Arrian’s work was less readily available to early modern English readers, however. 142. This discussion of the classical contexts of the question of willing obedience was greatly enriched by the scholarly debates hosted on the excellent online ‘communtary’ at www.cyropaedia.org, accessed 21 September 2012. 143. On the role of temperance in English imperial theory and practice, see Kasey Evans, Colonial Virtue: The Mobility of Temperance in Renaissance England (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2012). 144. Cyrupaedia, fol. 174. In Barker’s pithier translation we find ‘prudence, temperance, & fortitude, theire exercise beinge leste, bee turned into vice’ (sig. [2]B3). 145. The VIII. Bookes of Xenophon, sig.[2]B8. 146. Andrew Hadfield, ‘The Idea of the North’, Journal of the Northern Renaissance 1.1 (2009), p. 14. www.northernrenaissance.org, accessed 17 February 2012. 147. Cleland, Heropaideia, sig. T4. The text was reissued (under different titles) in 1611 and 1612. 148. Ralegh, History of the World (1614), sig. 4C2v; Sidney, Apology, p. 111. 149. The VIII. Bookes of Xenophon, sig. [2]A5v. 150. From The Warres of Cyrus (see Chapter 3) to John Banks’s Restoration comedy Cyrus the Great (1696), the love-triangle of Araspes, Panthea and Abradatas put to rights by Cyrus and used to exemplify his extraordinary ‘continencie’, is the most popular narrative from Xenophon’s text. Most impressively, perhaps, Panthea finds a place among biblical and historical queens and heroines in Pierre Le Moyne’s Galerie des Femmes Fortes (1647; English translation, 1652). 151. The VIII. Bookes, sig. Q3v. 152. The Warres of Cyrus was printed in 1594, first written and performed around 1576–80. It appears, for example, in William Painter’s The Pallace of Pleasure (London: Henry Denham for Richard Tottell and William Jones, 1566), with the running-title ‘King Cyrus and the Lady Panthea’, and in Richard Taverner’s ton- ally far different The Second Boke of the Garden of Wysdom (London: for Richard Banks, 1542), sig. B5. 153. In his essay ‘Of Curiositie’ in The Philosophie, commonly called the Morals [Moralia], trans. Philemon Holland (London: Arnold Hatfield, 1603). Notes 205

154. The Liues, trans. North, sig. 3Q4; see also Quintus Rufus Curtius, The History of Alexander, trans. John Yardley (London: Penguin, 2001), 3.12.16–24; the Alexander Romance, too, made much of this episode. See also Jeffrey Beneker’s recent argument that Plutarch draws on Xenophon’s Cyrus in modelling his Alexander in his paired lives of Alexander and Caesar, in The Passionate Statesman (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), especially pp. 113–27. 155. William Alexander, The Monarchick Tragedies (London: Valentine Simmes for Edward Blount, 1604), sig. F4 (Act 4, scene 1). 156. Machiavelli, Discourses 3.20. 157. The VIII. Bookes, sig. F1v–F2.

2 Romance Persia: ‘Nourse of Pompous Pride’

1. The first part of the Urania was printed in 1621, but the second part remained in manuscript until the twentieth century. On Rodomandro as a type of Rodomonte, see Sheila T. Cavanagh, Cherished Torment: The Emotional Geography of Lady Mary Wroth’s ‘Urania’ (Pittsburgh, PA: Duquesne University Press, 2001), pp. 2, 8, and Bernadette Andrea, ‘Persia, Tartaria, and Pamphilia: Ideas of Asia in Mary Wroth’s The Countess of Montgomery’s Urania, Part II’, in The English Renaissance, Orientalism, and the Idea of Asia, ed. Debra Johanyak and Walter S. H. Lim (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), pp. 23–50. 2. On Rodomonte being readable racially as being black (as Wroth deems Rodomandro), see Elizabeth Spiller, Reading and the History of Race in the Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), pp. 121–3. 3. Benedict Robinson, Islam and Early Modern English Literature: The Politics of Romance from Spenser to Milton (New York and Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), p. 2. 4. See Robinson’s helpful adumbration of the strength of this imperative even against the dilatory and ‘errant’ principles of romance so influentially analysed by Patricia Parker in Islam and Early Modern English Literature, pp. 36–40. 5. On the romance framework of Othello, see Dennis Austin Britton, ‘Re-“Turning” Othello: Transformative and Restorative Romance’, ELH 78 (2011): 27–50. 6. Jo Ann Cavallo, ‘Crocodiles and Crusades: Egypt in Boiardo’s Orlando Innamorato and Ariosto’s Orlando furioso’, Arthuriana 21.1 (2011): 85–96. 7. See Jerry Brotton, ‘St George Between East and West’, in Re-Orienting the Renaissance: Cultural Exchanges with the East, ed. Gerald MacLean (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), pp. 50–65. 8. Justin Kolb, ‘“In th’armor of a Pagan knight”: Romance and Anachronism East of England in Book V of The Faerie Queene and Tamburlaine’, Early Theatre 12.2 (2009): 194–221. 9. See Michael Murrin, History and Warfare in Renaissance Epic (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), pp. 57–74, and Dennis Looney, Compromising the Classics: Romance Epic Narrative in the Italian Renaissance (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1996). Boiardo had also translated the Cyropaedia and the biographies of Cornelius Nepos, but the Herodotus seems to have been most influential on his romance. 10. Matteo Maria Boiardo, Orlando innamorato, trans. Charles Stanley Ross (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), 2.1.22–30. 11. Murrin, History and Warfare, p. 63. 12. See Looney, Compromising the Classics, pp. 65–76 (p. 70). 206 Notes

13. Most significantly for our purposes, Harington gives the example of Tomyris (see below) as an exemplar of female heroic endeavour. 14. Herodotus, The Famous Hystory of Herodotus, trans. B.R. (London: Thomas Marshe, 1584). 15. On the eastern Mediterranean settings of romance more generally, see Helen Moore, ‘The Eastern Mediterranean in the English Amadis Cycle, Book V’, Yearbook of English Studies 41.1 (2011): 113–25 (pp. 113–18). 16. Nandini Das, Renaissance Romance: The Transformation of English Prose Fiction, 1570–1620 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2011), p. 73. 17. Hungary, too, at the European border with the Ottomans, is a popular location for early modern romance (e.g. Barnabe Riche’s Brusanus, printed in 1592 but written in the mid-1580s). 18. See Constance Relihan, Cosmographical Glasses: Geographic Discourse, Gender, and Elizabethan Fiction (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 2004), especially pp. 45–68; Robinson, Islam and Early Modern English Literature. 19. See Robinson’s ‘Introduction’ to Islam and Early Modern English Literature for further development of this idea. 20. See Robinson, Islam and Early Modern English Literature; Das, Renaissance Romance; Goran Stanivukovic, ‘Cruising the Mediterranean: Narratives of Sexuality and Geographies of the Eastern Mediterranean in Early Modern English Prose Romances’, in Remapping the Mediterranean World in Early Modern English Writings, ed. Goran Stanivukovic (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), pp. 59–74, and his forthcoming English Renaissance Romances and Travels in the Eastern Mediterranean. 21. ‘Of this no longer must I stay, / Be merry Mates, and let’s away, / Whiles wether serves and wynd’, the Palmer tells Guyon and the rescued Greeks. The verse by R.R. (probably Robert Rugge), appears in Traueller for the English Wits (1616). On the connections between travel-writing and romance-writing, see also note 114. 22. This, despite the historical reality that eleventh- and twelfth-century Persia was under the slipping control of the Turkic Seljuks, much of it soon to fall to Genghis Khan and the Mongols, and had little contact with either the Ottomans or Jerusalem. 23. On Persia in medieval romance, see Suzanne Conklin Akbari, Idols in the East: European Representations of Islam and the Orient 1100–1450 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2009). 24. See Helen Cooper, The English Romance in Time: Transforming Motifs from Geoffrey of Monmouth to the Death of Shakespeare (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 25. See Cooper, The English Romance in Time, and Andrew King, ‘The Faerie Queene’ and Middle English Romance (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000). 26. The Warres of Cyrus is the most prominent stage romance set in Persia, and will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 3. 27. Richard Eden and Richard Willes (ed. and trans.), The History of Trauayle in the West and East Indies (London: Richard Jugge, 1577), sig. 2T6. 28. For example, Michael Murrin argues that the central Christian–Saracen conflict in Boiardo’s Orlando innamorato is energized by the recent conquest of Constantinople by the Turks and their subsequent advances (History and Warfare). 29. Recent work by Andrew Fitzmaurice and others has identified other currents of anti-imperial thought, from critiques of Spanish imperium in the ‘Black Legend’ to challenges to the Arthurian ‘history’. See Renaissance Studies 26.4 (2012). 30. Heliodorus, An Æthiopian Historie, trans. Thomas Underdowne (London: Henry Wykes for Fraunces Coldocke, 1569), sig. 2K3. Notes 207

31. James Romm, ‘Travel’, in The Cambridge Companion to the Greek and Roman Novel, ed. Tim Whitmarsh (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), p. 115. 32. David Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 68–77. 33. David Quint, Epic and Empire: Politics and Generic Form from Virgil to Milton (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993). Virgil’s Trojan Aeneas, Spenser’s Redcrosse/St George exemplify such heroes of the east who move imperially west, on this account. 34. This abbreviation of a rich and valuable field is not intended to be facile. I see the debate as one dominated by the arguments of David Quint, John Watkins, Patricia Parker and Barbara Fuchs. 35. Barbara Fuchs, Romance (New York: Routledge, 2004), p. 85. 36. See Anthony Grafton, New Worlds, Ancient Texts (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992). The most famous example is the inclusion of Theodore de Bry’s engravings of the Picts alongside the engravings of Amerindians included in the 1590 Johannes Wechel edition of Thomas Hariot’s A Brief and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia. 37. Only one other edition of Herodotus was printed in England in the period: a small quarto Greek edition (STC 13225) printed in Oxford by Joseph Barnes together with a paragraph on the life of Herodotus and a single, unsigned commendatory sonnet. It contains only the first book and appears to be a teaching text. 38. See Helen Hackett, Women and Romance Fiction in the English Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 85. 39. Herodotus, The Famous Hystory, sig. A2v. 40. Herodotus, The Famous Hystory, sig. A2v–A3. 41. See Su Fang Ng, ‘Global Renaissance: Alexander the Great and Early Modern Classicism from the British Isles to the Malay Archipelago’, Comparative Literature 58.4 (2006): 293–312 (pp. 297–8). 42. John Gillies, Shakespeare and the Geography of Difference (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 18. 43. On commonplacing in Renaissance reading and writing, see Mary Thomas Crane, Framing Authority: Sayings, Self, and Society in Sixteenth-Century England (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993). 44. On hubris and koros, see Ryan K. Balot, Greed and Injustice in Classical Athens (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001); James J. Helm, ‘“Koros”: From Satisfaction to Greed’, The Classical World 87.1 (1993): 5–11; Douglas L. Cairns, ‘Hybris, Dishonour, and Thinking Big’, Journal of Hellenic Studies 116 (1996): 1–32; and N. R. E. Fisher, Hybris: A Study in the Values of Honour and Shame in Ancient Greece (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1992). 45. Balot, Greed and Injustice, pp. 92–3. 46. Balot persuasively argues that Herodotus is a ‘bridge figure between archaic and classical evaluations of greed’ (Greed and Injustice, p. 100). 47. Solon’s political wisdom is avouched by his very travels: having been the key figure in devising the Athenian constitution, Solon travels to allow the constitution a better chance of survival in his absence, uncoupled from him. 48. Balot, Greed and Injustice, pp. 99ff., especially pp. 106–7. The full tale of ‘Solon’s happiness’ (as it is termed in Titus Andronicus, 1.1.177) is retold in Plutarch’s ‘Life’ of Solon (sig. I3v–I4v in North’s 1579 translation). 49. Certain later classical authorities openly rejected elements of Xenophon’s account in favour of that of Herodotus, among them Pompus Trogus (whose work survives only in an epitome by Justin), Ctesias and Diodorus of Sicily. 208 Notes

50. The VIII. Bookes of Xenophon, containinge the Institutio[n], schole, and education of Cyrus, trans. William Barker ([London: Reginalde Wolfe], 1567), sig. [2]C4–[2]C5. Interestingly, Barker omits the following line which (in the words of the Loeb translation) copperfastens Cyrus’s words to his actions: ‘And it was evident that he practiced what he preached’. 51. See especially Kasey Evans, Colonial Virtue: The Mobility of Temperance in Renaissance England (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2012). Evans argues that early modern England prefers Aristotelian continence (enkrateia) to temperance (sophrosyne) for its potential for Christian struggle and its mercantile effi- cacy, but retains the term ‘temperance’ for its live connection to temporality and the way in which temperance can thereby be instrumentalized in early modern colonial culture. 52. Among early modern artists and sculptors to depict the ‘vengeance of Tomyris’ are Rubens, Severo and Preti. 53. Ludovico Ariosto, Orlando Furioso in English Heroical Verses, trans. John Harington (London: Richard Field, 1591), glossing canto 37. Glossing canto 20, Harington describes Tomyris (about whom we know nothing beyond what this Herodotean episode presents) as ‘famous’ for her ‘wise government’. 54. An Epitome of Cronicles (London: Thomas Marshe, 1549), sig. M1v. This is the first of several editions, revised by Cooper, John Stow and Richard Grafton. 55. Herodotus, The Famous Hystory, sig. K4. 56. See, for example, the manuscript copy produced at Bruges in 1455 held in Special Collections at Glasgow University Library, which presents the actions of Judith, Jael and Tomyris in grisaille alongside a coloured image of the Virgin Mary. 57. Three sizeable tapestries postulating the virtuous life of Tomyris before her encounter with Cyrus, purchased second-hand by the Moretus family in the 1620s, are still to be seen displayed in one of their reception rooms in the Plantin- Moretus museum in Antwerp. 58. See Jane Grogan, ‘“Headless Rome”: Titus Andronicus, Herodotus and Ancient Persia’, ELR 43.1 (2013): 30–61, which argues for the influence of Herodotus’s Histories as a key intertext of Titus Andronicus. 59. The description was printed in the third volume of the second edition of Hakluyt’s Principal Navigations (1598–1600). 60. Paulina Kewes, ‘Two Queens, One Inventory: The Lives of Mary and Elizabeth Tudor’, in Writing Lives: Biography and Textuality, Identity and Representation in Early Modern England, ed. Kevin Sharpe and Steven N. Zwicker (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008, repr. 2011), pp. 187–207. 61. Thomas Fennes, Fennes Frutes (London: for Richard Oliffe, 1590), sig. C3r–v. 62. The Bokes of Xenophon, contayning the discipline, schole, and education of Cyrus, noble kyng of Persie, trans. William Barker (London: Reynolde Wolfe, 1552?), sig. E1 (Huntington Library 79939). 63. For an argument about the primacy of ‘sacred empire’ ahead of ‘classical empire’ in ‘early modern […] apocalyptic spirituality’, see Arthur H. Williamson, ‘An Empire to End Empire: The Dynamic of Early Modern British Expansion’, in The Uses of History, ed. Paulina Kewes (San Marino, CA: Huntington Library, 2006), especially pp. 223–4. 64. Marlin Barleti, The historie of George Castriot, surnamed Scanderbeg, trans. Zachary Jones (London: Richard Field for William Ponsonby, 1596), sig. 2K1. 65. Curtis Perry, ‘British Empire on the Eve of the Armada: Revisiting The Misfortunes of Arthur’, Studies in Philology 108.4 (2011): 508–37 (p. 510). Notes 209

66. Sallust’s The War with Catiline opens with a classical Fall narrative centred on imperial ambition, observing that humans were at first pure and not covetous. ‘But when Cyrus in Asia and in Greece the Athenians and Lacedaemonians began to subdue cities and nations, to make the lust for dominion a pretext for war, to consider the greatest empire the greatest glory, then at last men learned from perilous enterprises that qualities of mind availed most in war.’ Trans. John C. Rolfe (Harvard, MA: Heinemann, 1931). See also Peter Burke, ‘The Popularity of Ancient Historians, 1450–1700’, History and Theory 5 (1966): 135–52. 67. Justin, Thabridgement of the histories of Trogus Pompeius (London: Thomas Marshe, [1564]), sig. [A6]. 68. Justin, Trogus Pompeius, sig. [A7]. Dressing as a woman, spinning, sexual licence and incest are some of the charges laid at Sardanapalus’s door, probably ground- lessly. Sardanapalus is sometimes described as Ninus’s son, at other times as his descendant; historians and archaeologists note the unfairness of this historical tradition in its apparent calumny of Ashurbanipal. 69. George Puttenham, The Arte of English Poesie (1589), 1.8: ‘the noble poemes of Homer were holden with Alexander the great, in so much as euery night they were layd vnder his pillow, and by day were carried in the rich iewell cofer of Darius lately before vanquished by him in battaile’. 70. John Speed, A Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World (London: John Dawson for George Humble, 1627), sig. R1. 71. Johann Carion, The thre bokes of Cronicles (London: for Gwalter Lynne, 1550), sig. F1v. See Introduction. 72. On Hamlet’s reliance on Horatio who ‘supplement[s] him as a scholar’ when necessary, see Elizabeth Hanson, ‘Fellow Students: Hamlet, Horatio, and the Early Modern University’, Shakespeare Quarterly 62.2 (2011): 205–29 (pp. 225–26). 73. Margaret Meserve, Empires of Islam in Renaissance Historical Thought (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), p. 229. 74. Ng, ‘Global Renaissance’, p. 294; Meserve, Empires of Islam, pp. 76–9. As Meserve notes, ‘the legend [of Alexander’s wall] was historically impossible’ (p. 127). 75. Besides the ‘Alexander romance’, which itself became absorbed and reimagined within an array of national literary and folk traditions, the principal sources on the life of Alexander for early modern English readers were the biographies of Quintus Curtius and Plutarch; the history of Arrian was not translated into English in the period although continental Latin and vernacular editions were available. 76. Quintus Rufus Curtius, The History of Alexander, trans. John Yardley (London: Penguin, 2001), 10.1.30–5. Plutarch, The Liues of the Noble Grecians and Romanes, trans. Thomas North (London: Thomas Vautrollier, 1579), sig. 3S2. Curtius had also reported that Alexander’s interest in Cyrus had previously caused him (briefly) to consider sparing the city of ‘Cyropolis’ supposedly founded by Cyrus (7.6.20). 77. See David Read, Temperate Conquests: Spenser and the Spanish New World (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2000) and Daniel Vitkus, ‘The New Globalism: Transcultural Commerce, Global Systems Theory, and Spenser’s Mammon’, in A Companion to the Global Renaissance, ed. Jyotsna Singh (Oxford: Blackwell, 2009), pp. 31–49. 78. Realistically, this is not an either/or situation, but one better served by an appre- ciation of the overlapping and overlaying of ‘Old World’ and ‘New World’ topoi and locations that bespeak close attention to contemporary geopolitics. 79. The quadripartite formation of the Persian paradeisos was to influence the development of European herbal gardens and botanic gardens in particular, the first 210 Notes

of which appeared in Padua and Pisa in 1543, though Britain would have to wait until 1621. See Amy Tigner, Literature and the Renaissance Garden from Elizabeth I to Charles II: England’s Paradise (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2012). 80. The first of his works to be translated into English, in 1532, and much reprinted, the Oeconomicus was enduringly popular and influential, as Lorna Hutson has shown. The Usurer’s Daughter (London: Routledge, 1994), pp. 17–51. 81. Michael Murrin, ‘Spenser and the Search for Asian Silk’, Arthuriana 21 (2009): 7–19 (p. 14). 82. The gloss on ‘paradise’ as a Greek word in the June eclogue of The Shepheardes Calender (1579), and its location in ‘Mesopotamia’, following Diodorus’s history of Alexander, corroborates Spenser’s use of historians of the ancient near east. 83. Robinson, Islam and Early Modern English Literature, p. 34. 84. Robinson suggests that Spenser’s ‘reading contemporary English history through the lens of crusade romance’ amounts to a continuation of the project of Book I. Islam and Early Modern English Literature, pp. 33–6, especially 35, 36. See also Kolb, ‘“In th’armor of a Pagan knight”’. 85. Some travellers (such as the Persian Catholic convert, Uruch Beg/‘Don Juan of Persia’) noted that its twelve tips denoted devotion to Twelver Shi’ism. Richard Johnson, Seven Champions of Christendome, ed. Jennifer Fellows (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2003), p. 144. 86. As Brotton has shown (in ‘St George between East and West’), St George himself is an intermediary figure. 87. Hosein Pirnajmodin identifies these allusions as straightforward Orientalist mark- ers, arguing that Spenser’s Persia is a relatively idealized place in distant antiquity with which England retains some wishful parallels, in contrast with more ‘adver- sarial’ presentations of ‘the Islamic East’. See ‘The “antique guize”: Persia in The Faerie Queene’, Spenser Studies 20 (2005): 145–67. 88. For the Cyropaedia’s influence on The Faerie Queene, see Jane Grogan, Exemplary Spenser: Visual and Poetic Pedagogy in ‘The Faerie Queene’ (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2009), pp. 53–66. 89. Lucifera is not just named for the fallen Lucifer but is also, after all, the hellish daughter of Proserpina and ‘griesly Pluto’ (I.iv.11), giving her overpopulated dun- geon implicit parodic associations with the parade of heroes in the underworld in Book 6 of the Aeneid. 90. ‘Exceeding shone’ is also treated to anadiplosis in I.iv.8 and 9, adding further emphasis both to the excessiveness and the glistening. 91. Thus Balot writes of the Herodotean ‘pre-history’ of Athenian imperialism (Greed and Injustice, p. 114). 92. See Matthew Dimmock, ‘“Guns and Gawds”: Elizabethan England’s Infidel Trade’, in The Blackwell Companion to the Global Renaissance, ed. Singh, pp. 207–22. 93. See S. A. Skilliter, William Harborne and the Trade with Turkey, 1578–1582 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977). 94. Several months of internal fracas followed the death of Shah Tahmasp in May 1576 before his son Isma’il II was installed as his successor. Having been impris- oned (by his father) for nearly twenty years, Isma’il’s reign was short-lived, and in a conspiracy involving his sister, he was murdered and replaced by his brother Muhammad Khudabandah in February 1578. Persia’s weakened state in these years of turmoil encouraged the Ottomans to dispense with the peace treaty and set their eyes on Persian territories in the eastern Caucasus once more, with some success. See Roger Savory, Iran Under the Safavids (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), pp. 67–73. Notes 211

95. Unregulated English trade in the eastern Mediterranean also preceded these agreements, however. See Dimmock, ‘“Guns and Gawds”’, p. 210. 96. Dimmock, ‘“Guns and Gawds”’, pp. 215–18. 97. See Gerald MacLean and Nabil Matar, Britain and the Islamic World, 1558–1713 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), pp. 66–7. T. S. Willan also dates the final Persia voyage to 1581, but considers it that of Arthur Edwards, which returned in 1581. See The Early History of the Russia Company, 1553–1603 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1956), pp. 151–2. 98. Richard Hakluyt, The Principall Navigations, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation (London: George Bishop and Ralph Newberie, 1589), sig. *2v. 99. Even in this their successes were limited following the emergence of the Dutch into the Baltic on the same enterprise. The Muscovy Company straggled on, debt-laden, until the East India Company was prevailed upon to support them in the early years of the seventeenth century. 100. Warner’s father accompanied Richard Chancellor on the first expedition to Muscovy (1553), but not on the subsequent voyages to Persia. 101. Johnson, Seven Champions of Christendom, p. 140. Herodotus and Justin describe Cyrus’s tactic of tempting the Massagete forces with a banquet. 102. The geographical coordinates, like the credibility of the plot, are a little stretched, but the island’s location in the Caspian is deducible from the route eventually taken by Arbaces and Dircilla’s grandsons. 103. William Warner, Pan his Syrinx (London: Thomas Purfoot, 1584), sig. [Y3]v. 104. ‘Media’ continues to make sense as a geographical entity for English observers into the seventeenth century: even as late as 1627, for example, one of the few changes that John Speed makes to his Ortelian model for his map of Persia is to add the name ‘Media’ to the well-known silk-producing provinces of Gilan and Mazandaran. 105. Warner, Pan his Syrinx, sig. B1v. 106. The term ‘Sarmatian Scythian’ recurs in this context in Albion’s England. See also Kurosh Meshkat, ‘The Journey of Master Anthony Jenkinson to Persia, 1562–1563’, Journal of Early Modern History 13 (2009): 209–28 (pp. 225–7). 107. The element of sun-worship may suggest the Zoroastrianism/Mazdaism of the Persians even as the episode suggests that of Una among the woodfolk in Book I of The Faerie Queene. On early modern English knowledge of Persian Zoroastrianism, see Javad Ghatta, ‘Persian Icons and Shi’a Imams: Liminal Figures and Hybrid Persian Identities on the English Stage’, in Early Modern England and Islamic Worlds, ed. Bernadette Andrea and Linda McJannet (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), pp. 53–72 (especially pp. 59–64). Some of Dircilla’s description here is strongly evocative of the experience of Una among the wood-folk in The Faerie Queene (I.vi.16–19). 108. On English debates on imperial autonomy, see David Harris Sacks, ‘The True Temper of Empire: Dominion, Friendship and Exchange in the English Atlantic, c.1575–1625’, Renaissance Studies 26 (2012): 531–58 (especially pp. 531–2). 109. Anthony Munday, ‘Zelauto’: The Fountain of Fame, ed. Jack Stillinger (Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1963), p. xxvii. 110. See Joshua Phillips, ‘Chronicles of Wasted Time: Anthony Munday, Tudor Romance and Literary Labor’, ELH 73.4 (2006): 781–803 (pp. 784–5), although Phillips incorrectly describes Zelauto as being from Naples. 111. Nandini Das, ‘Introduction’, Yearbook of English Studies 41.1 (2011): 1–4 (p. 2). 112. Robinson, Islam and Early Modern English Literature, p. 30. Robinson reads Zelauto alongside The Faerie Queene in the opening chapter of Islam and Early Modern 212 Notes

English Literature, pp. 27–56, and finds in both ‘a crisis of representation in early modern romance, produced by the effort to negotiate the complex religious politics of the sixteenth century’ (p. 27). His is the most searching analysis to date of the romance, but he openly subordinates any putative category of ‘Persian’ to that of ‘Saracen’ (p. 33). 113. The title page of The advise and answer of my lord ye prince of Orange (1577), an English translation from the Dutch of the short-lived treaty between the Estates General and Don John of Austria, identifies both John Jugge and John Allde as the printers. Munday would also have known John Charlewood (who in 1580 printed Zelauto) as a collaborator of Allde’s in the late 1570s. Given Allde’s encouragement of his apprentices to produce work for printing, and the potential Catholic sympathies linking Allde and Charlewood, relations between Munday, Allde, Jugge and Charlewood look to have been close. 114. Marco Polo, The most noble and famous trauels of Marcus Paulus, one of the nobilitie of the state of Venice, into the east partes of the world, as Armenia, Persia, Arabia, Tartary, trans. John Frampton (London: Henry Bynneman for Ralph Newbery, 1579); famously, Polo’s travels come to us through the romance-writer Rusticello of Pisa. 115. Anon., A Discourse … (London: Thomas Dawson, 1579), sig. B2v. 116. While most of the great works of the ars apodemica tradition are European in provenance, the 1570s see a marked increase in translations of these texts, and Thomas Palmer’s 1606 An Essaye of the Meanes How to Make our Trauailes was the first substantial home-grown example. On the increase, too, was the genre of epistolary advice to young men embarking on travel. See Justin Stagl, The History of Curiosity: The Theory of Travel, 1550–1800 (London and New York: Routledge, 1995), especially pp. 57–65. 117. Mary Floyd-Wilson, English Ethnicity and Race in Early Modern Drama (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003; repr. 2006), p. 49 (see also pp. 48–66); Daniel Vitkus, Turning Turk: English Theater and the Multicultural Mediterranean, 1570–1630 (New York and Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003). 118. Munday, Zelauto, sig. M2v. 119. Munday, Zelauto, sig. D3. 120. The History of Trauayle contained extensive discussion of the term ‘sophi’ and its alternative ‘shaugh’ from commentators such as Geoffrey Ducket, Anthony Jenkinson and Hetoum of Korikos, whose work had been translated from French into English in 1520. Only once does the word ‘Soltan’ appear to describe a Persian, and then in relation to a civic office: ‘the Soltan, or gouernoure of the towne’ (sig. [2V7]v). 121. Munday, Zelauto, sig. K1r–v. 122. On Mandeville’s influence, see Ladan Niayesh (ed.), A Knight’s Legacy: Mandeville and Mandevillian Lore in Early Modern England (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2011). 123. See Chloë Houston, ‘Turning Persia: The Prospect of Conversion in Safavid Iran’, in The Turn of the Soul: Representations of Religious Conversion in Early Modern Art and Literature, ed. L. Stelling, H. Hendrix and T. Richardson (Leiden: Brill, 2012), pp. 85–108. 124. Johnson, Seven Champions, pp. 144–5. St George’s victory march towards the sea through Africa and Asia ‘in greater royalty, then did Darius with his Persian souldiers towards the campe of time-wondring Alexander’ (p. 145) thus super- sedes Persian history but also carries a hint of the pride for which the last Persian emperor, Darius III, was emblematically held to account. Notes 213

125. Only the occasional editor of Polo’s travels risks an identification of ‘Sabba’. Yule and Cordier identify ‘Sabba’ as Sávah, a town fifty miles or so southwest of Tehran, and southeast of Qazvin, the Persian capital not far from the Ottoman border in 1580. The Travels of Marco Polo: The Complete Yule–Cordier Edition, trans. Henry Yule, revised Henri Cordier, 2 vols. (Toronto: Dover, 1993), vol. 2, p. 81. 126. Polo, The most noble and famous travels …, sig. B3v. 127. Shepherd suggests instead sometime around 1581–3 as the ‘likeliest’ dates, but acknowledging the impossibilitly of knowing (p. 4), but the more recent Manchester editor, R. W. Maslen (2002), stays with the earlier date (p. 2). 128. Roger Kuin, ‘Querre-Muhau: Sir Philip Sidney and the New World’, Renaissance Quarterly 51.2 (1998): 549–85 (pp. 557–9). 129. Bernadette Andrea, ‘The Tartar Girl, the Persian Princess, and Early Modern Women’s Authorship from Elizabeth I to Mary Wroth’, in Women Writing Back/ Writing Women Back, ed. Anke Gilleir, Alicia Montoya and Suzanna van Dijk (Leiden: Brill, 2012), pp. 257–81; Margaret Hannay, Mary Sidney, Lady Wroth (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2010), pp. 181, 269. 130. Relihan, Cosmographical Glasses, pp. 45–68 (p. 61). 131. She concludes that ‘their only textually authorised choices are to accept the fic- tionalised, classical view or to accept the distortions promoted by Christian writers such as Botero, de Nicholay, and Abbot’ (Relihan, Cosmographical Glasses, p. 61). 132. Philip Sidney, The Poems of Sir Philip Sidney, ed. William Ringler (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1962), pp. 376–7; Das, Renaissance Romance, pp. 71–3 (p. 73). See also Dorothy Connell, The Maker’s Mind (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1977), pp. 114–15, 131–3; Peter Lindenbaum, ‘The Geography of Sidney’s Arcadia’, Philological Quarterly 63 (1984): 524–31. 133. Artaxia seems to have been named for the Armenian Artaxian dynasty, specifi- cally Artaxia IV who was both instated and subsequently deposed (in 428 AD) by the Sassanid (Persian) ruler of the day, Bahram V. This marks the beginning of the long history of Armenian tribute to Persia, a history that continued to Sidney’s own day. Thus in returning her to her Armenian heritage, Sidney partially effaces her association with Persia, but without entirely breaking the connection. 134. Andrea, ‘Persia, Tartaria, and Pamphilia’, p. 23. 135. Andrea, ‘Persia, Tartaria, and Pamphilia’, pp. 23–5, 36–7. Andrea argues that Wroth’s presiding sources for Rodomandro and the political settlement that the marriage of Pamphilia and Rodomandro represents are the pamphlets and texts surrounding the Sherley brothers, particularly the descriptions of the 1611 London visit of Robert Sherley. 136. Romm, ‘Travel’, p. 114. 137. Bernadette Andrea, Women and Islam in Early Modern English Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), p. 9.

3 Staging Persia: ‘To ride in triumph through Persepolis’

1. Daniel Vitkus, ‘Adventuring Heroes in the Mediterranean: Mapping the Boundaries of Anglo-Islamic Exchange on the Early Modern Stage’, Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 37.1 (2007): 75–95. See also Vitkus, Turning Turk: English Theater and the Multicultural Mediterranean, 1570–1630 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003). 2. Linda McJannet provides a helpful overview of the issue of Islam and drama in critical scholarship of the period in her introduction to a special issue of Early 214 Notes

Theatre, ‘Islam and English Drama: A Critical History’, Early Theatre 12.2 (2009): 183–93, as does Mark Hutchings, ‘The “Turk” Phenomenon and the Repertory of the late Elizabethan Playhouse, EMLS 16 (October 2007), 10.1–39. See also the introductions to Three Turk Plays, ed. Daniel Vitkus (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), Jonathan Burton’s Traffic and Turning: Islam and English Drama, 1579–1624 (Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses, 2005) and Matthew Dimmock’s ‘New Turkes’: Dramatizing Islam and the Ottomans in Early Modern England (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2005). 3. By 1598, for example, the inventory of the Admiral’s Men listed four ‘Turckes hedes’ separately from ‘owld Mahemetes head’, all of which are likely to have been used for plays other than Tamburlaine. I am grateful to Andrew Power for this point. See The Diary of Philip Henslowe from 1591 to 1609, ed. John P. Collier (London: Shakespeare Society, 1845), p. 272. 4. See, for example, Jerry Brotton and Lisa Jardine, Global Interests: Renaissance Art between East and West (London: Reaktion, 2000). Nabil Matar’s invaluable work in revealing the extent and variety of English contacts with the Muslim world, and his now famous observation that ‘Renaissance Britons were far more likely to meet or to have met a Muslim than a Jew or an Indian’ (Turks, Moors, and Englishmen in the Age of Discovery (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999), p. 3)), has drawn some criticism for its rather static view of the Muslim on the early modern stage. See Burton, Traffic and Turning, pp. 20–1. 5. Vitkus, ‘Adventuring Heroes’, p. 79. 6. See also forthcoming work by Chloë Houston and Hafiz Abid Masood. 7. Hutchings, ‘The “Turk” Phenomenon’, para. 1. 8. Gerald MacLean and Nabil Matar, Britain and the Islamic World, 1558–1713 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), p. 8. 9. Dimmock, ‘New Turkes’, p. 18. 10. Niayesh, ‘Shakespeare’s Persians’, Shakespeare 4.2 (2008): 127–36 (pp. 130, 128). 11. Tallies vary, but Burton, for example, lists ‘over sixty dramatic works featuring Islamic themes, characters, or settings’ produced in England between 1579 and 1624 (Traffic and Turning, p. 11), and which he calls ‘Turkish Plays’ although not all of the Islamic references are of Ottomans (p. 13). Linda McJannet finds, before 1660, ‘seventy-one dramatic works that deal with Eastern places and peoples after the advent of Islam, thirty-three of which contain some Persian element, whether ancient, modern, or a conflation of both’. ‘Bringing in a Persian’, Medieval and Renaissance Drama in England 12 (1999): 236–67 (p. 239). 12. Burton, Traffic and Turning, p. 29. 13. Burton, Traffic and Turning, pp. 28–32. Thus, he summarizes, ‘the theater was one of the many sites in which early modern English culture both turned to the Turks and strenuously asserted it had not turn’d Turk’ (p. 32). 14. See Vitkus, Turning Turk, pp. 1–24 (p. 23), 77–106; Lloyd Kermode, Aliens and Englishness in Elizabethan Drama (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), pp. 4–5. 15. A ‘sometimes frightening, sometimes exhilarating’ experience that belies the existence of any straightforwardly Orientalist ‘comfortable sense of Western or English selfhood in opposition to a unified form of “Otherness”’. This comes from Vitkus’s review of Travel and Drama in Shakespeare’s Time, ed. Jean-Pierre Maquerlot and Michèle Willems, Shakespeare Quarterly 50 (1999): 97–100 (p. 99). 16. Richard Farrant, The Warres of Cyrus (London: Edward Allde for William Blackwall, 1594), sig. [C3]. Notes 215

17. Niayesh, ‘Shakespeare’s Persians’, p. 134; Javad Ghatta, ‘Persian Icons, Shi’a Imams: Liminal Figures and Hybrid Persian Identities on the English Stage’, in Early Modern England and Islamic Worlds, ed. Bernadette Andrea and Linda McJannet (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), pp. 53–72. 18. McJannet, ‘Bringing in a Persian’, p. 239. 19. William Shakespeare, The Merchant of Venice, ed. M. M. Mahood (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004). 20. The Countess of Auvergne invokes the Tomyris of Justin rather than Herodotus, however, as we can tell by her description of Tomyris as ‘Scythian’. A later text epitomizing the (lost) work of Pompus Trogus, it drew heavily on Herodotus but with some variation due to its additions from Ctesias as well. 21. See Jane Grogan, ‘“Headless Rome”: Titus Andronicus, Herodotus and Ancient Persia’, ELR 43.1 (2013): 30–61. 22. See Paolo Cherchi, ‘“My kingdome for a horse”’, Notes & Queries 46.2 (1999): 206–7. 23. Niayesh, ‘Shakespeare’s Persians’, p. 130. 24. Francis Quarles, Divine Poems (London: M.I. for John Marriot, 1632), ll. 117–18. 25. ‘Cyrus made warre vpon the Massagites, which were of the stocke of the Gothes: of these Messagites came the Getes’ [Goths]. Lodowick Lloyd, The Consent of Time (London: George Bishop and Ralph Newberie, 1590), sig. Q2. 26. See Grogan, ‘“Headless Rome”’. 27. In the play, Antiochus, king of Assyria, advises Ctesiphon to attack Cyrus at night, ‘For in the night he walkes about his campe / Without a guard euen as a common man’ (sig. [B3]v). 28. Philip Schwyzer, Literature, Nationalism, and Memory in Early Modern England and Wales (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 47. 29. In 2 Henry IV, Pistol mangled Tamburlaine’s ‘Holla ye pampered jades of Asia’, line (2.3.163–67). 30. See Chapter 2. 31. See also David Quint, ‘“Alexander the Pig”: Shakespeare on History and Poetry’, boundary 2 10 (1982): 49–67. 32. See Cyropaedia 7.5.8; Herodotus, Histories, 1.189. 33. See, for example, the Introduction comments of the Arden editors of Twelfth Night, J. M. Lothian and T. W. Craik (London: Methuen, 1975), pp. xxx–xxxi. 34. Interestingly, this situation seems to repeat itself after the Restoration, as Ros Ballaster and Bridget Orr have noted. Ballaster notes that from 1662–1785, ‘the period saw only one drama set in Persia with a contemporary or near-contemporary (hence Islamic) context […] by contrast with the many which concerned the first ancient dynasty of Persia established by Cyrus, and the history of the empire under Cambyses, Darius, and Alexander. Bridget Orr concludes that “The attrac- tion of Persian history as a template for the dramatic exploration of the triumphs and vicissitudes of empire depended not just on its antiquity and the perceived continuity of the Empire into the present but also on its status as a primordial other to the West.”’ (Ros Ballaster, Fabulous Orients: Fictions of the East in England, 1662–1785 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 79–80). 35. Godly Queen Hester is notable for its English rather than Persian settings and references at key points. See Greg Walker, Plays of Persuasion: Drama and Politics at the Court of Henry VIII (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 102–32. On the topical resonances of Darius and Cambises in the 1560s, see Paulina Kewes’s chapter, ‘Persian Mirrors for English Magistrates’, in Kingship, Counsel and Early Elizabethan Drama (forthcoming). 216 Notes

36. The Bible and Holy Scriptures … (Geneva: Rouland Nall, 1560). 37. See Chapter 2. There was also occasional speculation in sixteenth-century England that Esther was none other than Cyrus’s daughter Atossa; Ralegh con- tests the idea in his account of Cyrus in The History of the World (London: William Stansby for Walter Burre, 1614) (1.3.8). 38. Richard Farrant, The Wars of Cyrus: An Early Classical Narrative Drama of the Child Actors, ed. J. P. Brawner (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1942), pp. 14–20. Farrant wrote a series of plays, mostly on classical themes, for the Children, notably from 1576 until his death in 1580; Brawner suggests late 1576 or 1577 as a date for this play. 39. All of these details come from an ongoing online project coordinated by David McInnis, www.lostplays.org, accessed 12 February 2012. 40. Folger MS. X.d.259. See Galina Yermolenko (ed.), Roxolana in European Literature, Culture and History (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2010). 41. See The Wars of Cyrus, ed. Brawner, pp. 14–19. All quotes from the play itself come from the 1594 text available on EEBO, however: The Warres of Cyrus (1594). 42. The Warres of Cyrus, sig. [C3]. 43. See Neil Rhodes, ‘Marlowe and the Greeks’, Renaissance Studies 27.2 (2013): 199–218. 44. See Chapter 1. 45. The Warres of Cyrus, sig. [C3]. 46. George Abbot, A Brief Description of the Whole Worlde (London: T. Judson for John Browne, 1599), sig. C3v. Abbot’s Oxford DNB biographer suggests that this popular work was produced for use by his Oxford students, although it was much reprinted and his name only appeared on the title page in printed editions after his death in 1634. 47. Dimmock describes the 1595 Minadoi/Hartwell History as ‘presenting a strikingly simi lar perspective upon these events [the Ottoman–Persian wars] to that which Marlowe had articulated in Tamburlaine less than a decade before’ (‘New Turkes’, p. 139). 48. Giovanni-Tomaso Minadoi, The History of the Warres between the Turkes and the Persians, trans. Abraham Hartwell (London: John Wolfe, 1595), History, sig. B3r. 49. See Jason Scott-Warren, ‘News, Sociability, and Book-Buying in Early Modern England: The Letters of Sir Thomas Cornwallis’, The Library 7.1 (2000): 377–98 (p. 392). 50. Andrea Buonaccorso, Newes come latle from Pera … (London: W. Copland, 1561), no signature. 51. Edward Webbe, The Rare and most vvonderfull things … (London: John Wolfe for William Wright, 1590), sig. B2. The ‘warres of the great Turke, against the lands of Persia, Tartaria, Spaine, and Portugal’ was even declared in the full title of Webbe’s text. 52. Minadoi, The historie of the warres, sig. A3v–A4. Several of Hartwell’s translations were motivated by his work as secretary to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Whitgift’s interest in religious politics at the fringes of Europe. 53. See Margaret Meserve, Empires of Islam in Renaissance Historical Thought (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), pp. 117–54. 54. See Ghatta, ‘Persian Icons, Shi’a Imams’. 55. Jonathan Burton, ‘Anglo-Ottoman Relations and the Image of the Turk in Tamburlaine’, Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 31.1 (2000): 125–56 (p. 125). 56. Vitkus, Turning Turk, pp. 23, 75. 57. Julian Lethbridge traces the potential debts of this dream to Spenser’s Lucifera section of The Faerie Queene, one which as we have seen is also heavily marked Notes 217

by Persian associations. Spenser and Shakespeare: Attractive Opposites (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2008), pp. 32–4. On Persepolis, see note 71. 58. Emily Bartels and Matthew Dimmock also note Tamburlaine’s insistently Persian identity. See Bartels, ‘The Double Vision of the East: Imperialist Self-Construction in Marlowe’s Tamburlaine Part One’, Renaissance Drama 23 (1992): 3–24; Dimmock, ‘New Turkes’, pp. 138–41. For a longer version of this argument about Persian Tamburlaine, see Jane Grogan, ‘“A warre ... commodious”: Dramatizing Islamic Schism in and after Tamburlaine’, Texas Studies in Language and Literature 54 (2012): 45–78. 59. Besides Marlowe’s borrowing of the name of Usum Casan, ‘a mighty king of Persia’ (the king visited by Giosafat Barbaro), Whetstone’s main narrative of Tamburlaine (Book 1, chapter 12) closes with the observation of the enmity ‘(to the benefit of all christendo[m])’ between the Persians and Turks. George Whetstone, The English Myrror (London: J. Windet and G. Seton, 1586). 60. Marlowe is not the first to come up with this strong identification of Timur with Persia. Meserve observes the same phenomenon among quattrocento Italian humanists such as Francisco Filelfo and Flavio Biondo (Meserve, Empires of Islam, pp. 215–23; on European hopes of a Persian ally against the Turks, see pp. 233–4. At least one English Renaissance play drew on Mandeville’s account of Prester John in representing the Persian shah. See Ladan Niayesh, ‘Prester John Writes Back: The Legend and its Early Modern Reworkings’, in Niayesh (ed.), A Knight’s Legacy: Mandeville and Mandevillian Lore (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2011), pp. 155–72. 61. See Ralegh’s Historie of the World, sig. 4D2. See also Book 3, chapters 2 and 3 for several other versions of this idea. 62. Highlighting the ‘ambiguous religious polyphony assigned to Persians during this period’ on the English stage, Ghatta also argues for the viability of Tamburlaine’s identity as a Shi’a Muslim. 63. Johann Carion, The thre bokes of cronycles (London: for Gwalter Lynne, 1550), sig. [D7]. 64. Rhodes, ‘Marlowe and the Greeks’. 65. Rhodes notes that the Panthea/Olympia connection is first observed by Tucker Brooke, although only in relation to The Warres of Cyrus. 66. Justin, Theabridgment of the Histories of Trogus Pompeius, trans. Arthur Golding (London: Thomas Marshe, 1564), sig. B1v. 67. Ralegh, History of the World, sig. 4D2. 68. Richard Knolles’s version is typical: ‘the first and greatest’ cause (of ‘the beginning, progresse, and perpetuall felicitie of this the Othoman Empire’) is ‘the iust and secret iudgement of the Almightie, who in iustice deliuereth into the hands of these mercilesse miscreants, nation after nation, and kingdome vpon kingdome, […] to be punished for their sinnes’. The Generall Historie of the Turkes (London: Adam Islip, 1603), sig. [A4]v. 69. This parallel tradition of reading Cyrus as an exemplar of the mutability of human life can be found everywhere from Livy (History of Rome [9.17.4]), mor- alistic scholarly compendia (e.g. Richard Brathwait, The schollers medley (1614)) and pamphlet poetry to genres more openly inflected by fall-of-princes values (e.g. Lodowick Lloyd’s compendium, The Pilgrimage of Princes (1573) and William Alexander’s closet drama, The Tragedy of Darius (1603)). 70. Machiavelli had praised Xenophon’s Cyrus for his willingness to deceive others in order to win power. See, for example, Discorsi 2.13 and 3.1. 218 Notes

71. Founded by Darius I, Persepolis post-dates the historical Cyrus, but it was sometimes confused in early modern sources with Cyrus’s seat, Pasargadae, in part because of the derivation of both ‘Persia’ and ‘Persepolis’ from ‘Perseus’. Boemus, for example, writes that Persia ‘is so called of Persis the sonne of Iupiter and Danae, of whom also Persepolis the Metrapolitan and chiefe Citty of that nation, taketh his name’. The manners, lawes, and customes of all nations, trans. Edward Aston (London: George Eld, 1611), sig. [G7]v. 72. Contesting this, see Burton, Traffic and Turning, pp. 53–91. 73. Whetstone, English Myrror, p. 75. Whetstone’s own sources were French and Spanish. 74. Eastern Persia bordered the Sunni Uzbek khanates, descendants of the Mongols and Timur himself. 75. Dimmock, ‘New Turkes’, p. 143. 76. ‘A Turkish Prophecie in the Persian Tongue of the Reign and Ruin of the Turks’. John Foxe, Actes and Monuments (London: John Day, 1570), p. 771. 77. Dimmock implies something similar in remarking upon the apparent absence from the Tamburlaine plays of ‘the burgeoning association between England and the Ottoman empire’, and the plays’ apparent strategy of ‘recoil[ing] from the same anxieties into a martial, semi-secularised moment which, through recourse through essentially “medieval” source material manages to conspicuously avoid all mention of England in relation to the Ottoman Empire’ (‘New Turkes’, pp. 147, 148). 78. Hutchings, ‘The “Turk” Phenomenon’, para. 8; see also para. 12. Dimmock describes the influence of the Tamburlaine plays as both ‘benchmark’ and ‘trigger’ for what he calls, more sensitively, the ‘numerous “eastern conqueror” plays that followed’ (‘New Turkes’, p. 18). 79. See Hutchings, ‘The “Turk” Phenomenon’, para 12, and Tom Rutter, ‘Marlovian Echoes in the Admiral’s Men Repertory: Alcazar, Stukely, Patient Grissil’, Shakespeare Bulletin 27.1 (2009): 27–38. 80. Niayesh argues that by its treatment of the Persians’ later descendants, the Parthians, Antony and Cleopatra is Shakespeare’s ‘closest equivalent’ to the Tamburlaine plays. ‘Shakespeare’s Persians’, p. 134. 81. Thomas Heywood, The Four Prentises of London (London: Nicholas Okes for John Wright, 1615), sig. [K4]. 82. Heywood, Four Prentises, sig. H3v. 83. Thomas Kyd, The tragedye of Solyman and Perseda (London: Edward Allde for Edward White, 1592), sig. C1v. 84. The exception, to be discussed at length in Chapter 4, is The Travailes of the Three English Brothers (1607). 85. Othello is a complicated but relevant example; more obvious ones would include The Famous History of the Life and Death of Captain Thomas Stukely, Daborne’s A Christian Turned Turk, Dekker’s The Shoemaker’s Holiday, Peele’s The Battle of Alcazar, Goffe’s The Raging Turk, Massinger’s The Renegado as well as heroic romances such as Four Prentises of London. For a helpful summary of plays in the period with substantial treatments of Persia, see the appendix to Niayesh’s ‘Shakespeare’s Persians’. 86. The plot of Alaham originates in excerpts from Ludovico di Varthema’s Itinerario in The History of Trauayle (1577). 87. Unusually, Assyrian history is represented by the familiar narrative of Croesus and his defeat by Cyrus and Macedonian history by a dramatization of Alexander’s defeat of Darius III. Notes 219

88. It appeared in the 1605 edition of Certaine Small Poems, and in 1607 together with A Panegyrike Congratulatorie, Daniel’s poem written to and for King James’s accession, now with a separate title page and renewed dedication to Prince Henry under the title The Tragedie of Philotas, and once more in Certaine Small Workes (1611). 89. On Mustapha, see Burton, Traffic and Turning, pp. 160–95. 90. Alzada Tipton, ‘Caught between “virtue” and “memorie”: Providential and Political Historiography in Samuel Daniel’s The Civil Wars’, Huntington Library Quarterly 61.3 (2000): 325–43. 91. Kevin Curran, ‘Treasonous Silence: The Tragedie of Philotas and Legal Epistemology’, ELR 42.1 (2012): 58–89 (p. 58). See also Hugh Gazzard, ‘“Those Graue Presentments of Antiquitie”: Samuel Daniel’s Philotas and the Earl of Essex’, Review of English Studies 51 (2000): 423–50 (p. 424). 92. For an overview, see Gazzard, ‘“Those Graue Presentments”’, pp. 423–4. 93. Gazzard, ‘“Those Graue Presentments”’, pp. 425–6. John Pitcher, Daniel’s editor for the forthcoming Oxford edition, concurs (cited by Curran, ‘Treasonous Silence’, p. 60). While broadly accepting the identification with the Essex episode, Curran offers counter-suggestions as to where the Essex paradigm fails to fit in order to argue for the play’s more thematic interests in questions of obedience and state control. 94. Gazzard, ‘“Those Graue Presentments”’, pp. 448–9. 95. This version of the commonplace comes from the Epistle to Prince Henry that appears in the early editions of Philotas (in Certaine Small Poems (London: G. Eld for Simon Waterson, 1605), sig. A4v). 96. ‘Life of Alexander’, in Plutarch, Liues of the Noble Grecians and Romans, trans. Thomas North (London: Thomas Vautrollier, 1579), sig. 3R2v–3R3 (sig. 3R3). 97. ‘Life of Alexander’, sig. 3R2v. 98. Philotas, in Certaine Small Poems, sig. [2]B5v. 99. On the logic of the oikumene, see John Gillies, Shakespeare and the Geography of Difference (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994). 100. Philotas, in Certaine Small Poems, sig. [E8]. 101. Philotas, in Certaine Small Poems, sig. F3v. Far from being in Media, Susa was the ancient Elamite capital conquered by Cyrus and the location for Cambyses’s palace, as well as being the setting of Aeschylus’s Persians. 102. On ‘functional ambiguity’ as a characteristic of early modern literature, see Annabel Patterson, Censorship and Interpretation (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1984), p. 18. 103. Alexander’s own connection to the Sidney circle comes somewhat later, with his continuation of Sidney’s Arcadia which began to be printed with the Arcadia from 1613. 104. William Drummond of Hawthornden corroborates this role as the prince’s poet in his 1612 elegy for Prince Henry in which the ‘swannet’ ‘Alexis’, like Colin Clout, hangs up his shepherd’s reed, and fills the Doven with his tears. Although the Monarchick Tragedies lack a dedicatee, Alexander’s status as a Gentleman of Prince Henry’s Privy Chamber is stated on the title page of the first full edition of them (1607), which also concludes with two poems written by Alexander for and to King James. 105. See Ian M. Green, Humanism and Protestantism in Early Modern English Education (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2009), pp. 157–8. 106. Williamson identifies Alexander’s verse to Prince Henry and his father as not just pro-imperial, but in a markedly apocalyptic scenario, despite the warnings 220 Notes

against over-reaching embedded in his Monarchick Tragedies (‘An Empire to End Empire: The Dynamic of Early Modern British Expansion’, in The Uses of History, ed. Paulina Kewes (San Marino, CA: Huntington Library, 2006), pp. 239–42). 107. Tipton’s suggestion that Daniel is never fully invested in providential theories of historical causation is relevant here. 108. Darius (1604), sig. G1v. 109. Gentleman to Prince Henry’s Privy Chamber in 1607 edition, and ‘S[i]r W. Alexander, Knight’ on the title page of the 1616 Monarchick Tragedies. 110. For an opposing view in a slightly later period, see James Knowles, ‘“The Faction of the Flesh”: Orientalism and the Caroline Masque’, in The 1630s: Interdisciplinary Essays on Culture and Politics in the Caroline Era, ed. Ian Atherton and Julie Sanders (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006), pp. 111–37. 111. Thomas Campion, The description of a maske [Somerset Masque] (London: Edward Allde and Thomas Snodham, 1614), sig. B1. 112. Ben Jonson, The Masque of Queenes (London: Nicholas Okes for R. Bonian and H. Wally, 1609), sig. E1. 113. In this schema the empires are Assyrian, Persian, Graeco-Macedonian and Roman, though they can be conjured differently. 114. Thomas Tompkis, Albumazar (London: Nicholas Okes for Walter Burre, 1615), sig. F1v. 115. Tompkis, Albumazar, sig. [B4]v. 116. See Michelle O’Callaghan’s analysis of the Coryate letters and publications and their social functions in The English Wits: Literature and Sociability in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007). 117. McJannet, ‘Bringing in a Persian’, p. 244. 118. Richmond Barbour, Before Orientalism: London’s Theatre of the East, 1576–1626 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), p. 7.

4 Sherley Persia: ‘Agible things’

1. Editions and collections of the documents surrounding the Sherleys, including some not previously printed, began to appear from the early nineteenth century. See The Three Brothers (London: Hurst, Robinson & Co., 1825); a Shirley descendant, Evelyn Philip Shirley’s The Sherley Brothers (Chiswick: Roxburghe Club, 1848); Franz Babinger’s Sherleiana (Berlin: Reichsdruckerei, 1932); E. Boies Penrose’s The Sherleian Odyssey (Taunton: Wessex Press, 1938); and the Broadway Travellers series collection edited by E. Denison Ross, Sir Anthony Sherley and His Adventures (London: Routledge, 1933). 2. Sir Anthony Sherley His Relation of his Travels into Persia (London: for Nathaniel Butter and Joseph Bagfet, 1613), sig. B1v (here henceforth termed Relation). 3. Abel Pinçon’s Relation d’un Voyage faict és annes 1598 et 1599, par un Gentil-homme de la Suitte du Seigneur Scierley, was first printed in Relations Véritables et Curieuses (Paris, 1651), and is reprinted in Ross (ed.), Sir Anthony Sherley, pp. 137–74 (p. 164). 4. Letters complaining about Sherley’s boasts and behaviour in Venice were received by the Cecils from intelligence sources in Venice. 5. Sanjay Subrahmanyam describes the curiously unrevealing richness of the archives on Anthony Sherley’s activities between 1598 and 1601 as ‘the ultimate paradox in matters of early modern diplomatic history’. See his important piece on Anthony Sherley, ‘The Perils of Realpolitik’, in Three Ways to be Alien: Travails Notes 221

and Encounters in the Early Modern World (Waltham, MA: Brandeis University Press, 2011), pp. 73–132 (p. 97). 6. Relation, sig. B3. 7. Only the French and English took less interest in these plans and entreaties to the Persians, their own commercial and diplomatic ties with the Ottomans at various stages militating against supporting such projects. 8. This is reported in Richard Knolles’s The Generall Historie of the Turkes (London: Adam Islip, 1603). On Hapsburg embassies, see Subrahmanyam, Three Ways, pp. 81–4. 9. Cecil Papers letter, CP 193/101 [Calendar, vol. 19, p. 109]. 10. Cecil Papers, 67/90. 11. Subrahmanyam, Three Ways, p. 126; pp. 119–20. 12. Rui Manuel Loureiro, ‘After the Fall of Hormuz: Naval Campaigns and Textual Battles’, in Revisiting Hormuz: Portuguese Interactions in the Persian Gulf Region in the Early Modern Period, ed. Dejanirah Couto and Rui Manuel Loureiro (Wiesbaden: Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation/Harrassowitz Verlag, 2008), pp. 261–70 (p. 261). 13. See [H. Chick (ed.)], A Chronicle of the Carmelites in Persia and the Papal Mission of the XVIIth and XVIIIth centuries (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1939). 14. In particular, the Ottoman blockade of Persian goods following the battle of Chaldiran in 1514 until the death of Selim I in 1520 catalysed Persian exploration of alternative routes and allies. Genoa and Venice had longstanding trade agreements with Persia that stretched back into the fifteenth century (as did Muscovy), although the bulk of Persian silk seems to have been processed through Ottoman centres, primarily Aleppo, during the sixteenth century, at least. See Rudolph P. Matthee, The Politics of Trade in Safavid Iran: Silk for Silver, 1600–1730 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 19–24. 15. See Matthee, The Politics of Trade, pp. 15–32. 16. See Uruch Beg, Don Juan of Persia, a Shi’a Catholic, 1560–1604, trans. G. LeStrange (New York: Routledge, 1926), p. 258. 17. Vasco Resende, ‘“Un home d’inventions et inconstant”: les fidélités politiques d’Anthony Sherley, entre l’ambassade safavide et la diplomatie européenne’, in Revisiting Hormuz, ed. Couto and Loureiro, pp. 235–57. 18. From Greville’s letter (written 1600) to his cousin Greuill Varney in France in Certaine learned and elegant workes (London: for Henry Seyle, 1633), fol. 295. It remains uncertain when and where Anthony converted (or reconverted), with reports from Venice and from his later career in Spain, where he later seeks recognition as a ‘Catholic knight’ (see Subrahmanyam, Three Ways, p. 112). There are even reports in 1598 from an English agent that he has ‘torned from a Cristian to a Turke’ and works for the Ottomans. See Vasco Resende, ‘“Un home d’inventions et inconstant”’, pp. 247, 254n. 19. The affair gained some notoriety in London, although many years later Robert’s name seems to have recovered from it, with Thomas Fuller crediting Robert with having given Nuqd Ali Beg ‘a Box on the Ear’ (The History of the Worthies of England (London: for Thomas Williams, 1662), sig. 3O2v), and not the other way around. Nuqd Ali Beg seems to have been his replacement, ‘Abbas having given up once and for all on the Sherleys, but he was also a tricky character who seems to have alienated both court and city. In fact, the mission of Nuqd Ali Beg was a recent new initiative by ‘Abbas, and not necessarily a replacement or undermining of Robert Sherley’s admittedly reluctant and heavily delayed European mission. 20. Robert Coverte, A True and Almost Incredible Reporte (London: William Hall, 1612), sig. H3v. John Cartwright, The Preachers Trauells (London: for Thomas Thorppe, 1611), sig. [K3]v. 222 Notes

21. See Bernadette Andrea, ‘Lady Sherley: The First Persian in England?’, The Muslim World 95 (2005): 279–95. 22. On the ‘physical and discursive presence of women from Central Asia and Persia in England’ as a neglected aspect of the negotiation of female authorship and authority by Queen Elizabeth and Mary Wroth, see Bernadette Andrea, ‘The Tartar Girl, the Persian Princess, and Early Modern Women’s Authorship from Elizabeth I to Mary Wroth’, in Women Writing Back/Writing Women Back, ed. Anke Gilleir, Alicia Montoya and Suzanna van Dijk (Leiden: Brill, 2012), pp. 257–81; Women and Islam in Early Modern English Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012); ‘Lady Sherley’. 23. I quote from the dramatists’ printed Prologue, the play’s Prologue and Epilogue respectively. 24. Jonathan Burton, Traffic and Turning: Islam and English Drama, 1579–1624 (Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses, 2005), p. 40. 25. Anthony’s ire at the cost of his disguise as a merchant when he is conned of his jewels in the Relation is twofold. But when his brother Thomas faces serious charges of impeding Levant Company trade through some compromising letters, Thomas later protests to Robert Cecil that he ‘presumed that I might as freely write to such friends as I have abroad as merchants and all other men do’. Cecil Papers CP 124/150 (Calendar Vol. 19, p. 474). 26. Cecil Papers letter, CP 193/101 (Calendar Vol. 19, p. 109). 27. British Library manuscript, BL MS Egerton 1824 (possibly the original 1622 copy written by dictation to a Spanish clerk, suggests Denison Ross). 28. Relaciones de D. Juan de Persia (1604), translated into English by G. LeStrange as Don Juan of Persia. See Jonathan Burton, ‘The Shah’s Two Ambassadors’, in Emissaries in Early Modern Literature and Culture: Mediation, Transmission, Traffic, 1550–1700, ed. Brinda Charry and Gitanjali Shahani (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2009), pp. 23–40. 29. William Parry, A New and Large Discourse of the Travels of Sir Anthony Sherley (London: Valentine Simmes for Felix Norton, 1601); George Manwaring, A True Discourse of Sir Anthony Sherley’s Travels into Persia (1601), which was first printed in full in the 1825 collection, The Three Brothers, pp. 23–96; the anonymous (and quickly suppressed) pamphlet A True Report of Sir Anthony Shierlies Journey (London: R.B. for J. Jaggard, 1600) probably belongs to this category too. 30. John Cartwright, The Preachers Trauells (1611); Antonio de Gouvea, Relacam em que se Tratam … (Lisbon: Pedro Craesbeeck, 1611) and his Glorioso Triunfo de tres Martires Españoles (Madrid: Juan Gonçales, 1623). For contemporary accounts of the Sherleys written by ambassadors of rival states, see, for example, Pietro della Valle’s Delle Conditioni de Abbàs Rè de Persia (Venice: F. Baba, 1628) and Don Garcia de Silva y Figueroa’s manuscript Comentarios, later edited by the Sociedad Bibliofilos Españoles (Madrid, 1901), and Joan-Pau Rubiès, ‘The European Context of Don García de Silva y Figueroa’s Embassy to Shah Abbas’, in Rui Manuel Loureiro and Vasco Resende (eds.), Estudos sobre Don García de Silva y Figueroa e os “Comentarios” da embaixada à Persia (Lisbon: CHAM, 2011), pp. 86–133. 31. George Abbot, A Brief Description of the Whole Worlde (London: T. Judson for John Browne, 1599), sig. C3r–v. 32. Samuel Purchas also included a more openly sceptical ‘appendix … out of Sir Anthony Sherley’ to the lengthy treatment of Persia dominating the fourth book of his 1617 Purchas His Pilgrimage (London: William Stansby for Henry Fetherstone, 1617), sig. 2P3–[2P4]r. On the divergent prestige of travellers included in Hakluyt Notes 223

and Purchas, see Mary Fuller, Remembering the Early Modern Voyage: English Narratives in the Age of European Expansion (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), pp. 4–5. 33. Anthony Parr points out Purchas’s delicacy in describing Anthony and Robert Sherley as ‘Honorable, I had almost said Heroike Gentlemen’. ‘Foreign Relations in Jacobean England: The Sherley Brothers and the “Voyage of Persia”’, in Travel and Drama in Shakespeare’s Time, ed. Jean-Pierre Maquerlot and Michèle Willems (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 14–31 (p. 15). 34. See Anthony Parr (ed.), Three Renaissance Travel Plays (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995), pp. 7–9. 35. Parr explores the relationship between the two texts and their likely origins with Thomas in the Introduction to his edition of the play in Three Renaissance Travel Plays, pp. 7–9. 36. See Parr, ‘Foreign Relations’, p. 18. 37. When Pope Clement VIII sent the Discalced Carmelites to Persia in 1604, there was already an Augustinian house established at Isfahan, and Augustinians had been in Ormuz since 1573. 38. On the shadow cast by Thomas Stukely on Anthony’s role, especially having been invoked in Nixon’s pamphlet, see Parr, ‘Introduction’, Three Renaissance Travel Plays, pp. 5–6; Subrahmanyam, Three Ways, pp. 88–9. 39. See Chloë Houston, ‘“Thou glorious kingdome, thou chiefe of Empires”: Persia in Early Seventeenth-Century Travel Literature’, Studies in Travel Writing 13.2 (2009): 141–52, especially pp. 143–6. 40. Travailes, xi.152, xi.121–2. 41. Daniel Vitkus traces Bullithrumble’s dramatic ancestry back to another Persian play, Thomas Preston’s Cambyses (1561). Vitkus (ed.), Three Turk Plays from Early Modern England (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), p. 20. 42. Parr, ‘Introduction’, p. 16. Rumours of Shah ‘Abbas’s imminent conversion to Christianity were surprisingly long-lasting, but warrant comparison with Jesuit rumours of the possible conversion of the Moghul emperor Akbar, and indeed the claims of both Catholic and Protestant French writers claiming to have converted him at various stages. Houston suggests that ‘[i]t is perhaps because of their knowledge of and emphasis on Persian religious tolerance that the English reports printed in London stop short of stating explicitly that ‘Abbas favoured Protestantism over Catholicism’ (‘“Thou glorious kingdome”’, p. 146). 43. See Peter Holland ‘“Travelling hopefully”: The Dramatic Form of Journeys in English Renaissance Drama’, in Travel and Drama in Shakespeare’s Time, ed. Marquerlot and Willems, pp. 160–78; Annaliese Connolly, ‘Guy of Warwick, Godfrey of Bouillon, and Elizabethan Repertory’, Early Theatre 12 (2009): 207–22. 44. See Jane Grogan, ‘“A warre … commodious”: Dramatizing Islamic Schism in and after Tamburlaine’, Texas Studies in Language and Literature 54 (2012): 45–78. 45. ‘Mortus Ali’ is a corruption of ‘Mortaza Ali’, cousin and son-in-law of Mohammed and the first Shi’a imam. 46. Burton, Traffic and Turning, pp. 71–2. 47. See Javad Ghatta, ‘Persian Icons and Shi’a Imams: Liminal Figures and Hybrid Persian Identities on the English Stage’, in Early Modern England and Islamic Worlds, ed. Bernadette Andrea and Linda McJannet (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), pp. 53–72, especially pp. 59–64 on the play’s hints of familia- rity with Zoroastrian beliefs, still to be found in Persia. 48. See Andrew Fitzmaurice, ‘Neither Neo-Roman nor Liberal Empire’, Renaissance Studies 26.4 (2012): 479–90. 224 Notes

49. H. Neville-Davies, ‘Pericles and the Sherley Brothers’, in Shakespeare and His Contemporaries: Essays in Comparison, ed. E. A. J. Honigmann (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1986), pp. 94–113 (pp. 95–6). 50. Parr, ‘Foreign Relations’, pp. 23–7 (p. 26). See also Ghatta, ‘Persian Icons’; Holland, ‘“Travelling hopefully”’, p. 168; Richard Publicover, ‘Strangers at Home: The Sherley Brothers and Dramatic Romance’, Renaissance Studies 24 (2010): 694–709; and Burton, ‘The Shah’s Two Ambassadors’, pp. 23–40. 51. Burton argues that the play presents an entirely European concept of the ambassador onto what must, historically, have been the Persian concept of the safir, in ‘The Shah’s Two Ambassadors’. He concludes that we might best consider Anthony Sherley a ‘proto-Flashman’, a ‘bigot, coward and all-around scoundrel who wins admiration and honors due only to his virtuoso charlatanism in British East India’ (p. 40), and emphasizes the ‘appropriations’ of the east that occur in what are presented as ‘transculturation’ processes. 52. On concerns over English ‘apishness’, see Mary Floyd-Wilson English Ethnicity and Race in Early Modern Drama (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), pp. 54–7. 53. Vitkus helpfully cites Daniel Carey’s insight that ‘English authors “worried about the impact of travel precisely because they accepted the commensurability of human beings, and therefore the capacity of the English to become like those they observed and with whom they lived”’. Turning Turk: English Theater and the Multicultural Mediterranean, 1570–1630 (New York and Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), p. 9. 54. Jerome Turler, for example, advised that ‘It is after one maner that wee liue at home, and another that wee liue abroade’, in The Traveiler (London: William How for Abraham Veale, 1575), sig. C3. 55. The dispensation of clemency by a just leader is one of the key ‘patterning’ strate- gies that Vivenne J. Gray notes of Xenophon’s Cyrus, and it was certainly one his early modern readers heeded. Xenophon’s Mirror of Princes: Reading the Reflections (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011). 56. The Pentecostal sermon appears in Acts 2:14–36. 57. Gerald MacLean and Nabil Matar, Britain and the Islamic World, 1558–1713 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), pp. 63–71 (p. 63). 58. The manuscript lacks the Epistle to the Reader, implying that the printers, Nathaniel Butter and Joseph Bagfet, or persons associated with them, wrote it. Among the differences between manuscript and printed text are the absence of the title ‘Mirza’ as one Anthony was given by Shah ‘Abbas, although it appears both in the epistle and the narrative of the printed text. For a full analysis of the manuscript, see Peter Blayney, The Texts of ‘King Lear’ and their Origins (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), vol. 1, pp. 258–91 and 630–65. Judging by the watermarks, Blayney proffers a date before 1603 (Texts of ‘King Lear’, pp. 266–7) as a likely date of composition. 59. ‘Industriated’ appears twice on sig. B1r–v; see also S2 where Robert tells Shah ‘Abbas that his brother ‘industriate[s]’ himself on ‘Abbas’s behalf. Other coinages include ‘uniall’ (for which the OED suggests ‘united into one’), ‘palesate’ (for ‘manifest’) and ‘sceleratness’ (from ‘scelerate’, meaning ‘atrociously wicked’). Once again, they attach to the motivations of Anthony’s ‘voiage of Persia’: ‘vniall’ appears in his voicing of the Earl of Essex’s alleged proposition of the voyage, ‘making a profitable experience of my seeing those Countries, limiting vpon the King of Spaines vniall parts, and answering to her Maiesties Merchants trades in Notes 225

Turky and Muskovy’. Only ‘agible’ and the derivative ‘sceleratness’ gain some (short-lived) currency after the Relation. 60. One recurring criticism of the brothers regards their prodigality and careless talk, which frequently seems to have involved boasting of their connections and ambi- tions, and Anthony’s extended report of his wisely counselling a monarch may seek to counter such reports. 61. Might there be, in the alimentary analogy, a coy allusion to Coryate’s Crudities (1611) – a book Robert allegedly thinks interesting enough to bear with him from Agra to Isfahan (and, presumably, from London to Agra) on his return from this first embassy? 62. ‘Improvisational drive’ is Michelle O’Callaghan’s term in The English Wits: Literature and Sociability in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 128–52 (p. 145). On Coryate, see also Angus Vine, In Defiance of Time: Antiquarian Writing in Early Modern England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), pp. 139–68. 63. That the offender is Portuguese, representing the strongest European presence in the Persian Gulf and thus the strongest likely opposition to English projects in Persia, is probably not coincidental. But leaning on romance values was a family favourite: in 1598, the younger Thomas Sherley tried to exculpate himself after some misjudged privateering by writing to Robert Cecil of ‘the unreverent words that [the crew of the hijacked ships] used against her Highness, which he resolved to avenge, or die in the quarrel’. 64. For recent work on the ‘relation’, see Frances Dolan, True Relations: Reading, Literature, and Evidence in Seventeenth-Century England (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013). 65. Coverte, A True and Almost Incredible Reporte, sig. H3v–[H4]r. 66. Coverte, A True and Almost Incredible Reporte, sig. I1. 67. Purchas, Purchas His Pilgrimage, sig. 2P3. 68. Interestingly, the Relation may also register the anti-imperial ideology that remembrance of the ancient Persian empire recalls through its Herodotean legacy: when the Ottomans and Persians come to terms in the treaty of Amasya it is in terms of a mutual repudiation of koros that they do so, as Anthony presents it – ‘that each should be contented with that they had’ (sig. [E4]v). 69. Shah ‘Abbas also benefits in the printed text from frequently having his praises or his words distinguished by the italicization that marks Anthony’s frequent exposition of learned sententiae. 70. For example, Fulke Greville’s letter to his nephew Grevill Varney (published 1633). See note 18. 71. Relation, sig. K1v. 72. The contentiousness of the English export of metals and munitions to the Ottomans is well known; Thomas Sherley also alludes to it in his Discours of the Turke. See Matthew Dimmock, ‘“Guns and Gawds”: Elizabethan England’s Infidel Trade’, in A Companion to the Global Renaissance, ed. Jyotsna G. Singh (Oxford: Blackwell, 2009), pp. 207–22. 73. See Subrahmanyam, Three Ways, pp. 98–9. 74. Even when it was briefly taken over by the East India Company, on King James’s orders, a renewal of interest in Anglo-Persian trade failed to materialize. 75. For recent arguments identifying the pursuit of a ‘more accommodating relationship between virtue and commerce’ under the sign of empire at the start of the seventeenth century, see the essays in a recent special issue of Renaissance 226 Notes

Studies 26.4 (2012), especially Fitzmaurice’s introduction: ‘Neither Neo-Roman nor Liberal Empire’, pp. 480–1. 76. For an argument presenting Anthony as a competent analyst and practitioner of realpolitik, see Subrahmanyam, Three Ways.

Epilogue: Ormuz

1. Sir Anthony Sherley His Relation of his Travels into Persia (London: for Nathaniel Butter and Joseph Bagfet, 1613), sig. M3r–v. 2. Relation, sig. O1v–O2. This situation had been rectified by the time of Robert’s second embassy to England. 3. On the place of Ormuz alongside Goa and Portugal’s East African settlements, see Nicola Melis, ‘The Importance of Hormuz for Luso-Ottoman Gulf-Centred Policies in the 16th Century: Some Observations Based on Contemporary Sources’, in Revisiting Hormuz: Portuguese Interactions in the Persian Gulf Region in the Early Modern Period, ed. Dejanirah Couto and Rui Manuel Loureiro (Wiesbaden: Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation/Harrassowitz Verlag, 2008), pp. 107–20 (especially pp. 113–14). 4. See Willem Floor, ‘Who were the Niquelus?’, in Revisiting Hormuz, ed. Couto and Loureiro, pp. 89–105. 5. See Floor, ‘Who were the Niquelus?’, pp. 98–9. 6. John Crouther, Richard Steel and later Edward Connock were the agents involved. The development was not without its critics: despite the promising early reports of Edward Connock and later EIC agents, and despite being granted access to ‘Gombroon’, the ambassador Sir Thomas Roe was unconvinced about its potential. See Rudolph P. Matthee, The Politics of Trade in Safavid Iran: Silk for Silver, 1600–1730 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), Chapter 4. 7. See Luis Gil Fernández, ‘Ormuz pendant l’únion dynastique du Portugal et de l’Espagne (1582–1622)’, pp. 177–90 and Floor, ‘Who were the Niquelus?’, both in Revisiting Hormuz, ed. Couto and Loureiro. 8. Matthee, The Politics of Trade, p. 106. 9. For example, two notable plays, John Denham’s The Sophy (1642) and Robert Baron’s Mirza (1655), drew inspiration from Herbert’s text. See Matthew Birchwood, Staging Islam in England: Drama and Culture, 1640–1685 (Woodbridge: D. S. Brewer, 2007), pp. 70–8. 10. The legacy of the long and often violent economic and political history of Anglo- Persian relations since the seventeenth century can be seen in the suspicions of the presence of British plots in every aspect of Iranian life satirized in Iraj Pezeshkzad’s classic 1973 novel, My Uncle Napoleon. Bibliography

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’Abbas, Shah 25, 29, 34–5, 38, 150, biblical references 9–11, 14–15, 47–8, 153–4, 157, 173–8, 180–2 87, 89, 144 Abbot, George 157 Blount, Charles 143 Abradatas 65–6, 82 Boemus, Johanna 24, 49–50, 185, 192, Achaemenid empire 8, 14, 24, 38–9, 53 193, 194 Aeschylus 35 Boiardo, Matteo Maria 71, 73 Ahn, Doohwan 46 Botero, Giovanni 24 Albumazar 148 Brawner, J. P. 122 Albuquerque, Afonso de 180 Brotton, Jerry 90, 188, 205, 210, 214 d’Alessandri, Vincentio 152 Brylinger, Nikolaus 40 Alexander, William 67, 89, 116, Bryskett, Lodowick 50, 198 137, 143–7, 151; see also Monarchick Buckingham, Duke of 47 Tragedies Buonaccorso, Andrea 126, 189, 192 Alexander the Great 4, 9, 14–17, Burton, Jonathan 112, 114, 127, 162, 24, 27, 30–1, 49, 56, 67, 73, 78, 80, 188, 194, 203 86, 88–92, 117, 119, 122, 124, 128, 137–43, 144–6, 163, 168, 175, 204, Cambyses 110, 114, 117–18, 120–2, 205, 209, 210, 212, 215, 218 125, 142, 223 Allde, John 104, 121 Cambyses, King 3, 41, 54, 110, 114, Andrea, Bernadette 111, 188, 195, 201, 117–18, 121–2, 142, 215, 219, 223 213 Camerarius, Johann 40 Anne, Queen 147 Campion, Edmund 103 Araspes 66, 68 Campion, Thomas 147 Arbaces, King of Media 88, 101–3, 211 Carion, Johannes and Carions Ariosto, Ludovico 70–6 Chronicle 10, 47, 55, 89, 129 Aristotle 54, 56, 62, 77 Cartwright, John 25, 38, 125, 155, 157, Armitage, David 21, 60, 77 185, 196 Arthur, Prince 96 Castiglione, Baldessare 49, 53, 56, 201, Ascham, Roger 3, 13, 49, 52 202 Assyria 3, 10, 39, 46, 47, 54, 78, 87–8, Cavallo, Jo Ann 71 95, 100–2, 122–3, 137, 144, 145, 147, Cervantes, Miguel 41 215, 218, 220 Chancellor, Richard 22 Astyages 53–4, 64, 88, 89, 122 Charles I 43–4 Ayton, Robert 146 Chaucer, Geoffrey 84 Cheke, Sir John 12–14, 40, 42, 52, 197 Balot, Ryan K. 81 chorus, use of 122, 124, 140–3 barbarians and barbarism 6, 9–12, 21, Chrysantas 66 33–7, 167, 184 Cicero 12, 22, 36, 40, 49, 53, 60–2, 82, Barbaro, Daniele 12 114 Barbaro, Giosafat 11–12, 40, 217 Cleland, James 51, 59, 65 Barker, William 13–14, 42–4, 51, 54–8, Comber, Thomas 15 68, 86 Cooper, Thomas and Coopers Bayerlipp, Susanne 12 Chronicle 15, 55, 83, 202, 208 Beaumont, Francis 158 Corrai, Angelo 152

251 252 Index

Coryate, Thomas 15, 19, 22, 75, 148, Elyot, Sir Thomas 8, 14, 39, 49, 55–8, 174, 179 202 Cotton, Sir Dodmore 182 Erasmus 48–52, 63, 201 Coverte, Robert 155, 175 Essex, Earl of 138–43, 151–2 Cramsie, John 58–9 d’Este, Ercole 71 Croesus, King 8, 48, 63, 78, 81–2, 87, Estienne, Henri 40, 43, 79, 197 95, 117, 137, 144–5, 168, 218 Cyaxares 54, 58 Farrant, Richard 66, 116, 121–2; Cyrus the Great and the see also [The] Warres of Cyrus Cyropaedia 2–9, 13–15, 22, 26–8, Fennes, Thomas 86 37–68, 78–91, 98, 121, 127, 131–2, Ferdowsi, Abolqasem 24; 162–3 see also Shahnameh Cyrus the Younger 14, 40 Fitzmaurice, Andrew 163 Fletcher, Giles 33 Daniel, Samuel 9, 34, 116, 137–47; Fletcher, John 100 see also Philotas Florio, John 22 Dante 84 Floyd-Wilson, Mary 35, 106, 224 Darius I 2, 35, 38, 89, 128, 129, 201, Foorth, J. 50 218 Four Prentises of London 75, 135–6, 161, Darius III 67, 89, 117, 137, 144–6, 168, 169 209, 212, 215 Foxe, John (and Foxe’s Book of Das, Nandini 74, 103, 110 Martyrs) 10, 89, 134 Davies, Sir John 34 Frampton, John 108, 192 Day, John 151, 158–61, 166; Freire, Rui 182 see also [The] Travailes of the Three Frontinus 46 English Brothers Fuchs, Barbara 9, 59–60, 78 Dee, John 11, 22 Digby, Francis 44, 46 Gastaldi, Giacomo 16 Dimmock, Matthew 112, 134, 194, Gazzard, Hugh 139, 219 210, 211, 214 Gellius, Aulus 41 Diodorus of Sicily 9, 14, 36, 77, 78, 87, genres 6, p, 14, 26, 27, 38, 40, 76–9, 101–2, 207, 210 96, 112–16, 121, 122, 135, 149–50, Dolan, Frances 7 158–76, 212, 217 Domenichi, Ludovico 13, 188, 198 Ghatta, Javad 113, 129, 190 Dormer, Robert 79 Gilbert, Sir Humphrey 32–3 drama, English 5, 28–9, 112–49, 158–71; Gillies, John 34, 80, 189, 219 see also ‘Turk’ plays Giraldus Cambrensis 11 du Bosc, Jacques 84 Goffe, Thomas 135 Ducket, Geoffrey 20, 36–7; Golding, Arthur 88, 130 see also Muscovy Company Greenblatt, Stephen 14, 93 Greene, Robert 122, 131, 135; see also East India Company 5, 21, 29, 99, 109, Selimus 113, 148, 150, 178, 181–2 Gregory XV, Pope 34–7 Eden, Richard 22, 104, 191 Greville, Fulke 137–8, 151, 154 education, Persian 49–52, 55–8, 64 Edward VI 11–13, 40, 42 Hadfield, Andrew 65, 187 Edwards, Arthur 20–2; see also Muscovy Hakluyt, Richard 1–2, 7, 20, 22, 60, 77, Company 99, 109, 158, 162–3 Elizabeth I 1–3, 17–23, 40–1, 97–8, Hall, Edith 35 138 Hanmer, Meredith 134 Index 253

Harborne, William 21, 98–9 Jameson, Fredric 27 Harington, Sir John 73–6 Jardine, Lisa 90, 194, 214 Harris, Jonathan Gil 30–1 Jenkinson, Anthony 1, 3–4, 17, 19–20, Hartog, François 34, 142, 195 22, 25, 153, 158, 162–3, 190, 191, Hartwell, Abraham 22, 125–6, 157 192, 193, 212; see also Muscovy Harvey, Gabriel 8, 10, 41, 50–1 Company Heliodorus 75, 77 Johnson, Richard 95, 100; see also Henry VIII 7 Seven Champions of Christendome Herbert, Sir Thomas 182–4, 188, 226 Jonson, Ben 86, 147 Herbert, William 42 Jugge, John 104 Herodotus 8, 14, 28, 36, 41, 46, 48, 51, Justin, St 49, 88, 97, 101 54, 69, 72–88, 96–8, 122, 124, 142–3, 171, 194, 200, 201, 207, 208, 211, 215 Keilen, Sean 9 Hervet, Gentian 42 Kemp, Will 164–5, 172 Heywood, Thomas 75, 84, 135–6, 161; Kewes, Paulina 86, 215 see also Four Prentises of London Killeen, Kevin 47 History of Trauayle 17, 22, 76, 104, 109, Kolb, Justin 73, 210 125–6, 162, 191, 193, 212, 218 koros concept 80–8, 92–3, 97–8, 103, Holland, Henry 43–5, 56, 184 129–31, 145, 171, 207, 225 Holland, Philemon 43–5, 54–5, 137, 184 Kuin, Roger 109 Homer 62, 67, 83, 89 Kyd, Thomas 136; see also Soliman and Hondius, Jodocus 16, cover-image Perseda Horace 4 Howard, Jean 27 Lanquet, Thomas 83; see also Cooper, humanism 2–4, 10–15, 23, 36–41, 46, Thomas and Coopers Chronicle 48–54, 56–8, 65, 68–9, 82, 90, 119, Leunclavius, Johann 40 141–2, 144, 163, 166–7, 176, 179, 187, Levant Company 21, 99, 113, 155, 178 197, 217 Levin, Carole 5 Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester 36 Lloyd, Lodowick 48, 86, 185, 217 Hunter, G. K. 123 Loomba, Ania 34 Hutson, Lorna 40, 42, 197 Looney, Dennis 73 Hydaspes 77 Loureiro, Rui Manuel 153 Hythloday, Raphael 53, 74 Ludovico di Varthema 21–2, 25, 75, 192, 193, 218 ‘imperial virtues’, Persian 28, 51, 53–7, 60–9, 96–7, 130, 172, 179 Machiavelli, Niccolò 46, 56–8, 63–8 imperialism, British 7, 11, 28–9, 59–60, McJannet, Linda 113, 116, 148 82, 92, 112, 131, 163, 179, 187, 203, MacLean, Gerald 2, 4, 30, 57, 60, 113, 206 171 Islam 4, 7–9, 16, 19, 23–7, 29–30, Maley, Willy 9–10 36, 28, 71–2, 91, 94–5, 106–8, 111, Mandeville, Sir John 27, 75, 107–8 112–14, 119–20, 125–37, 154, 162, mapping of Persia 16–18, 189, 190, 211 175, 186, 192, 193, 194, 195, 210, Marlowe, Christopher 16, 26, 28, 116, 213–14, 215 119, 126–35, 141, 149, 161, 171; Isma’il, Shah 9, 23–5, 133, 192 see also Tamburlaine Marshall, William 43, 184, 199 James VI and I 9, 11, 29, 40–3, 48–9, Mary I 86 57–61, 67–8, 123, 130, 136–40, 142–4, Massinger, Philip 100 146–8, 150, 155, 199, 201, 203, 219, Matar, Nabil 2, 4, 113, 171 225; Basilikon Doron 57–9, 68, 137, 142 Matthee, Rudolph P. 27, 150, 182 254 Index media 39, 46, 52–5, 88–9, 97, 100–3, Parr, Anthony 6, 166, 223 132–3, 139, 140, 211, 219 Parry, William 23 Mehmed II 90 Parsons, Robert 103 Melanchthon, Philip 47 Pelham, Sir William 79 Middleton, Thomas 157, 161 Peltonen, Markku 50 Mikalachki, Jodi 9, 187 Pembroke, Countess of see Sidney, Milton, John 7, 197 Mary Minadoi, Giovanni Tommaso 38, Perry, Curtis 87 125–6, 134, 157 Persepolis 2, 12, 15, 26, 89, 91, 126, Monarchick Tragedies 89, 114, 116, 137, 128, 131,140–1, 188, 218 143–7 Persia, English conceptions of and More, Sir Thomas 7–8, 53, 61–2; relations with 2–31, 36–42, 50–1, see also Utopia 72–3, 148–51, 157–9, 165, 167, 179, Mulcaster, Richard 49, 55, 176, 197 182–4 Munday, Anthony 73, 99–100, 103–8 Persian language 19, 53 Murad III 98–9 Peter Martyr 22, 191 Murrin, Michael 73, 94 Philotas 116, 137–43 Muscovy Company 1, 3, 20–5, 75, 94, Pinçon, Abel 151 99, 150, 154, 157–8, 162–3, 178, 182, Pisan, Christine de 84 191–2, 211 Plato 41, 53–4, 63 Plutarch 9, 14–15, 28, 40, 43, 49, Nadon, Christopher 52, 192, 201 67, 91, 138, 140, 143, 145, 205, Newberrie, John 21, 99 207, 209 Ng, Su Fang 91, 186 Polo, Marco 4, 22, 104, 108, 191 Niayesh, Ladan 113–14, 117–18, 188, Preston, Thomas 110; see also Cambyses 212, 215, 217, 218 Privy Council 138–40 Nicholls, Thomas 14 Purchas, Samuel 77, 158, 161, 176 Nicolas de Nicolay 22–3, 109 Puttenham, George 46, 49, 89, 197 Ninus 78, 87–8, 96, 101–2, 122, 145, 209 Qizilbash 24, 95, 184 Nixon, Anthony 157, 159, 168, 223 Quint, David 78 Norris, John 44, 46 Quintus Curtius 14, 43, 67, 91, 122, North, Thomas 15, 189 205, 209 Nuqd ‘Ali Beg 182 Ralegh, Walter 47–8, 130–1 Orientalism 26, 33, 49, 72, 79, 102, 194 Ramusio, Giovanni Battista 22 Ormuz 29, 138, 150, 152, 178, 180–4, Read, David 93 223 Relihan, Constance 109–10 Oroondates 77 Rhodes, Neil 9, 123, 130–1, 187, 188, Ortelius, Abraham 16–17, 89, 132, 189, 197, 217 211 Riche, Barnabe 79 Ottoman empire 11, 21–6, 30, 36–7, Robinson, Benedict 71, 94, 103, 205, 60, 76–7, 98–9, 108–11, 112–16, 206, 210, 211–12 125–34, 138, 146, 149, 152–5, 178 romance 28, 69, 70–111; Hellenistic 75 Painter, William 131 Rowley, William 151, 158–61, 166; Palmer, Thomas 168 see also [The] Travailes of the Three Pan his Syrinx 73, 88, 99–104 English Brothers Panthea 64–8, 82, 83, 110, 123, 130, Rubiès, Joan-Pau 27 141, 145–6, 204 Rudolf II, Emperor 155 Index 255

Sacks, David Harris 8, 211 Stoicism 68 Sackville, Thomas 46–7, 199 Stukely, Thomas 179 Safavid dynasty and empire 8–9, Subrahmanyam, Sanjay 153, 185, 220, 19–26, 91, 132–4, 154, 163, 178 226 Said, Edward 29, 72, 127 Suleiman, Emperor 110 Sallust 87–8, 209 Sardanapalus 78, 88, 209 Tacitus 36, 126 Savory, Roger 5 Tahmasp, Shah 1–2, 20–1, 25, 98–9, Schwyzer, Philip 119 110, 162–3 Scipio Africanus 9, 22, 56–7, 62, 67–8, Tamburlaine 7, 26, 28, 72, 89, 114–16, 80, 87, 89, 144, 202, 204 119, 123, 124, 126–35, 137, 141–3, Scudèry, Madeleine de 44, 67, 84 147, 161–3, 178, 214–18 Scythia and Scythians 32–4, 37, 86, 100, Tatum, James 51 102, 124, 128–32, 157, 192, 211, 215 Taverner, Richard 75 Selim, Sultan 25, 80 Thomas, William 11–13, 40 Selimus 80, 131, 135, 160 Thucydides 9, 14, 35, 43, 189 Seven Champions of Christendome 95, Tomkis, Thomas 148 100, 108, 210, 212 Tomyris 81–6, 90, 97, 100, 117–18, Shahnameh 91, 131 121–2, 147, 171, 206, 208, 215 Shakespeare, William 3, 5, 9–10, [The] Travailes of the Three English 28–31, 33, 76, 86, 89–92, 113–16, 161; Brothers 151, 155, 158–76 allusions to Persia 117–20 travel 1–2, 4, 8, 11–19, 22–5, 27, 30, Sherley, Anthony 20–1, 25, 29, 150–84; 32, 36–8, 53, 56, 60, 74–6, 81, 91, His Relation of his Travels 151, 154, 95, 100–9, 120, 125–6, 148–9, 150–8, 157, 167, 171–80 161–3, 168, 171–84 Sherley, Robert 15, 21–2, 25, 59, ‘Turk’ plays 29, 112–16, 124, 127–8, 150–78, 181–2 134–8, 141, 149, 160 Sherley, Teresia 155–6, 166–70 Turkey Company 76, 98–9 Sherley, Sir Thomas 151, 153, 155, 157 Turler, Jerome 168 Sherley, Thomas the younger 151, 155–6, 159–64, 169, 174 Underdowne, Thomas 75; see also Shuger, Debora 34 Heliodorus Sidney, Mary 137–8 Utopia 27, 32, 46, 50, 53, 61–2, 74, Sidney, Sir Philip 3, 8–13, 39–42, 46–9, 103, 195 55–68, 73, 92, 108–11, 127, 138 Slavitt, David R. 70–1 Valla, Lorenzo 50, 110 Sleidan, Johannes 10, 15, 200 Van Meteren, Emanuel 86 Smith, Sir Thomas 32, 50, 195 Venice 5, 11, 13, 20, 40, 117, 152–3, Soliman and Perseda 136 161, 188, 192, 220, 221 ‘Solon’s happiness’ 80–2, 117–18, 145, Verstegen, Richard 10, 15–16 207 Virgil 43, 61–2, 98, 190, 198 ‘sophy’, use of term 26–7 Vitkus, Daniel 93, 106, 112, 114, 127 speculum principis tradition 6, 38, 47, 49, 51, 57 Waldegrave, Robert 144 Speed, John 16, 38, 60, 89, 190, 211 Warner, William 73, 88, 99–103, 108, Spenser, Edmund 4, 7–8, 13, 28, 34, 55, 162, 164; see also Pan his Syrinx 60–1, 71, 73, 76, 79, 92–8 103–4, 207, Warres of Cyrus, The 115–16, 118–19, 210, 215; The Faerie Queene 4, 28, 55, 121–4 60, 61, 71, 73, 83, 92–8, 215–16 Watkins, John 5 Stillman, Robert 37 Webbe, Edward 21, 126 256 Index

Whetstone, George 129, 132–4 Xenophon 3, 8–9, 13–15, 22, 27–8, Whitwell, Charles 17–18 33–68, 73–7, 81–4, 93, 96–8, 116, 119, Wilkins, George 151, 158–61, 166; 122–4, 127, 131–2, 142, 162, 171, 176; see also [The] Travailes of the Three in England 40–8 English Brothers Xerxes 35, 73 Willes, Richard 16–17, 22, 104 Wilson, Thomas 3 Zelauto 73, 99, 103–8 Wroth, Mary 70–2, 111, 155, 205, 213, Zoroastrianism 16, 24, 53, 108, 148, 222 163, 211, 223